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This paper presents evidence that candidate issue positions have a measurable impact on elections for the U.S. House of Representatives. For eight election years, electoral margins of Northern incumbent congressional candidates were examined to test the proposition that "moderates" within each party are better vote getters than those whose roll call records reflect their party's ideological extreme. The effects of roll call positions on election results were estimated by examining the relationships between roll call "extremism" and vote margins with district presidential voting held constant as a control for normal constituency voting habits. Although no strong support was found for the proposition that Democratic Representatives lose electoral support when they take extremely liberal roll call positions, a clear pattern emerged for Republicans: the Republican Congressmen who are the best vote getters tend to be the relative moderates and liberals who avoid the extreme conservative end of the political spectrum. An analysis of survey data suggests that the small group of voters whose electoral decisions are influenced by their Republican Congressman's roll call performance are found within the ranks of a select group who are both free of strong partisan motivations and highly politically informed.

ECOLOGICAL REGRESSION IS EMPLOYED TO DETERMINE THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SUPPORTING COALITIONS OF SENATORS IN THE 88TH CONGRESS. INDEPENDENT VARIABLES WERE ESTIMATES OF THE PROPORTION OF EACH SENATOR'S VOTE. 4 GROUP DICHOTOMIES WERE USED: (1) WHITE/NONWHITE, (2) PERSONS EMPLOYED IN AGRICULTURE OR (3) MANUFACTURING/NONMANUFACTURING, & (4) PERSONS LIVING IN UR/NONUR AREAS. DATA WERE COLLECTED FROM THE 1960 US CENSUS. THE ESTIMATION OF INDEPENDENT VARIABLES WAS TAKEN FROM SENATORIAL RACES IN THE 1958, 1960, & 1962 ELECTIONS. DEPENDENT VARIABLES INCLUDE THE 4 INDICES OF SENATE ROLL CALL BEHAVIOR & MAIN VOTES OF THE 88TH CONGRESS (1963-1964). THE 88TH CONGRESS WAS CHOSEN BECAUSE OF THE REGULARLY ELECTED SENATORS IN 1 OF THE 3 BIENNIAL ELECTIONS BETWEEN 1958-1962. 75 SENATORS WERE USED IN THE STUDY. THE 1ST 2 INDICES USED WERE CONGRESSIONAL QUARTERLY MEASURES OF SUPPORT IN THE CONGRESS FOR CONSERVATIVE COALITION & FOR INCREASING FEDERAL ROLE IN US GOVERNMENT. THE 2 OTHER INDICES INCLUDED DEPENDENT VARIABLES COMPUTED BY THE COMMITTEE ON POLITICAL EDUCATION & THE AMERICANS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION. THE MAGNITUDES OF GROUP CONTRIBUTIONS TO A SENATOR'S ELECTORAL COALITION ARE STRONGLY ASSOCIATED WITH HIS ROLL CALL BEHAVIOR. COALITION CHARACTERISTICS WERE SHOWN TO BE SUPERIOR TO STATE DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS IN PREDICTING SENATORIAL ROLE CALL BEHAVIOR. 1 FIGURE, 4 TABLES. MODIFIED HA.

ECOLOGICAL REGRESSION IS APPLIED TO DETERMINE THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SUPPORTING COALITIONS OF SENATORS IN THE 88TH CONGRESS. FOUR GROUP DISCHOTOMIES WERE USED: WHITE/ NONWHITE, PERSONS EMPLOYED IN AGRICULTURE OR MANFACTURING/ NONMANUFACTURING, AND PERSONS LIVING IN URBAN/NONURBAN ARGAS.

