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Food, water, and shelter, as fundamental components of human existence are no less critical in an aviation unit than the number of enemies shot down, as a combat force can be made or broken over necessities. During World War II, Russian pilots returned to bases where food and housing were not to be taken for granted, and free time was dictated by forces largely outside their control. The overall living conditions of Russian pilots during the war were varied, unpredictable, and improvised. ; Winner of the 2020 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the Junior Arts/Humanities category. ; Borscht, Barracks, and Bears: How Russian Pilots Lived in WWII Sarah Clark HI 355: WW2 Colloquium Phase 3 Word Count: 3,307 December 6, 2019 Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 1 Introduction What were the living conditions of Russian pilots in WWII? Food, water, and shelter, as fundamental components of human existence are no less critical in an aviation unit than the number of enemies shot down, as a combat force can be made or broken over necessities. During World War II, Russian pilots returned to bases where food and housing were not to be taken for granted, and free time was dictated by forces largely outside their control. The overall living conditions of Russian pilots during the war were varied, unpredictable, and improvised. When the war began, pilots unused to wartime conditions had to adapt quickly to their new conditions. One pilot recalled: the sun was baking hot on the street. I walked slowly towards the airfield and came up to the dispersal area. It was like a disturbed anthill. They were repairing the old shelters. Here and there they were digging new ones. They assigned the headquarters dug-out for the use of the staff. Fyodorov and Godunov decided to use an enormous plywood container in which, at one time, an aircraft had arrived from the factory in parts…We had supper –field rations, as if we were at the front—and spent the night in the dug-out. Tired after the day's work and even more so after the previous sleepless night, everyone soon dropped off. Of course, after comfortable quarters, snow-white sheets and a soft bed, it is not cosy to sleep on a plank bed; but aircrew get used to anything.1 Food Sources Throughout the war, sources of food varied, but the three most common were rations, villagers, and American Lend-Lease food. Rations were the primary source of food for Russian pilots. The military had its own rationing system, separate from and prioritized above the civilian system.2 At first, most foods were produced and distributed by state associated farms and collectives. Throughout the war, more and more initiative was given to peasants to make food production a private enterprise to increase production and reduce the burden on state-owned 1 Kaberov, Swastika in the Gunsight, 5. 2 Ganson, "Food Supply," 78. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 2 sources.3 Typical rations for the Russian armed forces consisted of a simple breakfast of porridge known as kasha, a type of soup called borscht for lunch, and bread with pickles or cucumbers for dinner, and for aviators 100 grams of vodka after combat missions.4 In general, variety and items such as meat, fat, and fresh fruits and vegetables were hard to come by. Throughout the war, Russians both were allocated and received fewer daily calories than the soldiers of several other countries. In early 1941, Russian infantrymen were allocated 2,954 calories a day, which was increased to 3,450 in September.5 Members of active flying units were supposed to receive 4,712.6 Compared to other Allied nations, this basic allowance was low. For instance, the United States allocated 4,748 calories for front-line soldiers, and Britain allocated 5,300 for soldiers fighting in cold weather.7 Despite official instructions, it was common for Russians to receive less than their daily allotted calories, placing them even farther below their Allied comrades. Pilots overcame the lack of food and added variety by trading with nearby villagers if based near or in a village. There are multiple accounts of pilots and technicians going into towns to exchange unused items such as underwear or more common items such as "tobacco, cigarettes, bread, and sugar for milk, sour cream, eggs, and butter and sometimes meat."8 Exchanges could be a one-time or reoccurring transaction. For instance, while in Romania, one squadron member paid a Romanian for a daily supply of ten eggs.9 However, making deals with the locals was not always favored by senior officers, as squadron members were arrested and 3 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 126; Ganson, "Food Supply," 75-76. 4 Collingham, "Fighting on Empty," 319. 5 Collingham, "Fighting on Empty." 319. 6 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 127. 7 Collingham, "Out of Depression," 434; Collingham, "Fighting on Empty," 319. 8 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 145, 186. 9 Mariinskiy, Airacobra, 142. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 3 imprisoned in some units.10 Yet, the prevalence of such transactions illustrates the desperation for sufficient and adequate food. Pilots not only traded with villagers and peasants, but they also took advantage of their surroundings. They scavenged through the remains of old villages, especially on the way towards Berlin in 1944 and 1945.11 One of the most common items searched for was alcohol. For instance, one fighter pilot, heading towards Berlin, recalled that "in the deserted workshops of the sugar mill the omnipresent procurement officers…found tanks of spirits."12 In other locations, where natural resources such as rivers were more abundant, pilots occasionally resorted to fishing to provide fresh meat in desperate times, when the food supplied in the mess hall was either meager or nonexistent.13 Another way variety was increased was through the introduction of American Lend- Lease items, especially in 1943 and after. For instance, dairy items from America like dried eggs and milk powder, hard to come by in Russia, supplemented protein and fat intake, and packaged meats such as Spam were a welcome respite from dried fish.14 To show this one pilot reported that "American food, it was a feast—canned meat, dried eggs, canned milk."15 While American food was only a tiny sliver of what the air forces ate during the war, it certainly provided a respite from the standard fare. 10 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 145. 11 I Remember, "Airmen: Ivan Konovalov," https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ivan-konovalov/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. 12 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 77-78. 13 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 114. 14 Collingham, "Fighting on Empty," 340; I Remember, "Airmen: Kolyadin Victor Ivanovich," https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ kolyadin-victor-ivanovich/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. 15 Pennington, Wings, Women, and War, 119. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 4 Factors that Affected Food Squadron location, when correlated with timeframe, was one of the most significant factors affecting food availability and type, including geographic location, distance relative to frontlines, and proximity to inhabited villages. Geographic location was significant because Russia is a massive country, and front lines stretched for hundreds of miles. Food supplies were inadequate to begin with, and the distribution system was incomplete and inefficient. These issues were only compounded by the rapidly advancing German forces during Operation Barbarossa.16 Not every unit received equal amounts of food, and food reserves were not in place, especially at the beginning, resulting in troops at the front and rear being shorted.17 To show the variation, one fighter pilot, who spent some time near the front lines at Smolensk, wrote "I'm still amazed that—whether advancing or retreating—we were always well supplied with food."18 Conversely, other pilots reported periodic food shortages lasting several days near front lines.19 Therefore food availability varied greatly from one unit to the next. Distance from the front impacted food supply because it affected the ability of food to reach airfields. At the beginning of the war, food shortages were common in contested areas, such as the North Caucasus and Ukraine.20 Plus, reserves were either too far away or not built up enough to sustain prolonged shortages.21 During German advances supplies were not always able to be delivered, causing aircrews to survive on what meager items they had stockpiled.22 Other 16 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 113. 17 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 115. 18 Drabkin, Barbarossa, 85. 19 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 186. 20 Pennington, Wings, Women, and War, 79. 21 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 115. 22 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 186; Pennington, Wings, Women, and War, 79. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 5 times, aircrews were forced to pick up supplies with their aircraft because the ground vehicles were unable to reach their airfields.23 The type of action an air unit was supporting, such as a retreat or an advance, also affected their food supply. When a regiment formally moved to a new airfield in preparation for an operation, and if time allowed, the airfield would be prepped by a service battalion consisting of combat support and maintenance personnel, who stocked up supplies and prepared the housing and airfield facilities for the arrival of the unit.24 Thorough preparation resulted in efficiency and ease of movement. However, when movement to a new airfield was either hastily planned or unplanned as a result of an unexpected retreat, there was no preparation, resulting in the opposite effect: no supplies. For instance, while retreating in 1942, one pilot wrote that upon reaching the assigned base they "found nothing there—no staff, no mess hall, no fuel" because the ground support had been unable to reach the base in time to prepare it.25 However, the unit in that scenario ended up being fed by a woman from a local village, illustrating the last essential component of location: proximity to an inhabited area.26 Airfields were frequently built near villages. Consequently, instead of official housing, pilots would be billeted with the town residents. Occasionally villagers had items unavailable to military members, such as fresh vegetables from their gardens or dairy products, such as milk. 27 One last factor to consider in analyzing food supply is unit type: bombers versus fighters. Food for both types of units was dreary and monotonous with occasional highlights of canned 23 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 67. 24 Bessette, "Soviet Military Transportation Aviation," 196. 25 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 108. 26 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 108. 27 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 85, 176. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 6 American food, items gained from the locals, or the rationed chocolate and Coca-Cola.28 For instance, in 1942, one bomber pilot reported eating brown bread, a lot of cereal, and in the fall-potatoes, while another bomber pilot reported eating a breakfast of gruel, bread, butter, and tea the following year.29 Fighter pilots reported similar types of food including soup, tea, and bread.30 Overall, food was more affected by location, type of action, and timeframe than type of unit because units across all aircraft types experienced times of relative abundance and shortage, based on locational and situational factors. Housing Housing was also based on location and situation. The spectrum ranged from sleeping in and under aircraft using tarps and covers as blankets to large houses in nearby villages, and later even villas. Pilots were usually billeted separately from the enlisted technicians. Commonly, the technicians were kept closer to the aircraft in dugouts, huts, or trenches, so that they were quickly accessible and ready for action, while it was more common for pilots to live outside the airfield. However, there were times when pilots and technicians lived together, such as one tail gunner who lived in the same local home as her pilot.31 Housing Situations One of the main differences in airfield accommodations was the age of the airfield. New airfields were usually less developed because they were formed during war when a base was needed during a rapid advance or unplanned retreat. Hasty quarters usually consisted of dugouts built into the ground, sometimes made by female workers from nearby cities, such as 28 I Remember, "Airmen: Kolyadin Victor Ivanovich," https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ kolyadin-victor-ivanovich/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. 29 I Remember. "Airmen: Kolyadin Victor Ivanovich," https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ kolyadin-victor-ivanovich/ [accessed 14 October 2019]; I Remember, "Airmen: Ivan Konovalov," https://iremember.ru /en/memoirs/airmen/ivankonovalov/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. 30 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 78. 31 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 176. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 7 Leningrad.32 Pilots also lived in trenches or around the aircraft until more permanent quarters could be made.33 Again, there were exceptions. New airfields were better prepared when movements were planned well in advance, and airfield service battalions were available to go to the airfield first and prepare it for the unit, which included billeting arrangements.34 Conversely, older airfields, many of which had been training schools or air bases before the war, already had a developed infrastructure. They had permanent quarters or at least buildings that could be readily turned into barracks. For instance, one pilot recalled living in an old school building on an airfield that had been a training school two years before the war.35 Even in 1944, when the Russians refitted three Ukrainian air bases for the Americans, they refitted an artillery barracks and school buildings for the Americans to live in.36 Also, as the Russians moved east in 1944 and 1945 they utilized barracks on former German airfields. If housing was not available on the airfield, pilots were billeted in the homes of villagers or other available buildings, within several miles of the airfield. Even within the homes there was a lot of variation. Usually the home's residents still lived there, and one of two scenarios occurred: either a couple or as many as possible pilots would be billeted there. For example, one pilot recalls that "the overcrowding was horrendous, but room was found for me. In a crooked hut…having delicately pushed the hostess to the oven in her kitchen."37 Houses could become crowded and uncomfortable when pilots, other officers, and non-maintenance personnel, were forced to live together. Alternatively, other pilots were billeted alone and given a lot of space and 32 Kaberov, Swastika in the Gunsight, 91. 