Suchergebnisse

Each country in the Southern African Development community(SADC) has its own educational system. The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) which is one of the countries members of the SADC has its own. In this article we look into its educational system with the aim of checking some issues regarding the end of the high school Examinations and the certificate awarded to successful learners. These examinations are called "Examens d'Etat" The certificate awarded is called the "Diplome d' Etat" (State diploma). Some of the concerns we have brought forward on this article have been experienced for so long. It is in our opinion the right time that they require the closer look of the authorities to improve the situation. We compare the DRC's system to that of South Africa (RSA) with regards to this matter and suggest some recommendations. DOI:10.5901/jesr.2015.v5n1p45

The theory that a country's dependence on primary resource exports canharm its development prospects has received extensive attention within academic circles. This phenomenon appears to be quite evident in a country like the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), which possesses considerable mineral wealth but has been plagued by conflict, corruption and poor governance. This article applies the various streams of resource curse theory to the post-independence history of the DRC to gauge its applicability to the country's experience. It is clear that resource curse theory offers a compelling explanation for the development trajectory of the DRC, which has been impeded by internal conflict, corruption and ongoing foreign-backed instability.

The Congo Basin forests are a prime location for implementing REDD+. National REDD+ policy processes are ongoing and many REDD+ pilot initiatives are being demonstrated. However, the level of national engagement, progress and distribution of REDD+ activities varies considerably in the different Congo Basin countries. This study therefore uses a set of criteria to assess national and international policy initiatives and approaches for advancing REDD+ implementation in Cameroon and the Democratic Republic Congo (DRC), two countries where more than two thirds of the Congo Basin forests are concentrated. Our findings show that (i) both countries have shown the highest political presence at the international climate negotiations but DRC has invested more in the size of its delegation and side events ; (ii) REDD+ donors, initiatives, and funding are disproportionately skewed towards DRC making it technically more advanced ; (iii) the high political interest and institutional reforms in DRC favors private sector investments in REDD+ programs ; and (iv) the REDD+ policy process is internally-driven in Cameroon with a strong national ownership, while it is externally-driven in DRC with weak national ownership. To advance REDD+, the government of DRC should embark on capacity building programs that ensure the transfer of REDD+ technical know-how from international to national actors while Cameroon needs to speed-up governance reforms and be more flexible in order to attract influential international REDD+ actors. This paper further provides specific recommendations.

What is the nature of the armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo? Is it a civil war, as constantly reported by the international media, or is it a war resulting from foreign aggression, as indicated by the authorities in Kinshasa? Irrespective of what one may think of the regime set up by Laurent-Desire Kabila in the DRC, the legitimacy of his position needs to be recognised, especially considering that rebel groups only became active after the country was invaded by Rwanda and Uganda on 2 August 1998. Why did the war break out in the DRC? How is it that a country the size of an entire continent was invaded, occupied and exploited by much smaller states such as Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi? This article attempts to answer these questions. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper I consider the phenomenon of the "child-witches" in Lubumbashi (Katanga, DRC) as the result of the intertwine of two dynamics: the accusation of children within the sphere of the family and the large number of street children in Congolese cities. On the one hand, witchcraft accusations within the family tend to work in two ways: as a mode of children's subjugation, exerted especially by pastors in neopentecostal churches; and as a "pragmatic of uncertainty" that allow Congolese families to deal with uncertainties of life, such as sickness, suffering, marital problems, failure, and death. On the other hand, children in the streets of Lubumbashi suggest a witchcraft discourse linked to the symbolic violence that should be read in terms of boundaries, margins, and liminality: street children are associated with witches because they have transgressed basic social norms and they live out of the ordinary social networks (kinship, family, school). In this vein, I propose an ethnographic approach which takes into account the multiform feature of the "child-witches" highlighting the importance of the everyday practices and ordinary objects in family ties definition and witchcraft accusations.