Suchergebnisse

Regional surveys indicate that about half the Poles who migrated since 2004 are living back in Poland. However, surveys of returnees also suggest that most are not committed to settling. This article explores why, looking at re-integration problems common worldwide, but also at the specifics of post-communist Poland, such as regional inequalities, job insecurity and low social trust. Although many returnees will continue to migrate temporarily, for others (notably those aged around 30) the experience of failed return to Poland inclines them to settle abroad. Such double return migrants engage in new, less transnational livelihood strategies, integrating more abroad and burning bridges back to Poland. Adapted from the source document.

After surveying the historical and legal background of the return migration to Israel, the empirical investigation reported in this paper—based on a random sample of Israeli citizens who returned during 1970 from the U.S., Canada, and France—addressed itself to the subject of motivations to migrate. The analysis has shown that the attraction that Israel has for its citizens residing abroad is primarily associated with patriotic commitments and family ties, whereas forces pushing people from other countries play only a minor role in return migration to Israel. The Israeli Government plan of granting special economic benefits to returnees during 1968–1970 did not achieve its designated purpose.

In a median-voter framework with pensions and immigration we show that only few unskilled immigrants are allowed into the country because the unskilled native median voter is concerned with negative effects on his or her wage, but not with the positive effects to other groups in society. When return migration is allowed for, the median voter is more willing to accept immigration because he or she can shift some of the burden to future generations. Adapted from the source document.

ABSTRACTThis study deals with return migration among immigrants in Sweden who are between 51 and 80 years old. An important question regards the impact of retirement on return migration. Some circumstances connected to the withdrawal from the labour market suggest an increased propensity to return, such as the transition from a wage income to a pension, which weakens the link between place of residence and income. In addition, patterns of return migration at the end of working life may indicate whether or not temporary migration is a planned strategy. It is found that when reaching the age of 65, the legal retirement age in Sweden, the probability of return migration increases, in particular for men. The effect of retirement is immediate; the probability of return migration declines again beyond the age of 65, indicating a conscious plan to return to the home country when the labour market career is over.Furthermore, immigrants who receive early retirement compensation have a considerably higher probability of return migration compared to those who are not retired. These clear "retirement effects" show that return migration can be an important ingredient in the welfare optimization strategies of migrants. When it comes to income selectivity, the analysis shows that there is a positive selection, something that is expected when migrants are target savers with a temporary migration strategy.

Recently there has been growing interest among scholars in ethnic return migration. This article examines return migration during the post World War 2 period of descendants of Estonians who emigrated to Russia at the end of the nineteenth and at the beginning of the twentieth century.A case of return migration of West‐Siberian Estonians from the Omsk province is used as an example. Structuration theory is adopted and return migration is treated as a behavioural norm that evolves, spreads and becomes embedded within an ethnic minority living outside its homeland.The research shows that in the case of West‐Siberian Estonians the main carrier of the migration behavioural norm is a generation. The behavioural norm of Estonians born in the 1910s‐1920s has been return migration to Estonia, while the migration behaviour of the 1930s‐1940s and the 1950s‐1960s generations can be characterized by urbanization in West Siberia.Behind these inter‐generation differences in migration behaviour can be found the different socialization of the generations, appearing largely on the level of practical consciousness.The results give reason to assume that ethnic return migration over a long period depends neither directly nor indirectly on momentary environmental changes, but rather on changes in people's values, habits, identity etc., which in the case of an ethnic minority living outside its historical homeland may be followed generation by generation.