Suchergebnisse

Газета «Берег» традиционно рассматривалась как радикально-консервативная. Она была основана при финансовой поддержке властей в 1880 году для противодействия либеральной и революционной пропаганде. Выходившее под редакцией П.П. Цитовича издание рассматривалось как альтернатива более самостоятельным «Московским ведомостям» М.Н. Каткова, но его направление в целом совпадало с катковским. Издание газеты с самого начала сопровождалось скандалами. В ходе полемики с подпольной печатью «Берег» нередко цитировал запрещенные статьи «Набата» и других революционно-демократических изданий, что вызывало законное недоумение чиновников цензурного ведомства. Газета подверглась резкой критике со стороны либеральной и левой печати. Издания национально-консервативного направления также отрицательно отнеслись к публицистической деятельности П.П. Цитовича, акцентируя внимание на беспринципности и корыстных мотивах профессора. После закрытия «Берега» разразился скандал, связанный с растратой выделенной на него правительственной субсидии. Однако на страницах газеты встречались и элементы позитивной программы: например, мысль о превращении раскольников в русское «третье сословие». Немало внимания уделял Цитович и вопросам образования и здесь «Берег» закономерно шел в русле катковских изданий. Редакция постоянно подчеркивала свое согласие с либеральными ценностями, однако настаивала на том, что единственным подлинным их носителем в России является государство. П.П. Цитовича невозможно отнести к главным идеологам российского консерватизма, поскольку любая идеология была для него скорее инструментом. Впрочем, не был П.П. Цитович и беспринципным оппортунистом. Популярным для своей эпохи социалистическим увлечениям он противопоставлял либеральные ценности правового государства: уважение к собственности, законам, семье, правам личности. ; Bereg has traditionally been regarded as a radical conservative newspaper. It was founded with the financial support of the authorities in 1880 to counter liberal and revolutionary propaganda. Its editor, P.P. Tsitovich, was seen as an alternative to the more independent M.N. Katkov, editor of Moskovskie vedomosti, even though their ideologies were rather similar. Already from the start, the publication of the newspaper was accompanied by scandals. Debating with the underground press, Bereg often quoted banned articles from Nabat and other revolutionary-democratic papers, raising eyebrows among censorship officials. Bereg was criticized by the liberal and left press, along with national conservative papers, which condemned Tsitovich for the lack of integrity and self-serving motives. Another scandal erupted after Bereg was banned: Tsitovich was accused of embezzlement of government funding. Nevertheless, his newspaper included some elements of the liberal-conservative programme, such as the idea of turning dissidents into the Russian third estate. It should also be mentioned that Bereg payed much attention to the issues of education, quite in line with Katkov's views. Tsitovich continually stressed his solidarity with liberal values while insisting that in Russia they are represented by the state power. However, Tsitovich cannot be counted among the leading ideologists of Russian conservatism, as any ideology was more of a tool for him; neither was he an unprincipled opportunist. Popular socialist ideas of his time Tsitovich countered with liberal values of the law-governed state: respect for property, law, family, and rights of the individual.

This paper of Sergey Tolstoguzov sets out to examine how the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991 was interpreted in Japan, focusing on images of understanding published in the form of political cartoons. It first describes the political events of 1991 that brought about the dissolution of the Soviet Union and examines which aspects of this process attracted the attention of cartoonists. Than it examines images of Russia and its political leaders that cartoonists sought to imprint on the minds of the Japanese newspaper (cartoon) reading public. The paper argues that cartoons of the Asahi shimbun do not create the impression that the disintegration of the Soviet Union produced any paradigmatic shift in the Japanese perception of its northern neighbor. ; This paper of Sergey Tolstoguzov sets out to examine how the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991 was interpreted in Japan, focusing on images of understanding published in the form of political cartoons. It first describes the political events of 1991 that brought about the dissolution of the Soviet Union and examines which aspects of this process attracted the attention of cartoonists. Than it examines images of Russia and its political leaders that cartoonists sought to imprint on the minds of the Japanese newspaper (cartoon) reading public. The paper argues that cartoons of the Asahi shimbun do not create the impression that the disintegration of the Soviet Union produced any paradigmatic shift in the Japanese perception of its northern neighbor.

