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This book offers a pioneering window into the elusive workings of state-corporate crime within the mining industry. It follows a campaign of resistance organised by Indigenous activists on the island of Bougainville, who struggled to close a Rio Tinto owned copper mine, and investigates the subsequent state-corporate response, which led to the shocking loss of some 10,000 lives. Drawing on internal records and interviews with senior officials, Kristian Lasslett examines how an articulation of capitalist growth mediated through patrimonial politics, imperial state-power, large-scale mining, and clan-based, rural society, prompted an ostensibly 'responsible' corporate citizen, and liberal state actors, to organise a counterinsurgency campaign punctuated with gross human rights abuses. State Crime on the Margins of Empire represents a unique intervention rooted in a classical Marxist tradition that challenges positivist streams of criminological scholarship, in order to illuminate with greater detail the historical forces faced by communities in the global south caught in the increasingly violent dynamics of the extractive industries. -- Provided by publisher

"Frank Pearce was the first scholar to use the term 'crimes of the powerful.' His ground-breaking book of the same name provided insightful critiques of liberal orthodox criminology, particularly in relation to labelling theory and symbolic interactionism, while making important contributions to Marxist understandings of the complex relations between crime, law and the state in the reproduction of the capitalist social order. Historically, crimes of the powerful were largely neglected in crime and deviance studies, but there is now an important and growing body of work addressing this gap. This book brings together leading international scholars to discuss the legacy of Frank Pearces book and his work in this area, demonstrating the invaluable contributions a critical Marxist framework brings to studies of corporate and state crimes, nationally, internationally and on a global scale. This book is neither a hagiography, nor a review of random areas of social scientific interest. Instead, it draws together a collection of scholarly and original articles which draw upon and critically interrogate the continued significance of the approach pioneered in Crimes of the Powerful. The book traces the evolution of crimes of the powerful empirically and theoretically since 1976, shows how critical scholars have integrated new theoretical insights derived from post-structuralism, feminism and critical race studies and offers perspectives on how the crimes of the powerful - and the enormous, ongoing destruction they cause - can be addressed and resisted."--Provided by publisher.

"The United Nations has called violence against women 'the most pervasive, yet least recognized human rights abuse in the world' and there is a long-established history of the systematic victimization of women by the state during times of peace and conflict. This book contributes to the established literature on women, gender and crime and the growing research on state crime and extends the discussion of violence against women to include the role and extent of crime and violence perpetrated by the state. State Crime, Women and Gender examines state-perpetrated violence against women in all its various forms. Drawing on case studies from around the world, patterns of state-perpetrated violence are examined as it relates to women's victimization, their role as perpetrators, resistors of state violence, as well as their engagement as professionals in the international criminal justice system. From the direct involvement of Condaleeza Rice in the United States-led war on terror, to the women of Egypt's Arab Spring Uprising, to Afghani poetry as a means to resist state-sanctioned patriarchal control, case examples are used to highlight the pervasive and enduring problem of state-perpetrated violence against women. The exploration of topics that have not previously been addressed in the criminological literature, such as women as perpetrators of state violence and their role as willing consumers who reinforce and replicate the existing state-sanctioned patriarchal status quo, makes State Crime, Women and Gender a must-read for students and scholars engaged in the study of state crime, victimology and feminist criminology."--Publisher's description

Millions of people have been victimized by the actions and omissions of states and governments. This collection provides expert analyses of such victimizations across the world, from Europe, the United States, and Africa to New Zealand and South America.