33 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 106. 34 Bessette, "Soviet Military Transportation Aviation," 196. 35 Reshetnikov, Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front, 33. 36 Plokhy, Forgotten Bastards, 35. 37 Reshetnikov, Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front, 138. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 8 relatively nice accommodations. Also, nearby villages were occasionally abandoned, resulting in pilots living in vacant homes.38 Overall, village billeting was varied. Uncontrollable Factors Another variable that should not be overlooked is the effect of the war on housing options. Barracks and dugouts were not immune to German air raids. When permanent buildings or dugouts were destroyed, pilots slept in hastily rebuilt dugouts or under the aircraft. Combat readiness also dictated how close aircrews slept to their aircraft because if a raid was expected, pilots needed to be ready to defend their airfield at a moment's notice.39 Bombings, when the signal of a German advance, also contributed to units moving from new bases and having to find new quarters altogether. Other times, the housing at a new base was inhabitable. For instance, one mechanic wrote that "all of the habitable dwellings nearby were mined by the Germans, so we had to live under the wings of our aircraft."40 Therefore, stable and safe housing was not to be taken for granted in combat conditions. Weather also played devil's advocate with housing. Mud, rain, and snow are all part of life in Russia and had devastating effects on airfield usage and quality of life inside aircrew quarters. During the rainy season, dugouts were flooded with inches to feet of water, either forcing pilots to pump the water out in colder seasons or live under the aircraft in warmer weather.41 Snow, on the other hand, made its way into primitive buildings in the form of ice. Escaping the cold was impossible. Changes in weather patterns and the beginning of colder seasons also resulted in insect and animal infestations, such as fleas, rats, and mosquitos. One rat 38 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 26. 39 Tomofeyeva-Yegorova, Black Sky Red Death, 106. 40 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 151. 41 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 110, 173. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 9 infestation was so bad a pilot remarked that "they were routinely crushed under people's feet."42 Overall, weather was just one more variable that made housing unpredictable. Commodities Not only was housing itself varied and often improvised, but commodities nowadays taken for granted were as well. Most of what the pilots had for furniture, light, and linens were makeshift. Oil drums and shell casings were used as crude lamps and stoves. Any available material was burned in those stoves, including used bomb fuse-boxes.43 Beds, tables, and any other furniture were typically cobbled together from planks, wood scraps, straw, and aircraft covers. Pillows were stuffed with everything from weeds to straw. Again, there were exceptions, especially later in the war, when air units took over German airfields or lived in residences currently or previously owned by the wealthy. For example, one pilot wrote that his unit was "billeted for a rest in some factory-owner's villa…on soft feather beds," and remarked that "the conqueror's position has its advantages."44 Overall though, pilots did not live in luxury. They made what they needed from what was available. Personal Free Time The small amount of free time in between tasking, or during rough weather, helped the pilots let loose and mentally cope with being in combat. On a personal level, people kept busy with what was available. Those who had books read them and then shared them, which led to book discussions.45 Games requiring little space, such as dominos, chess, and cards were played; although, some commands forbade cardplaying, calling it bourgeois.46 People who were musically gifted and carried their instrument, such as a guitar or accordion, around would play 42 Pennington, Wings, Women, and War, 116. 43 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 124. 44 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 73. 45 Reshetnikov, Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front, 138. 46 Drabkin, Barbarossa, 42. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 10 for their fellow airmen. Some of the women would knit, embroider, or sew new pairs of silk underwear. And everyone looked forward to letters from home, especially when the Germans occupied territory where their loved ones lived. For instance, one pilot wrote that when she received the first letter from her mother, five months into the war, she "felt such relief! All these months I had worried about my family, whether they were suffering somewhere under German occupation."47 Pilots were desperate for news about the wellbeing and whereabouts of relatives and friends. Unit Free Time Beyond the personal level, units organized events amongst themselves. Some had a newsletter that members would write in and distribute amongst the unit.48 Usually those had a political overtone. Nevertheless, they were an opportunity for people to use skills other than flying, such as creative writing, journalism, and drawing. Activities such as talent shows and performances were also organized, including events such as formal readings, performance of plays or sketches, and solo acts. For example, one squadron had the only Gypsy to fly for Russia in the war, who performed dances of his culture, until he died in combat.49 Parties and dances were also held, especially in some of the female units, to celebrate successful missions with dancing and singing.50 Celebrations were an outlet for the emotion created by the stresses of combat and unpredictable living conditions. Occasionally if located near a larger city, such as Leningrad, and if tasking allowed, pilots were able to partake in urban activities, such as movies, concerts, and dance classes. At times, events were formally organized by unit commanders to increase morale and let their 47 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 81. 48 Kaberov, Swastika in the Gunsight, 6. 49 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 61. 50 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 71 . Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 11 personnel get away from the humdrum of front-line duties, while other times, attending a movie or performance was not command mandated. For instance, one corps commander gave circus tickets to his officers and ordered them to go on a night when no flights were scheduled.51 While in a different squadron a group of pilots was invited to a musical premiere in Leningrad while the city was being barraged by the Germans.52 Not only did pilots seek out entertainment, but entertainment sought them out, in the form of traveling performers, artists, and mobile theaters that traveled throughout the eastern front, providing performances for units unable to go to a city or populated area. Relationships Beyond mere activities, relationships were another way to pass the time. Wedding ceremonies were a change from the more frequent funeral ceremonies. Pilots married either pilots from other commands or members of various service battalions. To illustrate the difference between a funeral and wedding, an airman wrote, "the regiment personnel celebrated a festive and memorable event. And it had nothing to do with war, blood, or death. It was quite the opposite of a funeral."53 Joyous occasions were a welcome relief from the cruel ways of combat. Relationships were unavoidable in squadrons where technicians and combat support staff were frequently female. Even in units with only female pilots, relationships were not uncommon with male members of the same or other units. There was one female pilot, for example, whose former commanding officer proposed after the war ended.54 Relationships were crucial in motivating pilots to return from every flight and survive the war, while also serving to satisfy the soft side of human existence. 51 Reshetnikov, Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front, 157. 52 Kaberov, Swastika in the Gunsight, 178. 53 Antipov & Utkin, Dragons on Bird Wings, 75. 54 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 201. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 12 However, humans were not the only ones to fulfill this need for affection, as pets were not forbidden. Often, stray dogs or cats were picked up when a unit passed by an abandoned area. They were either adopted by a whole unit or individuals, as was the case with the Gypsy and his dog, Jack.55 However, there were other scenarios, where a pet would be left behind by higher-ups who briefly visited the unit. For example, Alexander Novikov, then Air Force supreme commander, left behind a bear cub he had been given. At the squadron, the small cub ate and slept with the men, which became difficult as she grew. In the end, she was killed by outsiders, and the air unit refused to eat her.56 While an unusual scenario, it still shows the connections unit members made with animals that ended up in their possession. Focusing on caring for a pet was a needed distraction. Conclusion During World War II, the men and women in the Russian air forces lived an unpredictable life, dictated by the whims of combat. Food would be available one day and not the next. Moving from base to base increased unpredictability, as not all locations were supplied equally, especially when close to combat or advancing German forces. Air force units stretched from Leningrad to Ukraine, which strained the initially inadequate supply system. Time was not always available for building new housing, resulting in external billeting and quickly-built dugouts. Improvisation was the name of the game, as the pilots had to make do with the food, materials, and housing they could scavenge or trade for. Pilots with imagination and creativity were able to create a home away from home that at least met the bare minimum of their needs, despite limited free time to decompress and get away from combat stressors. 55 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 61. 56 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 69. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 13 Research Question: What were the living conditions of Russian pilots in WWII?Outline 1. Introduction 1.1. Research question 1.2. Idea of the variability, range of living conditions 2. Living Conditions 2.1. Food 2.1.1. Food sources 2.1.1.1. Rations 2.1.1.1.1. Calorie comparison 2.1.1.2. Local sources 2.1.1.3. American food 2.1.2. Factors affecting food 2.1.2.1. Location 2.1.2.1.1. Timeframe 2.1.2.1.2. Movement type 2.1.2.1.3. Billeting 2.1.2.2. Unit type 2.2. Housing 2.2.1. Introduction 2.2.2. Housing Situations 2.2.2.1. New Airfields 2.2.2.2. Old Airfields 2.2.2.3. Living in Villages 2.2.3. Uncontrollable Factors 2.2.3.1. Combat Conditions 2.2.3.2. Weather 2.2.4. Commodities 2.3. Free Time 2.3.1. Personal Level 2.3.1.1. Hobbies: sewing, knitting, poetry, music 2.3.1.2. Letters from home 2.3.2. Unit Level Activities 2.3.2.1. Newspapers, performances 2.3.2.2. Nearby towns 2.3.2.2.1. Leader/command initiated 2.3.3. Relationships 2.3.3.1. People 2.3.3.2. Pets 3. Conclusion Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 14 Bibliography Primary Sources Drabkin, Artem. Barbarossa and the Retreat to Moscow: Recollections of Fighter Pilots on the Eastern Front. South Yorkshire: Pen & Sword Books LTD, 2007. I Remember. "Airmen: Kolyadin Victor Ivanovich." https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ kolyadin-victor-ivanovich/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. I Remember. "Airmen: Ivan Konovalov." https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ivan-konovalov/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. Kaberov, Igor. Swastika in the Gunsight: Memoirs of a Russian Fighter Pilot 1941-1945. Stroud: Sutton Publishing, 1999. Kramarenko, Sergei. The Red Air Force at War: Air Combat over the Eastern Front and Korea: A Soviet Fighter Pilot Remembers. Barnsley, England: Pen & Sword Military, 2008. Mariinskiy, Evgeniy. Red Star Airacobra: Memoirs of a Soviet Fighter Ace, 1941-45. Solihull: Helion & Company, 2006. Noggle, Anne. A Dance with Death: Soviet Airwomen in World War II. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1994. Reshetnikov, Vasiliy. Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front: 307 Missions Behind Enemy Lines. South Yorkshire: Pen & Sword Books LTD, 2008. Timofeyeva-Yegorova, A. Red Sky, Black Death: A Soviet Woman Pilot's Memoir of the Eastern Front. Bloomington: Slavica Publishers, 2009. Scholarly Books Pennington, Reina. Wings, Women, and War: Soviet Airwomen in World War II Combat. Modern War Studies. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2001. Plokhy, Serhii. Forgotten Bastards of the Eastern Front: American Airmen Behind the Soviet Lines and the Collapse of the Grand Alliance. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2019. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 15 Scholarly Articles Bessette, John. "Soviet Military Transport Aviation" in The Soviet Air Forces edited by Paul Murphy, 188-211. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 1984. Collingham, Lizzie. "The Soviet Union—Fighting on Empty" in The Taste of War, 317-346. New York: Penguin Press, 2012. Collingham, Lizzie. "The United States—Out of Depression and into Abundance" in The Taste of War, 415-466. New York: Penguin Press, 2012. Ganson, Nicholas. "Food Supply, Rationing, and Living Standards" in The Soviet Union at War, 1941-1945 edited by David Stone, 69-92. South Yorkshire: Pen & Sword Books Ltd, 2010. Moskoff, William. "The First Priority: Feeding the Armed Forces" in The Bread of Affliction: The Food Supply in the USSR During World War II, 113-134. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Additional Sources Antipov, Vladislav, and Igor Utkin. Dragons on Bird Wings: The Combat History of the 812th Fighter Regiment. Translated by James F. Gebhardt. 1st English ed. Kitchener, ON: Aviaeology, 2006.

