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Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Anita Heiss Introduction -- Susie and Alice Anderson Two tiddas -- Evelyn Araluen Finding ways home -- Bebe Backhouse It's not over -- Alicia Bates My story -- Don Bemrose Dear Australia -- Tony Birch My father has a story -- Norleen Brinkworth Murri + Migloo = Meeks Mob -- Katie Bryan Easter, 1969 -- Deborah Cheetham So much still pending -- Natalie Cromb 'This is Nat, she's Abo' -- Karen Davis Thanks for the childhood travels -- Ian Dudley Growing up beige -- Alice Eather Yúya Karrabúrra -- Shannon Foster White bread dreaming -- Jason Goninan There are no halves -- Adam Goodes The sporting life -- Jodi Haines A Tasmanian Toomelah tiger -- John Hartley I remember -- Terri Janke The streets of my youth -- Keira Jenkins What it's like -- Patrick Johnson My life's voyage -- Scott Kennedy Red dust kids -- Sharon Kingaby December 21 -- Ambelin Kwaymullina Growing up, grow up, grown-ups -- Jack Latimore Far enough away to be on my way back home -- Celeste Liddle Black bum -- Mathew Lillyst Recognised -- Taryn Little Just a young girl -- Amy McQuire Stranger danger -- Melanie Mununggurr-Williams Grey -- Doreen Nelson Different times -- Sharon Payne When did you first realise you were Aboriginal? -- Zachary Penrith-Puchalski 'Abo Nose' -- Carol Pettersen Too white to be black, too black to be white . . . -- Todd Phillips Living between two knowledge systems -- Kerry Reed-Gilbert The little town on the railway track -- William Russell A story from my life -- Marlee Silva Cronulla to Papunya -- Liza-Mare Syron Letterbox-gate -- Frank Szekely From Marree to the city -- Miranda Tapsell Nobody puts Baby Spice in a corner -- Jared Thomas Daredevil days -- Ceane G. Towers Finding my belonging -- Aileen Walsh My childhood -- Shahni Wellington Life lessons, or something like them

This article reviews some contributions of the Jungian analytic tradition to indigenous ethnopsychiatric thought in Australia. The authors review Jung's writings on Aboriginal culture, then describe some of their own fieldwork findings. Acknowledging that the contemporary post-Jungian tradition is pluralist, they propose a notion of 'Jungian sensibility.' They discuss some of the ways in which the Jungian sensibility might contribute positively to Aboriginal mental health, with especial reference to theories of subjectivity, and note that some Aboriginal people find the Jungian world-view very compatible with the Aboriginal one.

This essay attempts to show the competing cultural frameworks involved in the (e)valuation of Aboriginal work in the context of the Dreaming and development, juxtaposing Western and Belyuen ways of understanding what happens when humans act in the natural environment and their economic and politico‐jural consequences. To do so, it critically opposes political‐economic assumptions about the alleged divide between human subject‐agents, nonintentional animal appropriators, and objects, and between cultural belief and economic‐ecological reality. In this way we can begin to apprehend Aboriginal labor without aiding and abetting the state on the dispossession of Aboriginal lands and delegitimization of Aboriginal beliefs.

We propose a re‐imagining of Australian federalism in response to the White Paper on Reform of the Australian Federation. We acknowledge the unique nature and existing strengths and challenges confronting the Australian federation. In so doing we argue the value of listening to the history of the land in connection with its people and bringing landscape lessons into federation calculations moving forward. The distinctiveness of our federalism dreaming is distinguished from traditional calls for regionalism or regionalization.

This article engages with the otherwise worlds of Arrernte caterpillar children living in the Aboriginal fringe camps around Alice Springs, in Central Australia. It traces the constitutive relationships between these children's kinship identities and belongings to country, the materialities of the desert environment in which they live, the adaptive and inclusive past and present Arrernte 'Caterpillar Dreaming' stories, Arrernte interspecies relational ethics, and the impact of colonial dispersals and interventions upon Central Australian Aboriginal people's lives. The author poses the question of what we might learn about children's postcolonial natureculture relations from these caterpillar children's otherwise worlds. Picking up on Elizabeth Povinelli's suggestion that the mutually constituting relationship of geographies (places) and biographies (human lives), or geontologies, function as indigenous survival strategies, the author questions whether or not these adaptive caterpillar geontologies can survive in a world irrevocably changed by colonisation and subject to ongoing neo-colonial assimilatory interventions. To make these tracings and to pose these questions, the author draws upon a combination of personal recollections, traditional Arrernte stories and philosophies, and recountings of colonialist and neo-colonialist historical events.

This article compares and contrasts the deliverables of the Australian Reconciliation Barometer and a new methodology, reconciliation process analysis, for measuring progress toward Aboriginal reconciliation. Reconciliation process analysis draws heavily on visioning and backcasting to explore the cumulative impact of the innumerable reconciliatory gestures underway in Australia to highlight where the parties stand in relation to tipping points and shared goals for the future. The joint application of these complementary methodologies will identify not only the trajectory of Australia's reconciliatory project but, more important, the buy‐in of indigenous Australians to an ultimate vision of closure and healing.

Shell mounds ceased to be built in many parts of coastal northern Australia about 800-600 years ago. They are the subject of stories told by Aboriginal people and some have been incorporated in ritual and political activities during the last 150 years. These understandings emerged only after termination of the economic and environmental system that created them, 800-600 years ago, in a number of widely separated coastal regions. Modern stories and treatments of these mounds by Aboriginal people concern modern or near-modern practices. Modern views of the mounds, their mythological and ritual associations, may be explained by reference to the socioeconomic transitions seen in the archaeological record; but the recent cultural, social and symbolic statements about these places cannot inform us of the process or ideology concerned with the formation of the mounds. Many Aboriginal communities over the last half a millennium actively formed understandings of new landscapes and systems of land use. Attempts to impose historic ideologies and cosmologies on earlier times fail to acknowledge the magnitude and rate of economic and ideological change on the tropical coastline of Australia.

Shell mounds ceased to be built in many parts of coastal northern Australia about 800-600 years ago. They are the subject of stories told by Aboriginal people and some have been incorporated in ritual and political activities during the last 150 years. These understandings emerged only after termination of the economic and environmental system that created them, 800-600 years ago, in a number of widely separated coastal regions. Modern stories and treatments of these mounds by Aboriginal people concern modern or near-modern practices. Modern views of the mounds, their mythological and ritual associations, may be explained by reference to the socioeconomic transitions seen in the archaeological record; but the recent cultural, social and symbolic statements about these places cannot inform us of the process or ideology concerned with the formation of the mounds. Many Aboriginal communities over the last half a millennium actively formed understandings of new landscapes and systems of land use. Attempts to impose historic ideologies and cosmologies on earlier times fail to acknowledge the magnitude and rate of economic and ideological change on the tropical coastline of Australia.

I do not understand painting very well, and especially not Australian Indigenous painting, the dot painting of Western and Central Desert artists such as Kathleen Petyarre. I grew up without art on the wall, among gum trees, red dirt, dying wattle, and 'two thirds (blue) sky'. While this might suggest that I inhabit the same landscape as Petyarre, I also grew up without 'the Dreaming', the meaning that this dot painting is said to be about. How and why then can this painting have the impact on me that it does? And, given the history of colonisation in Australia, including the colonisation of Indigenous meanings, what is the politics of the impact of that painting?