For the first time in Russian bibliography an attempt is made to bring light to the prited source of current information of Japanese diaspora in Vladivostok newspaper "Uradshio Nippon". The author makes an investigation of its activity in the above period of Russian history and tells us some facts about the editorial-board and the staff. A special emphasis is laid upon its Russian variant (Vladio-Nippo) published from April, 1920 up to October, 1922 (680 issues all in all) in the city of Vladivostok. The life of numerous Japanese settlements, their habits and ways, economic and political situation are of a prior interest of the anthor. ; For the first time in Russian bibliography an attempt is made to bring light to the prited source of current information of Japanese diaspora in Vladivostok newspaper "Uradshio Nippon". The author makes an investigation of its activity in the above period of Russian history and tells us some facts about the editorial-board and the staff. A special emphasis is laid upon its Russian variant (Vladio-Nippo) published from April, 1920 up to October, 1922 (680 issues all in all) in the city of Vladivostok. The life of numerous Japanese settlements, their habits and ways, economic and political situation are of a prior interest of the anthor.

В статье анализируются типологические черты новгородской дореволюционной газеты «Ильмень» как универсального издания. Дается обзор рубрикационного деления газеты, его общественно-политическая направленность, особенности рекламы. ; The article deals with the typological characteristics of the Novgorodian pre-revolutionary newspaper "Ilmen" as a universal local paper. The focus is on the sections of the newspaper, its political stance and the language of advertising.

В статье на примере газеты «Русская правда» показана проблема эффективности цензурных законов второй половины XIX в. Газета возникла осенью 1878 г., а уже в 1880 г. прекратила свое существование после 7 предостережений. В статье также рассматривается роль начальника Главного управления по делам печати в организации и руководстве цензурой прессы во второй половине 1870-х гг. ; In this article discussed the problem of the effectiveness of censorship laws of the second half of the XIX century on the example of the newspaper "Russian Truth". The newspaper appeared in the autumn of 1878, and already in 1880, ceased to exist after 7 warnings. The article also examines the role of the head of the Central Department for the Press in organizing and supervising press censorship in the second half of the 1870s.

В статье подробно проанализировано содержание №№ 1-8 нелегальной газеты Красноярского комитета ПСР «Голос революции», выпускавшейся в течение 1906-1907 гг. Автор изучила ее структуру, выявила и охарактеризовала тематику и актуальность материалов, опубликованных в газетных номерах. Автор пришла к выводу, что газета «Голос революции» включала в себя обширный и репрезентативный общероссийский и региональный материал. Газетные публикации раскрывали теоретические и тактические воззрения сибирских эсеров, различные стороны их деятельности (в том числе издательской) в условиях Первой российской революции и политической реакции, наступившей после ее поражения. Газета имела широкое распространение по краю, оказывала революционизирующее воздействие на сибиряков. ; The article analyses the content of №№ 1-8 of the illegal newspaper "Voice of Revolution" of the Krasnoyarsk Committee of PSR (Party of Socialists-Revolutionaries), issued in 1906-1907. The author has studied its structure, has revealed and has characterized the themes and the topicality of the materials published in the newspaper issues. The author has come to the conclusion, that the newspaper "Voice of Revolution" published extensive and widely representative all-Russian and regional materials. The newspaper publications reflected theoretical and tactical views of Siberian socialists-revolutionaries, various types of their activities (including publishing) under the conditions of the First Russian revolution and the political reaction which followed after its defeat. The newspaper had a wide circulation in the region and had a revolutionizing influence on Siberians.

Целью данного исследования является источниковедческий анализ газеты «За индустриализацию » как официального печатного органа Народного комиссариата тяжёлой промышленности в 1930-е гг. В тексте описывается внешняя и внутренняя критика источника, включающая изучение атрибутивных характеристик и информационного потенциала издания для возможных исследований по теме индустриализации и истории сталинизма. Внешняя критика источника содержит подробные сведения о тираже, периодичности, авторах статей, специфике и объеме публикуемого материала. Изучение информационного потенциала газеты описывает содержательные характеристики статей с точки зрения их полноты и многообразия в контексте изучения промышленной политики советского государства в годы первых пятилеток. Автор уделяет особое внимание текстам редакционных (передовых) статей газеты, в которых описывались важнейшие направления социально-экономической и пропагандистской политики. ; This article deals with an analysis of the newspaper "For Industrialization" as an official media of Narodniy Komissariat Tyajeloy Promyshlennosti (NKTP) in the 1930s. The text contains internal and external aspects of this analysis, like the study of attributive characteristics and content potential for further research in these fields. The article describes some details about the newspaper and dwells upon special features of "For Industrialization" as a possible way to get actual information about Stalinism politics during the first five-year plans. The author pays attention to editorials which contain a lot of mobilization directives aimed at Soviet mass readers.