Temporary or permanent, local or international, voluntary or forced, legal or illegal, registered or unregistered migrations of individuals, whole communities or individual groups are an important factor in constructing and modifying (modern) societies. The extent of international migrations is truly immense. At the time of the preparation of this publication more than 200 million people have been involved in migrations in a single year according to the United Nations. Furthermore, three times more wish to migrate, mostly from sub-Saharan Africa towards some of the most economically developed areas of the world according to the estimates by the Gallup Institute (Esipova, 2011). Some authors, although aware that it is not a new phenomenon, talk about the era of migration (Castles, Miller, 2009) or the globalization of migration (Friedman, 2004). The global dimensions of migration are definitely influenced also by the increasingly visible features of modern societies like constantly changing conditions, instability, fluidity, uncertainty etc. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).The extent, direction, type of migrations and their consequences are affected by many social and natural factors in the areas of emigration and immigration. In addition, researchers from many scientific disciplines who study migrations have raised a wide range of research questions (Boyle, 2009, 96), use a variety of methodological approaches and look for different interpretations in various spatial, temporal and contextual frameworks. The migrations are a complex, multi-layered, variable, contextual process that takes place at several levels. Because of this, research on migrations has become an increasingly interdisciplinary field, since the topics and problems are so complex that they cannot be grasped solely and exclusively from the perspective of a single discipline or theory. Therefore, we are witnessing a profusion of different "faces of migration", which is reflected and at the same time also contributed to by this thematic issue of the journal Ars & Humanitas.While mobility or migration are not new phenomena, as people have moved and migrated throughout the history of mankind, only recently, in the last few decades, has theoretical and research focus on them intensified considerably. In the last two decades a number of research projects, university programs and courses, research institutes, scientific conferences, seminars, magazines, books and other publications, involving research, academia as well as politics and various civil society organizations have emerged. This shows the recent exceptional interest in the issue of migration, both in terms of knowledge of the processes involved, their mapping in the history of mankind, as well as the theoretical development of migration studies and daily management of this politically sensitive issue.Migration affects many entities on many different levels: the individuals, their families and entire communities at the local level in the emigrant societies as well as in the receiving societies. The migration is changing not only the lives of individuals but whole communities and societies, as well as social relations; it is also shifting the cultural patterns and bringing important social transformations (Castles 2010). This of course raises a number of questions, problems and issues ranging from human rights violations to literary achievements. Some of these are addressed by the authors in this thematic issue.The title "Many faces of migration", connecting contributions in this special issue, is borrowed from the already mentioned Gallup Institute's report on global migration (Esipova, 2011). The guiding principle in the selection of the contributions has been their diversity, reflected also in the list of disciplines represented by the authors: sociology, geography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, history, art history, modern Mediterranean studies, gender studies and media studies. Such an approach necessarily leads not only to a diverse, but at least seemingly also incompatible, perhaps even opposing views "on a given topic. However, we did not want to silence the voices of "other" disciplines, but within the reviewing procedures actually invited scientists from the fields represented by the contributors to this volume. The wealth of the selected contributions lies therefore not only in their coherence and complementarity, but also in the diversity of views, stories and interpretations.The paper of Zora Žbontar deals with the attitudes towards foreigners in ancient Greece, where the hospitality to strangers was considered so worthy a virtue that everyone was expected to "demonstrate hospitality and protection to any foreigner who has knocked on their door". The contrast between the hospitality of ancient Greece and the modern emergence of xenophobia and ways of dealing with migration issues in economically developed countries is especially challenging. "In an open gesture of hospitality to strangers the ancient Greeks showed their civilization".Although the aforementioned research by the United Nations and Gallup Institute support some traditional stereotypes of the main global flows of migrants, and the areas about which the potential migrants "dream", Bojan Baskar stresses the coexistence of different migratory desires, migration flows and their interpretations. In his paper he specifically focuses on overcoming and relativising stereotypes as well as theories of immobile and non-enterprising (Alpine) mountain populations and migrations.The different strategies of the crossing borders adopted by migrant women are studied by Mirjana Morokvasic. She marks them as true social innovators, inventing different ways of transnational life resulting in a bottom-up contribution to the integrative processes across Europe. Some of their innovations go as far as to shift diverse real and symbolic boundaries of belonging to a nation, gender, profession.Elaine Burroughs and Zoë O'Reilly highlight the close relations between the otherwise well-established terminology used in statistics and science to label immigrants in Ireland and elsewhere in EU, and the negative representations of certain types of migrants in politics and the public. The discussion focusses particularly on asylum seekers and illegal immigrants who come from outside the EU. The use of language can quickly become a political means of exclusion, therefore the authors propose the development and use of more considerate and balanced migration terminology.Damir Josipovič proposes a change of the focal point for identifying and interpreting the well-studied migrations in the former Yugoslavia. The author suggests changing the dualistic view of these migrations to an integrated, holistic view. Instead of a simplified understanding of these migrations as either international or domestic, voluntary or forced, he proposes a concept of pseudo-voluntary migrations.Maja Korać-Sanderson's contribution highlights an interesting phenomenon in the shift in the traditional patterns of gender roles. The conclusions are derived from the study of the family life of Chinese traders in transitional Serbia. While many studies suggest that child care in recent decades in immigrant societies is generally performed by immigrants, her study reveals that in Serbia, the Chinese merchants entrust the care of their children mostly to local middle class women. The author finds this switch of roles in the "division of labour" in the child care favourable for both parties involved.Francesco Della Puppa focuses on a specific part of the mosaic of contemporary migrations in the Mediterranean: the Bangladeshi immigrant community in the highly industrialized North East of Italy. The results of his in-depth qualitative study reveal the factors that shape this segment of the Bangladeshi diaspora, the experiences of migrants and the effects of migration on their social and biographical trajectories.John A. Schembri and Maria Attard present a snippet of a more typical Mediterranean migration process - immigration to Malta. The authors highlight the reduction in migration between Malta and the United Kingdom, while there is an increase in immigration to Malta from the rest of Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. Amongst the various impacts of immigration to Malta the extraordinary concentration of immigrant populations is emphasized, since the population density of Malta far exceeds that of nearly all other European countries.Miha Kozorog studies the link between migration and constructing their places of their origin. On the basis of Ardener's theory the author expresses "remoteness" of the emigratory Slavia Friulana in terms of topology, in relation to other places, rather than in topography. "Remoteness" is formed in relation to the "outside world", to those who speak of "remote areas" from the privileged centres. The example of an artistic event, which organizers aim "to open a place like this to the outside world", "to encourage the production of more cosmopolitan place", shows only the temporary effect of such event on the reduction of the "remoteness".Jani Kozina presents a study of the basic temporal and spatial characteristics of migration "of people in creative occupations" in Slovenia. The definition of this specific segment of the population and approach to study its migrations are principally based on the work of Richard Florida. The author observes that people with creative occupations in Slovenia are very immobile and in this respect quite similar to other professional groups in Slovenia, but also to the people in creative professions in the Southern and Eastern Europe, which are considered to be among the least mobile in Europe. Detailed analyses show that the people in creative occupations from the more developed regions generally migrate more intensely and are also more willing to relocate.Mojca Pajnik and Veronika Bajt study the experiences of migrant women with the access to the labour market in Slovenia. Existing laws and policies push the migrants into a position where, if they want to get to work, have to accept less demanding work. In doing so, the migrant women are targets of stereotyped reactions and practices of discrimination on the basis of sex, age, attributed ethnic and religious affiliation, or some other circumstances, particularly the fact of being migrants. At the same time the latter results in the absence of any protection from the state.Migration studies often assume that the target countries are "modern" and countries of origin "traditional". Anıl Al- Rebholz argues that such a dichotomous conceptualization of modern and traditional further promotes stereotypical, essentialist and homogenizing images of Muslim women in the "western world". On the basis of biographical narratives of young Kurdish and Moroccan women as well as the relationships between mothers and daughters, the author illustrates a variety of strategies of empowerment of young women in the context of transnational migration.A specific face of migration is highlighted in the text of Svenka Savić, namely the face of artistic migration between Slovenia and Serbia after the Second World War. The author explains how more than thirty artists from Slovenia, with their pioneering work in three ensembles (opera, ballet and theatre), significantly