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This thesis is a comparative work in which two historical events are defined and examined as political myths. The definition immediately raises problems as the habitual use of the term myth by historians implies falsehood. The author argues that the traditional dichotomy of mythos and logos is more problematic than is habitually understood. Rather, he argues that certain highly-resonant historical episodes are a disconcerting mixture of fact and fiction, and that their appeal to their target audience is predicated on an authority that overrides concerns about factual accuracy. Furthermore, as this is a study of civic religion and the politics of public commemoration, the thesis problematises both the status of the sacred in (supposedly) secularised societies and the role of the rational in politics. Two cases are presented. These are the Battle of Kosovo Polje of 1389 and the Munich Agreement of 1938. Noted is that both events have been extraordinarily influential; that they have a paradigmatic status and an authority that has often been used to confer political legitimacy. The comparative method uses several factors: durability, factual accuracy, ownership, flexibility, level of usage and media of transmission. The examination of the legacy of the Battle of Kosovo Polje study is longitudinal. It seeks to establish to the small degree possible what actually happened in 1389, and contrast this with the popular narrative. This popular narrative, most especially the vibrant tradition of Serbian epic poetry, is then explored at length through a well-known theory of myth analysis. Previous studies have not approached this oral tradition at length or in a systematic manner. The work then offers different examples of the agents and events inspired by the legacy of the battle, among them the most important events in the modern Balkans. It then attempts to systemise the different modalities through which the event has been instrumental. The examination of the Munich Agreement also offers an overview of the events of the 1930s, and contrasts this with a highly simplistic narrative that has been extracted from these events. This is in strong contrast to the Kosovo legacy; in that case there were few sources to indicate what happened; as regards the Munich Agreement and the policy of appeasement from which it grew, much is known, but the record is largely ignored at the expense of an inaccurate but seemingly deeply-compelling narrative. The political usage of Munich is then examined via several cases, typically conflict situations. Emphasis is placed on the statements and justifications of politicians in different periods and political cultures. Modes of argumentation are examined, and a singular pattern is detected. Finally the thesis compares the two cases, their differences and similarities, with the ambition of solidifying the concept of a political myth, highlighting the extraordinary influence of the usable past on the present.

Darba mērķis ir noskaidrot, kā izgaismotas un vērtētas Sudetu krīzes un Minhenes vienošanās pamatlīnijas un izpausmes Latvijas presē. Darbā mērķa sasniegšanai veikti šādi uzdevumi: 1.Salīdzināta informācija par Sudetu krīzi un Minhenes vienošanos latviešu presē un vietējo vāciešu presē; 2.Salīdzināta presē paustā informācija ar Latvijas Valsts vēstures arhīvā atrodamajiem Latvijas sūtņu ziņojumiem ārlietu ministram, kā arī ar Latvijas Politiskās pārvaldes ziņojumiem par stāvokli Latvijas sabiedrībā iekšlietu ministram; 3.Analizējot iegūto informāciju, noskaidrots cik lielā mērā Latvijas iedzīvotāji bija informēti par Eiropā notiekošajām politiskajām aktivitātēm un kā tas ietekmēja sabiedrības noskaņojumu un valsts ārpolitisko kursu. Maģistra darbs sastāv no ievada, avotu un literatūras apraksta, trim pamatnodaļām, secinājumiem un pielikumiem. Darba gaitā secināts, ka Latvijas presei trūka patstāvīgas pozīcijas minēto jautājumu atspoguļošanā. Latviešu presei informācija galvenokārt ņemta no angļu un franču preses materiāliem, bet Vācijas presei no vācu prese materiāliem. Faktu materiāls prese izdevumos ir labs, taču trūkst informācijas analīze un novērtējuma no Latvijas oficiālo amatpersonu puses. Minētie trūkumi presē lielā mērā saitīti ar Latvijā valdošo autoritāro politisko režīmu. ; The aim of the paper is to clarify how the Sudetenland Crisis and the Munich Agreement baselines and appearance in Latvian press were highlighted and evaluated. In order to achieve the aim of the paper the following tasks have been accomplished: 1.Information about the Sudetenland Crisis and the Munich Agreement in Latvian press and local German press has been compared; 2.Information found in press has been compared to Latvian envoys' reports to Minister of Foreign Affairs taken from the Latvian State Historical Archives, as well as reports of Latvian Political board about the situation in Latvian society to Minister of Interior have been taken into account. 3.By analyzing the acquired information it has been clarified at what scale inhabitants of Latvia were informed about ongoing political activities in Europe and how these activities influenced mood of society and course of state's foreign policy. Master's paper consists of introduction, description of sources and literature, three basic chapters, conclusions and annexes. During the research it has been concluded that Latvian press lacked independent position when reflecting these events. The information in Latvian press was mainly taken from the English and French press materials, but German press took information from German press materials. Factual material found in press publications is good however it lacks analysis of information and assessment of Latvian officials. Press deficiencies mentioned are majorly connected with the authoritarian regime reigning in Latvia.