Theories of electoral accountability predict that legislators will receive fewer votes if they fail to represent their districts. To determine whether this prediction applies to state legislators, I conduct two analyses that evaluate the extent to which voters sanction legislators who cast unpopular roll-call votes or provide poor ideological representation. Neither analysis, however, produces compelling evidence that elections hold most state legislators accountable. I discover that legislators do not face meaningful electoral consequences for their ideological representation, particularly in areas where legislators receive less media attention, have larger staffs, and represent more partisan districts. In a study of individual roll-call votes across 11 states, I furthermore find a weak relationship between legislators' roll-call positions and election outcomes with voters rewarding or punishing legislators for only 4 of 30 examined roll calls. Thus, while state legislators wield considerable policymaking power, elections do not appear to hold many legislators accountable for their lawmaking.

ABSTRACTObjectivesCorrectly ascertaining person-time at risk is paramount to longitudinal studies of health services research and relies on the ability to track the status of individuals throughout the study. Administrative health data contain limited information on where study subjects live in the time between episodes of health service use. Accurate ascertainment of person-time at risk is important particularly when it varies differentially across exposure groups or covariates. Historical electoral roll data allows better specification of person-time and also provides longitudinal information on geographic location facilitating the inclusion of accessibility and socio-economic status longitudinally. This study evaluated the utility of Australian historical electoral roll data to capture place of residence throughout the time line of a whole of population longitudinal cohort study over 20 years to better ascertain person-time at risk and changes in socio-economic status (SES).ApproachThe association between regularity of GP contact and potentially preventable hospitalisations (PPHs) in WA was modelled using person-level linked data where the time at risk and socio-economic status for both the exposure (regularity of GP contact) and outcome (PPHs) was assumed to be constant throughout the follow up until death. The analysis was then repeated incorporating historical (longitudinal) electoral roll data. These data partitioned follow up time and socio-economic status according to location of residence within the State to better characterise access and SES and included removal (out-of-State/country migration) and re-enrolment records.ResultsSubstantial differences were found in the number of people at risk (46,625 (13%) of people were never at risk) and person-time at risk (reduction of 473,708 (22%) person-years at risk) when cross-sectional electoral roll and health administrative data were augmented using historical electoral roll data. Substantial changes in residential postcode (up to 25 changes) were observed and these impacted on the accessibility and SES classification across the duration of the study. These changes significantly impacted the magnitude of the relationship between GP contacts on PPHs determined by models.ConclusionsCurrently cross-sectional electoral roll data are available to researchers in WA solely for the purposes of identifying and characterising a cohort at baseline. However these data are longitudinal and contain important information that improve analyses. Information on their utility is important so as to leverage their availability from the Australian Electoral Commission.

"The third edition updates developments since 2013 including: The effect of COVID 19 on the 2020 election date, as well as new legislative provisions to respond to emergencies at election time; Changes to political funding rules, voting procedures and enrolment practices; The Supreme Court's issuing of NZBORA declarations of inconsistency in relation to prisoner voting and the voting age, as well as subsequent parliamentary responses; The Court of Appeal's discussion of election broadcast regulation in Watson and Jones v Election Commission; Prosecutions against individuals involved in fundraising activities for the NZ First, National and Labour Parties; Changes to how Māori may move between the Māori and general electoral rolls"--Publisher information

AbstractThis paper investigates how legislators respond to an electoral reform by adjusting their positions with respect to co‐partisans and rivals. Using cross‐sectional legislative roll calls over 20 years, we study how the dynamics of blue‐green confrontation are influenced by Taiwan's electoral reform from Single Non‐Transferable Votes (the SNTV) to Single‐Member Districts (SMD). Contrary to existing literature, our empirical evidence shows that the reform significantly fragmented legislator positions within their party and in relation to members from opposing parties, leading to an increase in contentious legislation and higher levels of both inter‐ and intra‐party distance. In the years following the reform, the political confrontation between the Kuomintang and the Democratic Progressive Party gradually diminished, eventually returning to levels seen before the reform. Moreover, our analysis reveals that the 2008 reform had heterogeneous effects on different parties, with each party displaying varying levels of resilience in response. This finding contributes to electoral system literature, providing policy implications for democratic countries contemplating electoral reforms.