contributed to the development of the performing arts in the Serbian National Theatre in Novi Sad.We believe that in the present thematic issue we have succeeded in capturing an important part of the modern European research dynamic in the field of migration. In addition to well-known scholars in this field several young authors at the beginning their research careers have been shortlisted for the publication. We are glad of their success as it bodes a vibrancy of this research area in the future. At the same time, we were pleased to receive responses to the invitation from representatives of so many disciplines, and that the number of papers received significantly exceeded the maximum volume of the journal. Recognising and understanding of the many faces of migration are important steps towards the comprehensive knowledge needed to successfully meet the challenges of migration issues today and even more so in the future. It is therefore of utmost importance that researchers find ways of transferring their academic knowledge into practice – to all levels of education, the media, the wider public and, of course, the decision makers in local, national and international institutions. The call also applies to all authors in this issue of the journal. ; Začasne ali stalne, lokalne ali mednarodne, prostovoljne ali prisilne, legalne ali ilegalne, registrirane ali neregistrirane migracije posameznic in posameznikov, celih družbenih skupnosti ali posameznih skupin predstavljajo pomemben dejavnik v konstruiranju in spreminjanju (sodobnih) družb. Razsežnosti mednarodnih migracij so resnično ogromne, saj je bilo vanje v času nastajanja te publikacije po ocenah Združenih narodov v enem letu vključenih več kot 200 milijonov ljudi. Po ocenah Gallupovega inštituta pa se jih še trikrat toliko želi preseliti, največ iz podsaharske Afrike ter proti nekaterim gospodarsko najbolj razvitim območjem sveta (Esipova, 2011). Nekateri avtorji zato, čeprav ob zavedanju, da ne gre za nov fenomen, govorijo o dobi migracij (Castles, Miller, 2009) ali o globalizaciji migracij (Friedman, 2004). Zagotovo je na globalne razsežnosti migracij vplivalo tudi to, da so vse bolj vidne značilnosti sodobnih družb nenehno spreminjanje razmer, nestabilnost, fluidnost, negotovost ipd. (Beck, 2009; Bauman, 2002).Na obseg, smeri in vrste migracij ter na njihove posledice vplivajo številni družbeni in naravni dejavniki, tako na območjih odseljevanja kot tudi na območjih priselitev. Poleg tega si raziskovalke in raziskovalci iz številnih znanstvenih disciplin, ki proučujejo migracije, v raziskavah zastavljajo »neverjetno raznovrstna« vprašanja (Boyle, 2009, 96), uporabljajo različne metodološke pristope in iščejo različne interpretacije, in sicer v različnih prostorskih, časovnih in vsebinskih okvirih. Vse bolj prihaja do izraza, da so migracije kompleksen, večplasten, spremenljiv in kontekstualen proces, ki poteka na več ravneh. Prav zaradi tega spoznanja je raziskovanje migracij postajalo vse bolj interdisciplinarno polje, saj so teme in problemi tako kompleksni, da jih ni mogoče zagrabiti zgolj in izključno iz perspektive ene same znanosti ali teorije. Zato smo priča pravemu bogastvu »obrazov migracij«, ki ga odraža ter obenem k njemu tudi prispeva pričujoča tematska številka revije Ars & Humanitas.Čeprav mobilnost oziroma migracije niso nov pojav, saj so se ljudje selili in preseljevali skozi celotno zgodovino človeštva, pa se šele v zadnjem času, v zadnjih nekaj desetletjih, z njimi resno teoretsko in raziskovalno ukvarjamo. V zadnjih dveh desetletjih so se pojavili številni raziskovalni projekti, univerzitetni programi in predmeti, raziskovalni inštituti, znanstvene konference, posveti, revije, knjige in druge publikacije, pri katerih sodelujejo tako raziskovalna in akademska sfera kot tudi politika in različne civilnodružbene organizacije. To priča o v zadnjem času izjemnem zanimanju za vprašanje migracij, tako kar zadeva poznavanje samih procesov in njihovo mapiranje v zgodovini človeštva kot tudi teoretski razvoj migracijskih študij in vsakodnevno urejanje tega politično občutljivega vprašanja.Migracije zadevajo številne subjekte na številnih ravneh: posameznice in posameznike, njihove družine ter celotne skupnosti tako na lokalni ravni v družbi emigracije kakor tudi na vseh teh ravneh v imigrantski družbi. Z migracijami se spreminjajo ne samo življenja posameznikov in posameznic, ampak se spreminjajo celotne skupnosti oziroma družbe in družbeni odnosi, zamikajo se kulturni vzorci, prihaja do pomembnih družbenih transformacij (Castles, 2010). Ob tem se seveda odpirajo številne teme, problemi in vprašanja, ki se gibljejo v širokem razponu od kršenja človekovih pravic do literarnih presežkov. Nekaterih od njih se dotikajo tudi prispevki v pričujoči tematski številki.Povezovalni naslov prispevkov v tej tematski številki revije, »Številni obrazi migracij«, smo si sposodili iz že omenjenega poročila Gallupovega inštituta o globalnih selitvah (Esipova, 2011). Temeljno vsebinsko vodilo pri izbiri prispevkov je bila raznovrstnost, kar nakazuje tudi pregled znanstvenih disciplin, iz katerih prihajajo avtorji: sociologija, geografija, etnologija in kulturna antropologija, zgodovina, umetnostna zgodovina, sodobne sredozemske študije, študiji spola in medijski študiji. Tak pristop nujno pripelje ne le do raznolikih, ampak tudi do vsaj navidezno neskladnih, morda celo nasprotnih pogledov na obravnavane tematike. Vendar nismo želeli utišati glasov iz »drugih« znanstvenih disciplin, temveč smo raje v recenzentske postopke povabili znanstvenike s področij, s katerih so tudi avtorji. Bogastvo zbranih prispevkov torej ni v njihovi medsebojni skladnosti in potrjevanju, temveč prav v mnogoterosti pogledov, zgodb in interpretacij.Prispevek Zore Žbontar obravnava odnos do tujcev v antični Grčiji, kjer je bilo gostoljubje do tujcev tako častivredna vrlina, da je vsak moral »izkazati gostoljubje in zaščititi kateregakoli tujca, ki je potrkal na vrata«. Zlasti je izzivalen kontrast med gostoljubjem v antični Grčiji in sodobnim pojavljanjem ksenofobije ter načini soočanja z migracijsko problematiko v gospodarsko razvitih državah. »Antični Grki so v odprti gesti gostoljubja do tujcev prepoznali svojo civiliziranost.«Čeprav omenjene raziskave Združenih narodov in Gallupovega inštituta podpirajo nekatere uveljavljene stereotipe o glavnih globalnih tokovih migrantov ter o območjih, o katerih »sanjajo« potencialni migranti, Bojan Baskar opozarja na sočasen obstoj tudi drugačnih migracijskih želja, tokov migracij in njihovih interpretacij. Posebej se osredotoči na preseganje in relativizacijo stereotipov in teorij o nemobilnem in nepodjetnem (alpskem) hribovskem prebivalstvu in migracijah.O tem, kako različne strategije pri prehajanju, prestopanju in prečkanju meja razvijejo migrantke, piše Mirjana Morokvasic. Označi jih kot prave socialne inovatorke, ki izumijo različne načine transnacionalnega življenja in tako od spodaj navzgor prispevajo k integrativnim procesom po vsej Evropi. V svoji inovativnosti gredo nekatere tako daleč, da premikajo različne, tako realne kot simbolne meje pripadanja naciji, spolu in poklicu.Elaine Burroughs in Zoë O'Reilly izpostavita tesno povezanost med sicer uveljavljeno terminologijo, s katero v statistiki in tudi znanosti označujejo imigrante na Irskem in širše v EU, ter negativnimi reprezentacijami nekaterih tipov migrantov v politiki in javnosti. Razpravo navežeta zlasti na iskalce azila in nezakonite priseljence, ki pridejo iz držav zunaj EU. Raba jezika lahko hitro postane politični način izključevanja, zato predlagata razvoj in uporabo obzirnejše in pravičnejše migracijske terminologije.Za spremembo izhodišča opredeljevanja in interpretacije sicer dobro proučenih selitev v nekdanji Jugoslaviji se zavzame Damir Josipovič. Predlaga zamenjavo dualističnega pogleda na te migracije s celostnim. Namesto njihovega poenostavljenega razumevanja kot mednarodnih in notranjih ali prostovoljnih in prisilnih migracij pa se zavzema za koncept psevdoprostovoljnih migracij.Na zanimiv fenomen zamikanja ustaljenih vzorcev spolnih vlog opozori tekst Maje Korać-Sanderson, katere zaključki izhajajo iz študije družinskega življenja kitajskih trgovcev v tranzicijski Srbiji. Medtem ko številne študije ugotavljajo, da skrbstveno delo v zadnjih desetletjih v imigrantskih družbah v glavnem opravljajo migrantke, njena študija ugotavlja, da v Srbiji kitajske trgovke skrb za svoje otroke večinoma zaupajo lokalnim ženskam srednjega razreda. Ta obrat vlog pri »delitvi dela« v skrbstveni sferi, ugotavlja avtorica, je v prid obema vpletenima stranema.Specifičen del mozaika sodobnih migracij v Sredozemlju, bangladeške skupnosti imigrantov na visoko industrializiranem severovzhodu Italije, razkriva Francesco Della Puppa. Izsledki poglobljenega kvalitativnega proučevanja odstirajo dejavnike, ki oblikujejo ta segment bangladeške diaspore, izkušnje migrantov ter učinke selitve na njihove družbene in biografske trajektorije.Izsek iz bolj tipičnih sredozemskih migracijskih procesov na primeru priseljevanja na Malto predstavita John A. Schembri in Maria Attard. Ugotavljata zmanjševanje števila selitev med Malto in Veliko Britanijo ob hkratnem povečevanju priseljevanja iz ostalih držav Evrope in podsaharske Afrike. Med učinki priseljevanja na Malto izpostavita izredno zgoščenost priseljenega prebivalstva, ki presega gostote celotnih prebivalstev v nekaterih evropskih državah.Miha Kozorog obravnava povezavo med migracijami in konstruiranjem krajev, iz katerih te migracije izvirajo. S pomočjo Ardenerjeve teorije »odročnost« izrazito emigracijske Benečije izrazi ne toliko v topografskem kot v topološkem smislu, v razmerju do drugih krajev. »Odročnost« nastaja v razmerju z »zunanjim svetom«, s tistimi, ki govorijo o »odročnih krajih« iz privilegiranih središč. Na primeru umetniškega dogodka, s katerim želijo organizatorji »odpreti tak kraj zunanjemu svetu« in »spodbuditi produkcijo bolj svetovljanskega kraja«, pokaže zgolj začasnost učinka tega dogodka na zmanjšanje »odročnosti«.O temeljnih časovnih in prostorskih značilnostih selitev »prebivalcev z ustvarjalnim poklicem« v Sloveniji piše Jani Kozina. Pri opredeljevanju tega specifičnega dela prebivalstva in pristopa k proučevanju njegovega migriranja se opre zlasti na dela Richarda Floride. Ugotavlja, da so prebivalci z ustvarjalnim poklicem v Sloveniji prostorsko zelo nemobilni in po tem kriteriju precej podobni ostalim poklicnim skupinam v Sloveniji, obenem pa tudi prebivalcem z ustvarjalnimi poklici v južni in vzhodni Evropi, za katere velja, da so med najmanj mobilnimi v Evropi. Podrobnejše analize pokažejo, da se ustvarjalci bolj razvitih regij načeloma intenzivneje selijo in so tudi v večji meri pripravljeni na selitev.O izkušnjah migrantk pri dostopu do trga delovne sile v Sloveniji govori članek Mojce Pajnik in Veronike Bajt. Obstoječa zakonodaja in posamezne politike namreč migrantke potiskajo v položaj, ko, če hočejo priti do zaposlitve, pristajajo na manj zahtevna dela. Pri tem so tarče stereotipnih reakcij in praks diskriminiranja tako na podlagi spola kot tudi starosti, pripisane etnične in religiozne pripadnosti ali kakšne druge okoliščine, še posebej dejstva, da so migrantke. Obenem pa prav zadnje vpliva na to, da s strani države niso deležne nikakršne zaščite.Migracijske študije pogosto domnevajo, da so ciljne države »moderne«, države izvora pa »tradicionalne«. Razprava Anıl Al-Rebholz ugotavlja, da takšna dihotomija pojmovanja modernega in tradicionalnega dodatno spodbuja stereotipne, esencialistične in homogenizirajoče predstave o muslimanskih ženskah v »zahodnem svetu«. Na podlagi biografskih pripovedi mlade Maročanke in Kurdinje ter razmerij med materami in hčerami prikaže raznolike strategije opolnomočenja mladih žensk v transnacionalnem migracijskem kontekstu.Specifični obraz migracij prinaša tekst Svenke Savić, namreč obraz umetniških migracij med Slovenijo in Srbijo po drugi svetovni vojni. Avtorica v njem ugotavlja, da je v treh ansamblih (opernem, gledališkem in baletnem) več kot trideset umetnic in umetnikov iz Slovenije s svojim pionirskim delom pomembno zaznamovalo razvoj gledališke umetnosti v Srbskem narodnem gledališču v Novem Sadu.Verjamemo, da nam je uspelo v pričujočo tematsko številko ujeti pomemben del sodobnega evropskega raziskovalskega utripa s področja migracij. Poleg uveljavljenih znanstvenikov s tega področja se je v ožji izbor prispevkov uvrstilo tudi več mladih avtoric in avtorjev, ki začenjajo raziskovalne kariere. Njihov uspeh nas veseli, saj obeta živahnost tega raziskovalnega področja tudi v bodoče. Obenem nas veseli, da so se vabilu odzvali predstavniki tako številnih znanstvenih disciplin ter da je število prispevkov, ki smo jih prejeli, znatno presegalo največji možni obseg revije. Spoznavanje in razumevanje številnih obrazov migracij sta pomembna koraka proti celovitemu znanju, potrebnemu za uspešno soočanje z izzivi migracijske problematike danes in, kot kaže, še posebej v prihodnosti. Zato je izjemnega pomena, da raziskovalci najdemo načine prenosa svojih znanstvenih spoznanj v prakso – na vse ravni izobraževanja, v medije, širše strokovne javnosti ter seveda tudi odločevalcem v lokalnih, državnih in mednarodnih ustanovah. Poziv velja tudi vsem avtorjem prispevkov v tej številke revije.

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Yaadahalli-2 Microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and the physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 662 ha in Yadgir taluk & district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought-prone with an average annual rainfall of 866 mm, of which about 652 mm is received during south-west monsoon, 138 mm during north-east and the remaining 76 mm during the rest of the year. An area of 597 ha (90%) in the microwatershed is covered by soils, 7 ha (1%) by rock outcrops and 58 ha (9%) by others (habitation and water body). The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 11 soil series and 21 soil phases (management units) and 4 land management units.  The length of crop growing period is about 120-150 days starting from 1st week of June to 4th week of October.  From the master soil map, several interpretative and thematic maps like land capability, soil depth, surface soil texture, soil gravelliness, available water capacity, soil slope and soil erosion were generated.  Soil fertility status maps for macro and micronutrients were generated based on the surface soil samples collected at every 320 m grid interval.  Land suitability for growing 29 major agricultural and horticultural crops was assessed and maps showing the degree of suitability along with constraints were generated.  Entire area in the microwatershed is suitable for agriculture.  About 32 per cent area of the microwatershed has soils that are very deep (>150 cm), 28 per cent soils are deep (100 to 150 cm), 20 per cent soils are moderately deep (75-100 cm), 2 per cent soils are moderately shallow (50-75 cm) and 8 per cent soils are shallow (25-50 cm).  About 22 per cent area in the microwatershed has sandy soils, 49 per cent loamy soils and 19 per cent clayey soils at the surface.  About 86 per cent area of the microwatershed has non gravelly (200 mm/m) in available water capacity.  An area of about 6 per cent is nearly level (0-1%) and 84 per cent area in the microwatershed has very gently sloping (1-3%) lands.  An area of about 6 per cent is slightly eroded (e1) and 84 per cent is moderately (e2) eroded in the microwatershed.  An area of about 2 per cent is slightly acid (pH 6.0-6.5), 44 per cent is neutral (pH 6.5-7.3), 22 per cent is slightly alkaline (pH 7.3-7.8), 20 per cent is moderately alkaline (pH 7.8-8.4) and 2 per cent is strongly alkaline (pH 8.4-9.0) in reaction.  The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils in the entire area of the microwatershed is 0.75%) in organic carbon.  About 62 per cent area is medium (23-57 kg/ha) and 28 per cent area is high (>57 kg/ha) in available phosphorus.  About 88 per cent is medium (145-337 kg/ha) and 2 per cent is high (>337 kg/ha) in available potassium.  Available sulphur is low (<10 ppm) in an area of about 75 per cent and 15 per cent of the soils are medium (10-20 ppm) in the microwatershed.  Available boron is low (<0.5 ppm) in an area of about 74 per cent and medium (0.5-1.0 ppm) in an area of 16 per cent area of the microwatershed.  Available iron is sufficient in all the soils of the microwatershed.  Available manganese is sufficient in all the soils of the microwatershed.  Available copper is sufficient in all the soils of the microwatershed.  Available zinc is deficient (<0.6 ppm) in all the soils of the microwatershed.  The land suitability for 29 major agricultural and horticultural crops grown in the microwatershed was assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the Microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 455(69) 87(13) Guava - 130(20) Maize 58(9) 433(65) Sapota - 131(20) Bajra 109(16) 433(65) Pomegranate - 528(80) Groundnut - 138(21) Musambi 389(59) 139(21) Sunflower 389(59) 139(21) Lime 389(59) 139(21) Redgram - 528(80) Amla 66(10) 475(72) Bengal gram 397(60) 81(12) Cashew - 66(10) Cotton 389(59) 88(13) Jackfruit - 131(20) Chilli - 542(82) Jamun - 397(60) Tomato 58(9) 401(60) Custard apple 476(72) 65(10) Brinjal 120(18) 421(64) Tamarind - 397(60) Onion 161(24) 101(16) Mulberry - 131(20) Bhendi 299(45) 242(37) Marigold - 542(82) Drumstick - 528(80) Chrysanthemum - 542(82) Mango - 46(7)  Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops.  Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested for these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.,  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. This would help in not only supplementing the farm income but also provide fodder and fuel and generate lot of biomass which would help in maintaining an ecological balance and also contribute to mitigating the climate change. FINDINGS OF THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC SURVEY  The survey was conducted in Yaadahalli-2 is located at North latitude 160 49' 50.825" and 160 48' 22.582" and East longitude 770 10' 36.282'' and 770 8' 22.441" covering an area of about 661.39 ha coming underYaddalli, Bandhalli and Honagera villages of Yadagiri taluk.  Socio-economic analysis of Yaadahalli-2 micro watersheds of Hattikuni subwatershed, Yadgiri taluk & District indicated that, out of the total sample of 36 farmers were sampled in Yaadahalli-2 micro-watershed among households surveyed 19 (52.78%) were marginal, 6 (16.67%) were small and 5 (13.89 %) were semi medium farmers. 6 landless farmers were also interviewed for the survey.  The population characteristics of households indicated that, there were 127 (55.70%) men and 101 (44.30 %) were women. The average population of landless was 6.7, marginal farmers were 6.5, semi medium farmers were 5.7 and medium farmers were 6.  Majority of the respondents (56.14%) were in the age group of 16-35 years.  Education level of the sample households indicated that, there were 74.12 per cent illiterates, 25.44 per cent pre university education and 2.63 per cent attained graduation.  About, 77.78 per cent of household heads practicing agriculture and 2.78 per cent of the household heads were engaged as agricultural labourers.  Agriculture was the major occupation for 60.09 per cent of the household members.  In the study area, 52.78 per cent of the households possess katcha house and 33.33 per cent possess pucca house.  The durable assets owned by the households showed that, 61.11 per cent possess TV, 2.78 per cent possess mixer grinder, 94.44 per cent possess mobile phones and 33.33 per cent possess motor cycles.  Farm implements owned by the households indicated that, 22.22 per cent of the households possess plough, 5.56 per cent possess tractor, 5.56 per cent possess bullock cart and 13.89 per cent possess sprayer.  Regarding livestock possession by the households, 8.33 per cent possess local cow and 2.78 per cent possess buffalo.  The average labour availability in the study area showed that, own labour men available in the micro watershed was 1.89, women available in the micro watershed was 1.69, hired labour (men) available was 7.83 and hired labour (women) available was 5.97.  Further, 19.44 per cent of the households opined that hired labour was inadequate during the agricultural season. 2  In the study area, about 2.63 per cent of the respondents migrated from the micro watershed in search of jobs with an average distance of 1150.00 kms for about 12.00 months.  Out of the total land holding of the sample respondents 65.61 per cent (24.20 ha) of the area is under dry condition and the remaining 30.71 per cent area is irrigated land.  There were 9.00 live bore wells and 9.00 dry bore wells among the sampled households.  Bore well was the major source of irrigation for 25.00 per cent of the households.  The major crops grown by sample farmers are Red gram, Cotton, Groundnut, Paddy and Green gram and cropping intensity was recorded as 107.16 per cent.  Out of the sample households 77.78 percent possessed bank account and 47.22 per cent of them have savings in the account.  About 38.89 per cent of the respondents borrowed credit from various sources.  Among the credit borrowed by households, 14.29 per cent have borrowed loan from commercial banks and 64.29 per cent from co-operative/Grameena bank.  Majority of the respondents (100.00%) have borrowed loan for agriculture purpose.  Regarding the opinion on institutional sources of credit, 92.31 per cent of the households opined that credit helped to perform timely agricultural operations.  The per hectare cost of cultivation for Red gram, Cotton, Groundnut, Paddy and Green gram was Rs.50570.78 , 33213.31, 61554.52, 57120.33, and 40238.12 with benefit cost ratio of 1:1.03, 1: 2.90, 1: 2.30, 1: 1.40, and 1:1.50, respectively.  Further, 30.56 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate.  The average annual gross income of the farmers was Rs. 230574.94 in microwatershed, of which Rs. 62213.89 comes from agriculture.  Sampled households have grown 14 horticulture trees and 44 forestry trees together in the fields and back yards.  Households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 15694.44 for land development and Rs. 27083.33 for irrigation facility.  Source of funds for additional investment is concerned, 2.78 per cent depends on own funds and 11.11 per cent depends on bank loan for land development activities.  Regarding marketing channels, 61.11 per cent of the households have sold agricultural produce to the local/village merchants, while, 25.00 per cent have sold in regulated markets.  Further, 80.56 per cent of the households have used tractor for the transport of agriculture commodity. 3  Majority of the farmers (55.56%) have experienced soil and water erosion problems in the watershed and 77.78 per cent of the households were interested towards soil testing.  Fire was the major source of fuel for domestic use for 83.33 per cent of the households and 16.67 per cent households has LPG connection.  Piped supply was the major source for drinking water for 83.33 per cent of the households.  Electricity was the major source of light for 100.00 per cent of the households.  In the study area, 41.67 per cent of the households possess toilet facility.  Regarding possession of PDS card, 91.67 per cent of the households possessed BPL card and 8.33 per cent of the household's possessed APL card.  Households opined that, the requirement of cereals (83.33%), pulses (88.89%) and oilseeds (52.78%) are adequate for consumption.  Farming constraints experienced by households in the micro watersheds were lower fertility status of the soil was the constraint experienced by (63.89 %) per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field (47.22%), frequent incidence of pest and diseases (77.78%), inadequacy of irrigation water (58.33%), high cost of fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (77.78%), high rate of interest on credit (77.78%), low price for the agricultural commodities (77.78 %), lack of marketing facilities in the area (63.89%), inadequate extension services (27.78 %) and lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (72.22%). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

