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Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 9/9/86. ; #14080365.

For the past decade, the author has examined North Korean primary public documents and concludes that there have been changes of identities and ideas in the public discourse of human rights in the DPRK: from strong post-colonialism to Marxism-Leninism, from there to the creation of Juche as the state ideology and finally 'our style' socialism. This paper explains the background to KIM Jong Il's 'our style' human rights in North Korea: his broader framework, 'our style' socialism, with its two supporting ideational mechanisms, named 'virtuous politics' and 'military-first politics'. It analyses how some of these characteristics have disappeared while others have been reinforced over time. Marxism has significantly withered away since the end of the Cold War, and communism was finally deleted from the latest 2009 amended Socialist Constitution, whereas the concept of sovereignty has been strengthened and the language of duties has been actively employed by the authority almost as a relapse to the feudal Confucian tradition. The paper also includes some first-hand accounts from North Korean defectors interviewed in South Korea in October–December 2008. They show the perception of ordinary North Koreans on the ideas of human rights.

AbstractFor the past decade, the author has examined North Korean primary public documents and concludes that there have been changes of identities and ideas in the public discourse of human rights in the DPRK: from strong post-colonialism to Marxism-Leninism, from there to the creation of Juche as the state ideology and finally 'our style' socialism. This paper explains the background to Kim Jong Il's 'our style' human rights in North Korea: his broader framework, 'our style' socialism, with its two supporting ideational mechanisms, named 'virtuous politics' and 'military-first politics'. It analyses how some of these characteristics have disappeared while others have been reinforced over time. Marxism has significantly withered away since the end of the Cold War, and communism was finally deleted from the latest 2009 amended Socialist Constitution, whereas the concept of sovereignty has been strengthened and the language of duties has been actively employed by the authority almost as a relapse to the feudal Confucian tradition. The paper also includes some first-hand accounts from North Korean defectors interviewed in South Korea in October–December 2008. They show the perception of ordinary North Koreans on the ideas of human rights.

Scientific and technical activities in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea began in August 1945, when the country was liberated from the yoke of Japanese imperialist colonial rule. Before Liberation the country was backward, colonial and semi-feudal. At that time there were no higher education establishments, or scientific and research institutions and few technical personnel. However, under the leadership of President Kim Il Sung since Liberation, the economy, science and technology in the country has developed rapidly. Education work amongst the people became a basis for social development, so that the Government of the Republic, even under difficult conditions of the country, put cadre training work ahead of all the work and made great strides. Thus, immediately after Liberation, Kim II Sung University was founded and following it, many research institutes and educational establishments at all levels were set up. From 1975 universal 11-year compulsory education was enforced. The Government established scientific and research institutions in various fields of national economy, taking account of the current and prospective requirements of national economy and scientific and technical development.

Distributed to depository libraries in microfiche, 1988-1992. ; Description based on: Apr. 1978; title from cover. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Vols. for -1981 issued by: the National Foreign Assessment Center; by: the Directorate of Intelligence.

Purpose— This article examines Sweden's engagement with the DPRK as a unique case to understand motivations for engaging in a so-called fragile state.Design/methodology/approach— The authors apply the constructivist international relations (IR) approach and opt for the case study method based on semi-structured interviews of individuals who have taken part in Swedish engagement programs.Findings— Besides having its embassy in Pyongyang and serving as a protecting power for the U.S., Sweden has provided capacity building programs for North Korean government officials and scholars and has taken part in low-profile human rights advocacy. In short, Sweden is best viewed as a facilitator between DPRK and the outside world. Its motivations are mixed and multiple, including rationalist pursuit of gains and the logic of appropriateness. Practical implications— Useful for policymakers interested in engagement DPRK and other countries with little interaction with the outside world.Originality/value— This case expands our understanding of engagement that is often understood to a great degree as a rationalist affair between the engaging and target states. It also affirms the usefulness of constructivist IR approach in accounting for today's engagement practices involving more stakeholders and less obvious cost-benefit calculation.