Целью данного исследования является источниковедческий анализ газеты «За индустриализацию » как официального печатного органа Народного комиссариата тяжёлой промышленности в 1930-е гг. В тексте описывается внешняя и внутренняя критика источника, включающая изучение атрибутивных характеристик и информационного потенциала издания для возможных исследований по теме индустриализации и истории сталинизма. Внешняя критика источника содержит подробные сведения о тираже, периодичности, авторах статей, специфике и объеме публикуемого материала. Изучение информационного потенциала газеты описывает содержательные характеристики статей с точки зрения их полноты и многообразия в контексте изучения промышленной политики советского государства в годы первых пятилеток. Автор уделяет особое внимание текстам редакционных (передовых) статей газеты, в которых описывались важнейшие направления социально-экономической и пропагандистской политики. ; This article deals with an analysis of the newspaper "For Industrialization" as an official media of Narodniy Komissariat Tyajeloy Promyshlennosti (NKTP) in the 1930s. The text contains internal and external aspects of this analysis, like the study of attributive characteristics and content potential for further research in these fields. The article describes some details about the newspaper and dwells upon special features of "For Industrialization" as a possible way to get actual information about Stalinism politics during the first five-year plans. The author pays attention to editorials which contain a lot of mobilization directives aimed at Soviet mass readers.

В настоящей статье анализируется деятельность газеты «Русские ведомости» с целью выяснения общественно-политической позиции газеты, ее роли в отстаивании либеральных реформ, прежде всего защите земств. Автор приходит к выводу, что на протяжении 1870-х гг. газета решительно отстаивала идею демократизации земств, поддержала либеральные тенденции правительства М.Т. Лорис-Меликова. Публицисты газеты считали, что местные органы власти должны освободиться из-под контроля дворянства, служить интересам всех сословных групп населения. Новый качественный этап в работе земств газета связывает с развитием земской статистики, позволившей поднять исследование и решение местных проблем на более высокий уровень. «Русские ведомости» решительно выступали за объединение земств. ; This article analyzes the work of the newspaper "Russian bulletin". It was known in Russia as the organ of the liberal, non-partisan press in the mid-1870s. Newspaper united under the roof of the famous representatives of Russian liberal thought-economists and lawyers A.S. Posnikov, A.I. Chuprov, V.Y. Skalon. The purpose of the article the study of the social and political situation of the newspaper and its role in the protection of liberal reformsin the first place the protection of the zemstvo.The new qualitative stage in work of zemstvo was connected with development of statistics. Statistical researches allowed to solve more effectively local problems and highly lifted authority of zemstvo. For the 1870th the newspaper resolutely defended idea of democratization of zemstvo. Publicists of the newspaper considered that local authorities has to be released from under control of the nobility, serve interests of all groups. The newspaper considered means of democratization of local governments. "The Russian bulletin" resolutely supported association of zemstvo.The newspaper supported liberal tendencies of the government M.T. Loris-Melikov, also supported to him the address of "25 Moscow citizens". The program of the newspaper consisted in attractting to the solution of public problems of representatives of civil society.

Анализируется информация газеты «Le Moniteur universel» о Русско-шведском договоре о дружбе, торговле и мореплавании 1801 г. Автор дает краткую характеристику газеты «Le Moniteur universel», являвшейся рупором наполеоновского правительства, оценку полноты и достоверности французской версии документа, высказывает предположение о причинах его публикации. ; The article analyzes the information value of the newspaper «Le Moniteur universel» on Russian-Swedish treaty of friendship, commerce and navigation, as well as the comparative analysis of the French and Russian versions of this agreement. International relations of the past are closely related to the present. They do not become outdated, do not lose their value, while continuing to influence on the political and economic contacts between the two countries. Currently, there is an increasing interest in the history of European politics in Russia, it has been studied extensively by both domestic and foreign scholars. In this regard, there is a neсessity to attract new sources. Expansion of information is possible due to francophone periodicals, in particular thanks to the newspaper «Le Moniteur universel». This is one of those sources, which gives a possibility to glance at Russia and its foreign policy through the eyes of Europeans. The advantage of this periodical is the fact that its materials have not been studied and analyzed by majority of Russian researchers. The newspaper «Le Moniteur universel» paid special attention to the signing of a treaty of friendship, commerce and navigation between Russia and Sweden in March 1801. For the first time the central governmental French newspaper published such a big article about Russia, the whole column in the "foreign state" section was devoted to it. Previously that section covered the political situation in 3 or 4 countries on the principle of the greatest interest or concern of the ruling elite in France on events in one country or another. The Treaty includes a preamble, 36 articles, a joint declaration, Russian and Swedish samples, naval papers that had to regulate the conditions (terms) of mutual control. Comparison of documents in French and Russian languages shows that the French side does not publish the full version, there are no additional samples of naval papers on Russian and Swedish languages, as referred in Article 29. The purpose of this agreement was the regulation of trade relations between Russia and Sweden. The treaty was aimed at providing friendship, peace and harmony between the two countries. It fixed the creation of a free trade zone, unimpeded movement of citizens of the contracting states, regulated the movement of ships. Most probably, the attention of the French ruling circles to the Russian-Swedish trade treaty was connected with a growing maritime conflict between France and England in the northern seas, and with clarifying the international situation in this region of Europe.

