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Much of the recent research on civil war treats explanations rooted in political and economic grievances with considerable suspicion and claims that there is little empirical evidence of any relationship between ethnicity or inequality and political violence. We argue that common indicators used in previous research fail to capture fundamental aspects of political exclusion and economic inequality that can motivate conflict. Through a statistical analysis of all civil wars since 1960, we show that our theoretically informed indicators of political discrimination and economic marginalization among ethnic groups are powerful predictors of civil war onset. Individual-based inequality indicators, in contrast, display only weak effects. This article in Norwegian is a revised and updated version of earlier work published in English.

Much of the recent research on civil war treats explanations rooted in political and economic grievances with considerable suspicion and claims that there is little empirical evidence of any relationship between ethnicity or inequality and political violence. We argue that common indicators used in previous research fail to capture fundamental aspects of political exclusion and economic inequality that can motivate conflict. Through a statistical analysis of all civil wars since 1960, we show that our theoretically informed indicators of political discrimination and economic marginalization among ethnic groups are powerful predictors of civil war onset. Individual-based inequality indicators, in contrast, display only weak effects. This article in Norwegian is a revised and updated version of earlier work published in English.

AbstractThis article reviews approaches to the study of poverty, inequality and social exclusion in rural areas and seeks to relate these to new directions in class analysis and to ideas of place and hyper‐mobility. The article is primarily conceptual, drawing on Bourdievian approaches to class analysis and suggesting a new research agenda on class and inequality in rural areas. Specifically, the article argues that there is a need to research not only the ways in which those in similar social positions construct place and rurality, but also how these discursive and symbolic constructions are enlisted in class formation and domination. How does rurality itself become a vehicle for increasing and storing inequality and thence for its intergenerational transmission?

The issue of co-ordination in welfare policy in the European Union (EU) has been the subject of many analyses and discussions, but still it has not attained the same level of importance given to the coordination of economic policy. The aim of the paper is to determine the situations and actions in Croatia and the EU in the eradication of poverty and social exclusion. The paper starts with the theoretical and methodological framework, which is followed by an account of the states of affairs in EU member-states. After the description of the situation in Croatia, especially of its advantages and disadvantages as compared to other transitional countries and future members of the EU, the paper ends with a conclusion and proposals for improvement.

This paper attempts both to "bring up to date" the author's conception of social stratification as set forth in two previous general papers written in 1940 and 1953, and to broaden the field of consideration by giving special attention to the forces pressing toward equality in various respects, as well as the bases of inequality. The position taken is that the erosion of the legitimacy of the traditional bases of inequality has brought to a new level of prominence value‐commitment to an essential equality of status of all members of modern societal communities.Inequalities, among units of societal structure which are essential in such fields as economic productivity, authority and power, and culturally based competence, must be justified in terms of their contribution to societal functioning. The balancing of the respects in which all members of the societal community and many of its collective subunits must be held to be equal with the imperatives of inequality constitutes one of the primary foci of the problem of integration in modern society. A few suggestions about the mechanisms by which this integrative process can operate are presented.

Arbeitssituation und Wahrnehmung sozialer Ungleichheit im Arbeitsleben
und in der Gesellschaft.

Themen: Arbeitszufriedenheit; Charakterisierung der guten und
schlechten Seiten der eigenen Arbeit; Zufriedenheit mit der Bezahlung;
Bewertung von Aufstiegsmöglichkeiten; Einstellung zu
Einkommensunterschieden und allgemeine Beurteilung der
Einkommensentwicklung in der BRD; Interesse an beruflicher
Selbständigkeit; Einstellung zum Leistungslohn; Anzahl der monatlichen
Überstunden; Einstellung zur Gefahrenzulage versus Verbesserung der
Sicherheit am Arbeitsplatz; Anzahl der monatlichen Überstunden;
Einschätzung der Benachteiligungen von Frauen, Arbeitern, und
Angestellten im Berufsleben; gleiche Arbeit und gleicher Lohn;
Einstellung zur Höhe der Sozialhilfesätze und zu einem besseren
Ausbildungsgeld für Lehrlinge; Berufspläne für die Kinder; Einschätzung
der Aufstiegsmöglichkeiten für die Kinder; Häufigkeit eigener
Arbeitslosigkeit und Arbeitslosigkeit des Vaters; Beurteilung der
eigenen Arbeitsplatzsicherheit und Furcht vor einer neuen
Wirtschaftskrise; eigene Mitgliedschaft und Mitgliedschaft des Vaters in
einer Gewerkschaft; Einstellung zur Notwendigkeit von Gewerkschaften;
eigene Streikbereitschaft; wichtigste Aufgaben des Staates; Partei, die
am ehesten die Interessen der Arbeitnehmer vertritt; Zuweisung der
Verantwortlichkeit für Preisstabilität und zukünftiger Erhöhung des
Lebensstandards; Einstellung zu Hausbesetzungen; Zufriedenheit mit der
Demokratie in der BRD; Beurteilung der eigenen wirtschaftlichen Lage und
der zukünftigen Entwicklung; Zufriedenheit mit dem eigenen
Lebensstandard.

Demographie: Parteipräferenz; Betriebsgröße; Selbsteinschätzung der
vertikalen Mobilität; Bewußtsein von sozialer Schichtung; Wohnsituation
und Mietkosten; Alter (klassiert); Geschlecht; Familienstand;
Kinderzahl; Schulbildung; Berufsausbildung; Beruf; Einkommen;
Haushaltseinkommen; Haushaltsgröße; Politikinteresse; soziale Herkunft;
Ortsgröße; Bundesland; innegehabte und innehabende Ämter.

This article analyses the inequality of access of people to the international policy process. It is argued that this presents an important challenge for global social policy considerations. The work explores the question of how these inequalities are produced, maintained and reproduced by looking at the relationship between international organizations and non-governmental organizations. As an entry point discussions of social exclusion are introduced and then linked to the concept of durable inequality. This move provides a way of looking at how conditions of exclusion are maintained and reproduced over time. Two instances of IO/NGO relationship are looked at as illustrative examples. The first case looks at the processes whereby international gay and lesbian organizations are trying to obtain formal NGO consultative status with the United Nations by applying to the UN's Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC). The second case looks at the role of NGOs within the formal structure of the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), which has created a new perspective for international organizations.