Daisy Eason, photo taken at her home on January 22, 2014 ; The New Zion Community Advocates worked with community members age 80 years and older to have contributed to the history of Ogden city. The interviews looked at the legacy of the interviewees through armed services, work, social life, church, NAACP and educational systems in an environment where their culture was not predominant. This program has received funding from the Utah Humanities Council and the Utah Division of State history. ; The following is an oral history interview with Daisy Eason conducted on January 22, 2014 by Deborah George. ; 26p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 sound disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program Daisy Eason Interviewed by Deborah M. George 22 January 2014 Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Daisy Eason Interviewed by Deborah M. George 22 January 2014 Copyright © 2014 by Weber State University, Stewart Library Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. Archival copies are placed in Special Collections. The Stewart Library also houses the original recording so researchers can gain a sense of the interviewee's voice and intonations. Project Description The New Zion Community Advocates worked with community members age 80 years and older to have contributed to the history of Ogden city. The interviews looked at the legacy of the interviewees through armed services, work, social life, church, NAACP and educational systems in an environment where their culture was not predominant. This program has received funding from the Utah Humanities Council and the Utah Division of State history. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management Special Collections All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to the Stewart Library of Weber State University. No part of the manuscript may be published without the written permission of the University Librarian. Requests for permission to publish should be addressed to the Administration Office, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah, 84408. The request should include identification of the specific item and identification of the user. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Eason, Daisy, an oral history by Deborah M. George, 22 January 2014, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, Special Collections, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. iii Daisy Eason, photo taken at her home on January 22, 2014 Abstract: The following is an oral history interview with Daisy Eason conducted on January 22, 2014 by Deborah George. DG: We are in the home of Daisy Eason, today, January 22, 2014 to do an oral interview about her history in Ogden, Utah. Would you tell us your full name? DE: My full name is Daisy Louise Eason. DG: What's your birth date? DE: June 11, 1928. DG: How are we related? DE: We're not related. DG: So what are you doing now? DE: Now I'm just having fun. I work one day a week at Davis Hospital as a volunteer. DG: Where do you work in Davis Hospital? DE: I usually work in the volunteer office, answering the phone. I used to just take patients out and do a lot stuff, but since I've gotten to be this age I just answer the phone for them now. DG: What are some of the most important lessons you've learned in life? DE: The most important lesson I've learned in life is humility. I just think people learn that you have to humble yourself because you can get a lot by just being humble and nice. Take you a long ways in life. DG: What are you proudest of in your life? 1 DE: My 11 children. 10 daughters and one son. I'm proud of their accomplishments because having 11 children, people go through a lot. I went through a lot, but nothing major like being locked up. So they've done well. DG: Wonderful, so how long have you lived in Ogden? DE: I came in 1950. DG: What brought you here? DE: Well my first husband was in the military, I came here with him. Then we separated and I went home. I went back to Mississippi - Brookhaven, Mississippi. I was pregnant and had my baby and then I was working for my mother. My mother had a café and I worked in her café. There was an army base there and I met my second husband there. We got married and for some reason he came to Utah. So yeah I moved back here again just three years later. DG: What was the year when you came back? DE: 1953. I came back and I picked cherries because this city was a base then. Navy base, army base, air force base. So there wasn't a lot of people here there was just cherry fields. Cherry fields and beet fields, you wouldn't believe it. The Bamberger train went from Ogden to Salt Lake. DG: Oh really? DE: That's what we rode. DG: Kind of like a trolley? DE: Yes trolley is what it was. That's how I went to Salt Lake. I had my children still, but then I got a job at the base, working for the officers there. It was a good paying job and I just kept my job and stayed here, stayed in Utah. 2 DG: So can you tell me how Ogden has changed over the years from when you first came to now? DE: Oh it's changed. I had a house there on Pingree Avenue, it's still sitting there. I look at it sometimes now. You know how long it has been because it cost $6,000 for a whole house, 6,000 dollars is what it cost. DG: But at that time… DE: It was a lot of money. I paid the down payment on it by picking cherries, and apricots and sugar beets. I worked out in the fields. My husband said, "Oh you don't have to do that." I said, "Oh, yes. I got to get me some money. I'm going to work." The men would come by for us to go and I'd get in the truck with them and go pick them, make me two or three dollars. That's all I was making. It was a lot of money back then, it was a lot of money for me. I made $2.50 a day and that was a good deal you know. That's candy for the kids right now. DG: So what was it like when you first moved here? DE: When I first moved I was just really, really disappointed. DG: How so? DE: Because when I got here I didn't see no African American people here. There was a few on the base. I saw them on the base, I was so happy when I saw African American soldiers. I just learned to adapt you know because I'd got me a house, my husband was here. He had gotten a job so I learned to adapt by my mother. I don't know why I come out here there's no black people out here. My mother was very spiritual, she said "Well, we are all God's children. So we're all one." Humility and kindness…she kept bringing that to me. She says, "Be kind to 3 people and people will be kind to you." That's what happened, wasn't always kind but still I didn't let it bother me or change my attitude. DG: So what do you miss most about the way it used to be? DE: I don't really miss anything about the way it used to be. DG: That's fine. DE: I don't miss any of that. DG: Can you think of any of the great characters that lived in and around Ogden, people that just kind of stuck in your mind? DE: Well, there was one person that I kept in contact with that really made me want to stay here was the base commander. I'm a real religious person and it was nothing but God. I was working in base housing and he said to me, "Do you know anybody who can work for my wife or help her out for a while she broke her leg?" I said, "What you want them to do?" He said, "Just mostly be with her and help her with things because she is moving slow since she broke her leg." So I said, "How many days you want?" He says, "Just one day a week." I said, "I can do it." He says, "Can you do it?" I says, "Yes." He said, "Well I want you to meet my wife. When you get off of work come by and meet my wife. If you want me to pick you up I can pick you up." So he picked me up and I went and met his wife. I worked for them until they left. Really and truly he said, "Why don't you go civil service?" I was working in non-appropriated funds. He says, "Why don't you go civil service?" I said, "Well I put my application in, but they didn't hire me." They had a class at Weber State teaching you how to be an aircraft mechanic. It cost $80…it seemed like $8000 dollars! It was $80 dollars for the 4 course. So my husband and I said, "I'm going to take this course." So I signed up for the class and I paid $15 dollars down. When I went back there was a man there named Mr. Murakawa, he was a Japanese guy. He said, "You shouldn't have to pay for this." I said, "Why?" He said, "All these people in class here, I bet you there aren't three of them that have paid their money." I said, "Well how did they get in?" He says, "There's a grant." Then he gave me a form to fill out, I filled it out and mine got paid. The rest of mine got paid. So I finished the course, I mean I passed it, but it was a nine month course. I passed it with flying colors and they hired me here for the aircraft mechanic. He said, "I'm surprised you did well on that test. You did real well." I really wanted a good job to take care of my babies. So I passed it, got my job at the base and worked out there until I retired. DG: That's what you did when you worked? How many years at the base? DE: I worked until I retired. I worked 27 years. DG: Do you remember any great stories or legends about Ogden growing up, anything that you thought was interesting? DE: I went to get my kids, to take my little girl to the movie. I only had two children then. I wanted to go into Ogden to the movies so we took the Bamberger to Ogden. So when I got there and sat down the man came and told me, he says, "You got to sit upstairs." I said, "Oh, okay." So they had me go sit upstairs, I couldn't sit downstairs with the Caucasian people. So people were watching me in the movies, so we left and went back over to take the Bamberger train back. They all got the train and I am not paying no attention you know. We