This book offers a distinctive and novel approach to state-sponsored violence, one of the major problems facing humanity in the previous and now the twenty-first century. It addresses the question: how is it possible that large numbers of ordinary men and women are able to do the killing, torturing and violence that defines crimes against humanity? In his striking analysis, Rob Watts shows how and why states, of all political persuasions, engage in crimes against humanity, including: genocide, homicide, torture, kidnapping, illegal surveillance and detention. This book advances a new interpretive frame. It argues against the 'civilizing process' model, showing how both states and social sciences like sociology and criminology have been complicit in splitting 'the social' from 'the ethical' while accepting too complacently that modern states are the exemplars of morality and rationality. The book makes the case that it is possible to bring together in the one interpretative frame, our understanding of social action involving personal motivation and ethical responsibility and patterns of collective social action operating in terms of the agencies of 'the State'. Rob Watts identifies and charts the pathways of action and 'practical' (i.e. ethical) judgements which the perpetrators of these crimes against humanity constructed for themselves to make sense of what they were doing. At once challenging and highly accessible, the book reveals the policy-making processes that produce state crime as well as showing how ordinary people do the state's dirty work. Rob Watts is Professor of Social Policy at RMIT University, Australia. His previous publications include The Foundations of the National Welfare State (1987), Arguing About the Australian Welfare State (1992), Discovering Risk (2006), Talking Policy: Australian Social Policy (2007) and International Criminology: A Critical Introduction (2009).

Immunities of heads of State has been debated for long in view of them being prosecuted for their involvement in international crimes. The Al Bashir case before the International Criminal Court has revived the discussion in a novel procedural framework, but with two classical arguments. Following a long tradition, the material argument, which stems from international criminal liability, is raised to set aside immunity ratione materiae. But for immunity ratione personae, the organic argument is preferably invoked, as it was before international or internationalized criminal tribunals. However, an arrest warrant targeting the head of a State non-party to the Rome Statute put the requested
State at risk of facing a conflict of legal duties. This leads to questioning the kind of
authority belonging to an international criminal court.

"Remettant en cause l'interprétation ordinaire du parricide qui en fait une catégorie de l'homicide relevant d'une action privée, Yan Thomas entend retracer ses origines, sa genèse et son évolution, mais aussi sa dimension symbolique et fondatrice à travers les différents régimes politiques romains. Au-delà de la lignée familiale, le père a en effet une fonction étatique. À Rome, le parricide est une injure suprême, un crime d'État. Il traduit surtout la peur obsessionnelle des pères qui craignent d'être évincés ou tués par leurs propres fils qu'ils ont privés de toute autonomie politique, personnelle et financière. Il ne s'agit pas, pour Yan Thomas, de décrire la réalité de pratiques de meurtres de pères par des fils, mais de saisir plus généralement ce que le droit de vie et de mort impose, ce qui se joue dans la substitution d'un rapport de puissance et d'un modèle juridique au lien biologique. L'auteur s'attache alors à montrer que le sens, le rôle et la structure de toute la politique romaine se comprend à l'articulation du public et du familial, et que la famille est constitutive du code politique romain. Cette enquête passionnante, qui, pour comprendre la spécificité de la notion de parricide mêle la philologie et le droit à l'archéologie et à l'anthropologie, permet à Yan Thomas de proposer une lecture inédite et éclairante de la politique romaine et de la nature même de l'État romain." [Source : 4e de couv.]

Résumé Partant du postulat que certains crimes touchent à l'essence même de l'humanité, les juridictions pénales internationales contribuent à la moralisation des relations internationales. Leur intervention en dernier recours incite les tribunaux nationaux à exercer leur compétence. Critiquées pour leur coût et leur lenteur, les juridictions internationales sont en outre freinées par le principe de respect de la souveraineté nationale. De plus, alors que les États sont tenus de coopérer avec les tribunaux onusiens, ils restent partagés entre la volonté de prouver à leur opinion publique qu'ils agissent, et la nécessité de ne pas s'engager trop loin politiquement. Juger les auteurs de ces crimes majeurs est, par ailleurs, d'autant plus difficile qu'ils restent souvent des interlocuteurs internationaux dans la résolution des conflits.

Steven Pinker's book "The Better Angels of Our Nature" is only the latest work to argue that the modern world has become a safer, less violent, and more humane place. However, as this expansive volume demonstrates, neither the amount of violence nor its intensity has undergone significant change since the Enlightenment - but what has changed is that the forms and visibility of violent acts have been radically transformed. Despite the fact that for over two centuries a morally critical stance towards violence has been invoked as a defining feature of enlightened civilization, violence has continued to be an inherent characteristic of modern and so-called civilized societies. By exploring the complex relationships among these "civilized" aspirations, the reality of violence, and its depiction, the contributions gathered here help to reshape the debate over violence in modern societies and undermine teleological and reassuring narratives of progress