The article analyzes the materials on the agrarian question located in Kharkov liberal democratic edition "Utro." The main issue in the II State Duma was an agrarian one; a tough fight was waged around it. Kharkiv newspaper "Utro" displayed the dynamics of relations between society and the government on the eve of the convocation and during the work of the II State Duma, and the reaction of parliamentarians on the government reform initiatives as well. Cadets remained faithful to their project of the village modernization due to the elimination of the feudal latifun-dia and the transfer of the landed estates in the peasants use. The program of Prime Minister P. Stolypin proposed solu-tions to the agrarian problem not at the expense of the landed estates but via privatization of communal land, i.e. at the expense of the peasants. The analysis of the materials of the newspaper "Utro" indicates that a compromise between the government and the public was not possible on the basic provisions of the agrarian reform. At the initiative of the authorities, the II State Duma was dissolved.

В конце XIX начале XX Российская империя представляла собой мультиэтническое образование, в котором межэтнические и межрелигиозные противоречия стали одной из причин Первой русской революции, а впоследствии, привели к распаду империи в результате революции 1917 года. Во многом именно национальный вопрос привел в конце XX века к распаду приемника Российской империи Советского Союза и образованию национальных государств. Для уяснения причин краха империи важно изучение межнациональных проблем начала прошлого столетия, когда вызрели и стали для всех очевидными противоречия, приведшие в конце концов к падению самодержавия. Представлен краткий обзор межнациональных отношений в Российской империи в конце XIX начале XX века и вплоть до Первой русской революции. Дана оценка ситуации различных межэтнических противоречий на Дальнем Востоке, в Сибири, на Кавказе, в Финляндии, Прибалтике, Польше и южнорусских провинциях. Исследованы политические взгляды журналиста и публициста, а впоследствии политического деятеля Владимира Жаботинского по национальному вопросу в России в период революции, задачи, которые, по мнению журналиста, стояли в тот момент перед демократической общественностью страны. Проанализированы различные толкования значений национально-культурных автономий и федеративного устройства государства, а также отношение к этим понятиям различных политических сил России периода революции. Сегодня, когда трагические события XX века уже стали историей, можно сделать вывод, что пути решения национального вопроса в России, предложенные В.Е. Жаботинским, во многом правильны, не были услышаны и восприняты властью и российским обществом. ; In the end of the 19th century until the beginning of the 20th century, the Russian Empire represented a multiethnic formation, in which interethnic and interreligious discrepancies became one of the reasons of the First Russian Revolution, and as consequence, they have led to the Empire's disruption due to the results of the Revolution in 1917. Especially the national question had led to the disruption of the Russian Empire's recipient in the 20th centuryof the Soviet Union and formation of national states. In order to understand the Empire's crumbling, it is important to investigate international problems in the beginning of the last century, when obvious and evident discrepancies emerged, at last, leading to the fall of the autocracy. This article represents a short overview of international relations in the Russian Empire in the end of the 19th until the beginning of the 20th century up to the Russian Revolution. This work evaluates the situation of several international discrepancies in the Far East, Siberia, Caucasus, Finland, the Baltic, Poland, and south-Russian provinces. Furthermore, this work observes political views of the journalist and publicist, and later political activist Vladimir Jabotinsky concerning the national question in Russia in the revolutionary period, tasks, which according to the journalist's opinion, faced at that moment the nation's democratic society. The article deals with several different national-cultural autonomy definitions and federal institutions of the government, as well as the relation to these understandings of political powers of Russia during the revolutionary period. Today, when the tragic events of the 20th century became history, one can conclude that the approaches towards the national question in Russia, suggested by V.E.Jabotinsky, were largely appropriate, however, unfortunately, were not recognised and accepted in the Russian society.