come back all the way to Clearfield and I mean just a little Bamberger track running through 5 that, no freeways or nothing. Some were saying, "Where do all you darkies come from?" One man was just mean to me on the trolley, he was picking at me. So I had my little girl by the hand. I put my hands around her and pulled her close to me so nobody could bother her. I was right behind the driver, he says, "Ma'am listen to what I'm going to tell you. When I stop this train I want you to jump off with your baby and run as fast as you can home. I'm going to keep going." I got off and I run took my baby home. I looked back, he was taking off, they was all, "Stop this train, stop this train!" He wouldn't stop, he just kept going. He said, "I can't stop until the next stop." He knew they were going to bother me so he went and let me off. I thought how nice he was to do that because he didn't have to do that you know. He said, "When I stop this train I want you to get off fast." While he was talking, his head was looking straight ahead but he was talking to me you know. I said, "Okay." I really got nervous then, but I got out and ran home. Going by yourself was scary, so I didn't go downtown by myself. That was a bad experience for me you know. I never got over that. DG: Did you have a nickname as you were growing up? DE: Sister. DG: Sister. Okay and how did you get that? DE: My mother and my sister just called me sister. Mother had four girls, just called me sister. I don't know why they called me sister. They did though. DG: Did your other siblings have nicknames too? 6 DE: No Laramie, they called her Laramie and Josephine and Loraine. But they would always called me sister, they didn't have one. DG: Who were your best friends? DE: You know Mrs. Isabel Brigham I met her when I came here. From New Zion Baptist Church, you know Mrs. Brigham? DG: Yes. DE: I met Mrs. Brigham when I came here. She didn't have any children, her and her husband I knew them. I met Mrs. Clydis Finn and Mrs. Bina McCowan. I met them after I had been here about maybe 7 or 8 years. DG: So what were they like, your good friends? DE: They were nice because we went to the same church. I was at New Zion Baptist Church. As a matter of fact, all my children was baptized at New Zion. DG: So what did you do for fun? DE: We used to go to houses. Mrs. Burton's house was one we used to go to her house and my house. On Friday nights we'd go to a house and make the food and play dominoes or play Chinese checkers. Sure did. On Friday nights it kept me from being out so we had children you know. So we had little house parties and that was really good. DG: Did you bring your children with you or you had babysitters? DE: I used to take them with me but when they got a little bigger my oldest daughter used to keep them because we'd got grown enough to get a black and white TV. They would stay home and watch TV you know. We had us a black and white TV 7 and some of the kids would come over to look at TV at our house. Yeah, that was fun. They enjoyed it. DG: So what are some of your best memories from your elementary, junior high, high school days? DE: Oh I went to school in Mississippi. I had some fun memories back there in Mississippi. My mother used to make all of our clothes and she would dress us so pretty because of school. I'd look forward to getting my new dress to go to school. Just to go to school with my friends because I could put on clothes like they could put on. It's important when you're little. My mother said, "I'm going to learn how to sew so I can sew for my girls," and she learned how. She started making us things. I remember that so well when she made that first dress. I thought, "What is this?" It was a little skirt, but it was good. Times was hard you know. The fun time things I remember doing is my mother raised all her vegetables. She never bought store bought vegetables and she'd bottle those vegetables. So one time we had her bottle of vegetables in jars, you know those mason jars? She had a place out in the back, a little storage house and it was just full of food that she'd bottled. We always had plenty. She would grow it and she would bottle it. When I first came here I used to make preserves because I had all these apricots and cherries. I used to make preserves, but I got tired when the kids got grown. I said, "No more of this. No more of this, I'm tired." But my mother used to bottle all her vegetables; I thought that was so neat. We were never without and always had plenty of food to eat. 8 DG: That's good. So you kind of talked about how you met your husband. Were you meeting in the café? DE: My first husband? DG: Well whichever. DE: My first husband I met in my mother's café. My first husband, we came out here but we divorced. DG: And your second husband, how did you meet him? DE: At Hill Field Air Force Base, my last husband. DG: This is when you were working there that you met him? DE: Yes. He would come down where I worked. There were three girls that worked in the Mechanics shop I was working in. There was a Spanish girl, a white girl, and a black girl. I don't know how we all came to be there. We used to call ourselves the United Nations, we did. We were young then and go around together. They were good friends, shared our lunches. We shared everything, it was just really good. They were the ones that really made me notice my husband. They say, "He keeps looking at you, girl." I say, "I'm not looking back at that man." She says, "He keeps coming out here looking at you. You should go with him to the cafeteria." So finally he got up nerve and asked me to go to lunch with him. I went to lunch with him and struck up a conversation. We exchanged phone numbers and he started calling me. I told the girls I says, "Once he find out I got these 11 children he going to turn and go the other way." I told her that and she said, "I don't think so Daisy." I said, "I bet he does." But you know, he didn't. My baby was only seven years old and he asked me to marry him and built me a 9 house over in Layton for me and the kids. However, the big girls was working and kind of buy their own stuff at the time. Three of them in college at the same time and so I had that part-time job at Job Corp on weekends. He said, "You really don't have to do that no more." I said, "But I want too. I want my kids to go to school." I said, "I'll let them graduate and get a nice job and then they have to start jobs to pay back college loans." That's not good. I'd like for them to go to school without having to borrow money. So he said, "Okay, if you're going to work on weekends than I am too." So he worked at Job Corps on the weekends, too and we got the kids through school. They all graduated except my last children who were identical twins. My last husband raised them and they finished high school. After their graduation, they went out with their friends out to the woods. And they came and asked us, "Is it okay that we're leaving tomorrow at 8:00?" I said, "Where are you going?" My husband caught his chest I said, "What's wrong with you?" You know he caught his chest like he was going to pass out. He went in the room and sat down he was so disappointed because he had raised them like his own little girls. He said, "Why are they leaving?" I said, "I don't know why they're leaving, but they're leaving. They going in the Air Force and they won't kill them in there, they'll train them." They went in the Air Force and did very well. DG: You kind of answered my next question, but I'll ask it anyway. How has being a parent changed you? DE: It's just marvelous. You know I enjoyed my children. We didn't have much, but we were always close together. It really hasn't changed me, just made me 10 stronger - made me a strong woman. My husband died 25 years ago, I've been by myself ever since. It just made me stronger being a parent. DG: You told us you were an aircraft mechanic. As you were growing up before you became a young adult what did you think you wanted to be when you grew up? DE: I always wanted to be a mother. Always wanted to be a mother. I used to tell them, my mother say, "What you going to be when you grow up?" I say, "A mother." She said, "Why do you want to be a mother?" I just want to be a mother and I don't know why but I always wanted to be one. DG: Now your husband was in the military. Was he involved in any wars? DE: No. My last husband wasn't involved with any military. DG: So as you look back over your life what lessons do you think you've learned through all this? Leaving Mississippi coming out here to Utah? Utah's been your home for quite a while. DE: You know, this is what I learned. I learned that people are the same everywhere you go. Everywhere, I don't care what town you're in or where you go, you're going to find good people and you're going to find bad people. I don't want to say bad, but that's what they are. I want to say people who don't know any better and that's the way they act. They think that's really the way you're supposed to act, but it's not. Kindness rules the world, I learned that it's the same everywhere you go. Pretty soon you're going to find the same situation. You've got good people over here, wonderful people over here, and you got these little devils over here, like a bunch of crawfish. I'm down here and I want you to be down here with me. Everybody needs to have their own personality, their own strength to make it in 11 this world. Know what you want and go after it. That's was my philosophy and I told my kids, know what you want to be now work toward that goal. Be all that you can be in that project. Don't care what job you're on, it's not going to be a bed of roses. There's going to be problems on every job you get, always going to be problems, but you got to cope with them with humility. I just believe that love and humility just goes hand and hand and you can move mountains with that. DG: Well is there anything else you'd like to talk about that we didn't cover? DE: Oh, no. DG: Those words you gave us were just great. DE: I wanted to say this, I had 11 children and I'm very proud of my children, I lost two. DG: Have you? DE: Yes, I lost a daughter at 20, but she had a birth defect. She was in Ogden. My second husband was stationed in Alaska and then he retired in Alaska. So she died in Alaska, aneurysm. They told me that Friday and I got there Saturday morning before day. That was one shocking trip, I didn't tell nobody I was coming, they just told me your daughter's in the hospital and she's very ill. Her girlfriend called me. I didn't tell nobody I was coming, I just got me on a flight. Told my husband I got to go, she's sick I got to go. He goes out and gets me a ticket and said, "You leave at four o'clock," and it was about 12 then. I just threw stuff in a suitcase and took off to be with my baby. I got there and she was in a hospital in Anchorage, she lived in Fairbanks. I got off the plane at Anchorage and didn't know nobody, it was about three o'clock in the morning. I thought, 12 "Why didn't I tell somebody I was coming?" So I'm standing up in this airport by myself that time of morning and I met people in there - that was God again. This military guy walked up to me. He said, "Ma'am are you lost?" I said, "Not really lost, but I didn't tell nobody I was coming." He said, "Well, who are your relatives?" I said, "You know AWB?" Because