"Most of the works on the crises of the 1930s and especially the Munich Agreement in 1938 were written when it was virtually impossible to gain access to the relevant archive collections on both sides of the Iron Curtain. This text studies the Czechoslovak-German crisis and its impact from previously neglected perspectives and celebrates the post-Cold War openness by bringing in new evidence from hitherto inaccessible archives."--Jacket

WHAT MAKES THE BLUNDERS OF THE PREWAR PERIOD, OF WHICH THE CLIMAX WAS MUNICH, SO IMPORTANT FOR THE WESTERN CONSCIENCE TO RETAIN IS THAT ALL THE INSTINCTS THAT THEN ELICITED THE POLICY OF APPEASEMENT REMAIN ALIVE IN THE WESTERN DEMOCRACIES TODAY. AMONG THE PARALLELS BETWEEN THE PREWAR PERIOD AND TODAY THAT OUGHT TO DISTURB US ARE FOUR IN PARTICULAR: A DOUBLE STANDARD REGARDING THE USE OF FORCE, BY WHICH RADICALS ARE PERMITTED TO EMPLOY FORCE TO GAIN THEIR ENDS WHILE DEMOCRATIC ELEMENTS THAT OPPOSE THEM ARE ENJOINED TO RELY ON WORDS ALONE; A FAITH IN ARMS CONTROL TREATIES, WHOSE EFFECT IS TO INHIBIT DEFENSE SPENDING BY THE DEMOCRACIES, BUT NOT BY THEIR ADVERSARY, WHOSE POLICIES ARE THE CAUSE OF OUR REQUIRING HIGH DEFENSE BUDGETS IN THE FIRST PLACE; ATTITUDES OF INDIFFERENCE OR EXPEDIENCY TOWARD ALLIES FIGHTING FOR THEIR FREEDOM; AND FAITH IN PERSONAL DIPLOMACY OVER ESTABLISHED PRINCIPLES OF STATESMANSHIP IN A HARSH WORLD OF POWER RELATIONS.

The appeasement of Hitler and the Munich Agreement is a rhetorical comparison used commonly in international relations to defend politico-military action. On the basis of conceptual history and rhetorics, we examine cases of political speech in this paradigm. Firstly, we discuss time and conceptualize experience into first and second order experiences. Secondly, the roles of metaphor, metonymy and analogy in relation to thought and action are examined. We then contextualise Munich 1938, and present three cases demonstrating the political usage of this metonymy since WWII. These range from the Suez Crises to the Gulf War and on-going War on Terror. These cases show that "Munich" can be used in multiple contexts. Our hypothesis is that "Munich" has proved very instrumental politically; it has been a key element in the final push to use force on numerous occasions, and we conclude that it is a very dangerous form of anti-diplomacy.