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On August 9, 2014, Michael Brown, an unarmed African American high school senior, was shot by Officer Darren Wilson in Ferguson, Missouri. For months afterward, protestors took to the streets demanding justice, testifying to the racist and exploitative police department and court system, and connecting the shooting of Brown with the deaths of Trayvon Martin, Eric Garner, and other young black men at the hands of police across the country. In the wake of these protests, the Department of Justice launched a six-month investigation, resulting in a report that Colorlines characterizes as "so caustic it reads like an Onion article" and laying bare what the Huffington Post calls "a totalizing police regime beyond any of Kafka's ghastliest nightmares." Among the report's findings are that the Ferguson Police Department "Engages in a Pattern of Unconstitutional Stops and Arrests in Violation of the Fourth Amendment," "Detain[s] People Without Reasonable Suspicion and Arrest[s] People Without Probable Cause," "Engages in a Pattern of First Amendment Violations," "Engages in a Pattern of Excessive Force," and "Erode[s] Community Trust, Especially Among Ferguson's African-American Residents." Contextualized here in a substantial introduction by renowned legal scholar and former NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund president Theodore M. Shaw, The Ferguson Report is a sad, sobering, and important document, providing a snapshot of American law enforcement at the start of the twenty-first century, with resonance far beyond one small town in Missouri.

In H.J. Inc. v. Northwestern Bell Telephone Co. the United States Supreme Court issued its latest opinion interpreting the reach of the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO).' The H.J. Inc. decision comes at a time when the RICO statute is at the center of controversy. Those opposed to private treble damages suits particularly attack the statute. The defense bar attacks the use of the statute in white-collar prosecutions, especially in those cases involving securities fraud. If the defense bar has its way in Congress, RICO could not be invoked in cases involving fraud alone. The criminal defense bar also has criticized the pretrial restraining orders and subsequent forfeitures that have been ordered by the courts in several high-profile RICO cases. The Department of Justice, the agency primarily responsible for bringing RICO actions on behalf of the Federal Government, must formulate a reasonable plan for the development of RICO. RICO has proven to be the Department's most effective tool against organized crime and other serious criminal activity, and the flexibility it gives prosecutors must be retained. At the same time, we must concede the legitimate concerns of the private bar, the public, and, of course, the Supreme Court, that RICO, like any statute, is subject to abuse. Most current efforts at legislative reform of RICO have been designed to curb alleged abuses by private plaintiffs. Nevertheless, we continue to fear that our use of RICO will be unfairly lumped together with the many private RICO suits that have created calls for reform. If we let this brush tar our image, Congress might curtail needlessly the criminal provisions of this most important statute. Our best defense is our record. It is important, therefore, to review the evolution and success of criminal RICO prosecutions.

Transcript from 67th Congress, 2nd session. The Committee on the Judiciary's response to the National Popular Government League's publication, 'Report upon the illegal practices of the United States Department of Justice' (see entry). ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Labadie Pamphlet Collection.

"Mr. Walsh of Montana, from the subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary, submitted the following report on 'Report upon the illegal practices of the United States Department of Justice,' made by a committee of lawyers on behalf of the National Popular Government League." ; At head of title: 67th Cong., 2d sess. Senate. Committee print ; Mode of access: Internet.

Intro -- Contents -- Preface -- 1 The Mystery of Racial Redistricting in the Nineties -- 2 Transformation -- 3 Bureaucratic Culture of the Voting Section -- 4 The Department's New Interpretation of the Voting Rights Act -- 5 External Influences on the Department's Decision Making -- 6 From Compromised Compliance to Conquered Provinces -- 7 Processes and Products of Voting Rights Act Enforcement -- Afterword -- Selected Bibliography -- Index.

107State succession — Treaties — Extradition Treaty between Switzerland and United Kingdom, 1880 — Applicability to British Colonies — Whether in force for South Africa after independence — "Clean slate" theory — Exceptions — Conduct of parties concerned — Tacit application of Treaty — Extradition — Double criminality — Universal applicability — Tacit acceptance in Treaty — The law of Switzerland