that's my son-in-law's business. He said, "AW? I worked for AW." I said, "No you don't." He said, "I do." I say, "His wife is in the hospital." I didn't tell her name, "His wife is in the hospital up here at Anchorage and I don't know how to get there." I said "All I have is 200 dollars and I don't know what the cab would charge me to take me there?" He said, "You don't have to get a cab. I'll take you." I said to myself, I don't know who you are but looked to God, praying. He said, "Miss Jenny is in the hospital?" When he called her name I knew he knew her. I said, "Yes, she's in the hospital." He said, "Oh, no I'll take you." So he took me up there. I walked in and my son-in-law said to me, "Mama, where did you come from?" I said, "Man, where are you getting my nickname from?" Because my son-in-law call me mother too. He said, "I got her at the airport. You didn't come to pick her up." So as they were talking, I said, "I'm going to see Jeannette." So he took me up to see Jeannette. I sat by her bed until she took her last breath. She died that Sunday by 4:30. I went up to her room and I thought, "My baby she don't even know who I was I don't think." Doctor said she did know who I was, she had a stroke, an aneurysm on the side of her face. The face was kind of twisted. He said ask her to squeeze your hand; she'll squeeze them. I said, "Jeannette I'm mama will you squeeze my hand?" She did, so she knew I was there. I sat down by her and she died. 13 It was so weird because I was up there that summer, she died in October. I was up there I think in June. When I came home like in July she called me said, "Mother I want you to do something for me." I said, "What?" She says, "If anything happened to me will you make sure that Trina (her baby girl) finishes college?" I said, "Make sure she finishes college she's planning on quitting? She said, "Well no, I don't think so we're just wanting her to keep going." I said, "I will baby she has got to finish." So I thought when she died a light went off in my head what she had told me. I said, "She didn't know she was going to die, did she you know?" She told me that so I got on Trina. I said, "You have got to finish college." She had one named Trina, Gina, and Destiny. She had three children, three girls. But she finished, she's in Atlanta now. She called me last night as a matter of fact. I spent Christmas and New Year's with them in Georgia. My life has been interesting here in Utah, very good. I remember one time I was living in North Ogden. My twins was in like second or third grade, they were little. I didn't marry my last husband until they was about, well they might have been in first grade. They were little bitty things. So I think it was in the first grade and so I was dating him, but I hadn't married him. So I was at work and I said, "I didn't give the kids their lunch money," so I call the school and told the school I didn't give my kids lunch money I said, "Could you give them lunch today?" So my supervisor looked up from his desk and I didn't want him to know what was wrong, you don't want nobody to know your troubles you know. So I kind of turned around and I said, "Will you do it this time please?" "Well this one time we'll do it," but the school secretary's voice was just real ugly. I got up from my 14 desk and my boss said "What's the matter Daisy?" I said, "I'm okay." He said, "No you're not." So I went back out on the line and started working. He came out there and got me and said, "Come in my office for a minute." "What is the matter?" I don't know if he knew or what. When the phone rang he sent a secretary to get me. He said, "Come back in my office." He said, "How many children do you have?" I told him I got 10. He said, "You got 10 children?" I said, "Yeah." He's sitting at his desk just looking at me. "And you have to pay lunch tickets every Monday?" I said, "Well yes." "Well you don't have to pay no more." I said, "Well I have too." He says, "There's funds for people with big family. You don't have to do that." I said, "Well I had to fill out this form. He told me my income was on the border line and they couldn't help me." He said, "What?" I told him again they told me I was on the border line. He said to take leave, "Here, I want you to go to the school board and talk to this man. Tell him what you just told me." So I said, "Okay." When you get through come on back to work. He said, "That's a shame, I got four children I can hardly make it and I make twice your money," because he was my supervisor. He said, "I can hardly make it and you got 10 children and they ask you to buy lunch tickets." So I went to the school board and I just told them and they said, "You must be Daisy," and I say, "I am." He said, "Well I've been expecting you," because my boss had called. He was mad that's why I said there are good people everywhere you go. So he said, "Do you have one of your check stubs with you?" I said, "Yes I do." So I showed him my check stub and he said, "How many children you got at home?" So I told him, "They all are at times. Two of them are at college and the rest are home." 15 He said, "Don't send another penny to the school. I'll handle it from here." They handled it and I never paid or bought another lunch ticket. He told me, "You go back to work and finish taking care of your kids. Many people with this many children would be on welfare or doing something next to nothing. You are working taking care of your own kids." No, this is not fair, but the man at the school wasn't a very happy camper with me. They must have really went into him some kind of way. When he saw me again he said, "You didn't really have to go to the school board you could've just come to me." I said, "You don't know what your teachers are doing in the school. He was the one who told them to charge me because he once said we had to have a border line somewhere." I said, "You remember you told me you had to have a border line somewhere and that's why you couldn't help me. Remember you told me that?" DG: Didn't have anything else to say did he? DE: No, he said, "Well I'm sorry." That was the worst encounter I've ever had going into schools. I was up there and mine was the only ones in school, in North Ogden. They was the only ones in school at that time. My children had encounters in every class. So I told them I wanted to be part of the PTA. Every time I would leave my job at Defense Depot (it's not the Defense Depot any more) and go pop in at the school to have lunch with my girls. One day the principal told me, "You just can't come in whenever you get ready." I said, "Well why can't I? I have children here. I'm not doing anything but having lunch with them. What's wrong with that?" I guess he thought, "I better leave her alone, she may go to the school board again." But I never would have done that, my boss 16 was the cause of it, telling them how wrong they were to make me pay and the funds were there for large families. But I made it. It wasn't easy raising my children, but I think they did better because they were in Utah than they would have anywhere else I think because I had to smother them. Got them raised - I was always afraid somebody may bother them so I was just overprotective of them you know. Some bad things happened like that but I just shook them off and got over them and kept on moving. I said, "That's the way you have to get along in this world. You have to ignore some things and use humility you know otherwise everybody be ranting and raving and carrying on." DG: Those are all the questions that I have for you. We just thank you because I learned so much. DE: Oh thank you. DG: Do you have anything? LR: I have just one question. It struck me, you talked about all you wanted to be growing up was a mom. Was there a role model that you had like your own mother? DE: My mother. LR: Why is that do you think? DE: She was strong. My father left my mother when we were just little children. We had a milk cow, you know it was on a farm. He sold the milk cow and left my mother with these four girls. She was a go getter, she worked and she raised us. She said, she was a very good cook. So she used to make things for people's parties and that. "Can you do this for me Mary Lou for this party and this party?" 17 So she'd make them and then they would come and get them and pay for them and take them the food. She had an idea one day—all my kids say I'm just like my mother—she had an idea one day that she could run and have her own café. So she started out in the part of the house, had two little tables there. She start selling meals at the Blue Flame Café. It expanded, she's very thrifty. I guess I got that from her because I'm very thrifty, too. My mother always said, "I'm going to buy me a café." So she bought this café and it just boomed. It was called the Blue Flame Café in Brookhaven. Everybody knew my mother. I remember I came home to surprise my mother. I was getting in a cab and this guy driving the cab he says, "Who are you visiting here?" I said, "I'm visiting my mother." He says, "What's your mother's name?" I said, "Mary Lou." He said, "Mary Bird, Blue Flame Café?" I said, "Yeah." He said, "Well everybody knows Ms. Bird. I'll take you right there." We got there and I said, "How much do I owe you?" He said, "Oh you owe me nothing, I'm going to have Ms. Mary get me a sandwich." He wouldn't even charge me. He just wanted to go in the café and get him something to eat. He said, "I brought your daughter home." I don't think I told her I was coming. I used to always fool her. DG: Those surprise visits. DE: I always surprised her yes. We took a tour of the south, me and two of my girlfriends. We just got in the car and just driving through the south. I said, "I want to get to Brookhaven, we're going to leave early." We were in New Orleans—no we was in Alabama. I said, "We're going to leave early so we can get to Brookhaven by 10 o'clock. We going to go into church and surprise my mama." 18 She said, "Why you want to do that for?" I said, "Just doing something to her." She was in the choir singing. DG: I bet she stopped mid-song. DE: I told the lady I said, "Is Mary Bird at church?" She says, "Yes she's in the choir." I didn't know she was singing in the choir. She saw out of the corner of her eye she said, "I knew them people." I know it was funny. She stayed there until she got through singing but she made a beeline to me after she got through singing it was good, it was funny. She said, "Why didn't you tell me you was coming so I could've cooked you a big meal?" "Oh, you don't need to cook we're just passing through." "Passing through? Where you going," she said. It was nice though to surprise her like that you know. LR: That's great. That was my only question. DG: Well we just thank you for letting us come in your home and answering these questions. We want to capture this history before all our seniors are gone. 19

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Hatti-1 microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and these physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the Microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 387 ha in Koppal taluk and district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought - prone with an average annual rainfall of 662 mm, of which about 424 mm is received during south –west monsoon, 161 mm during north-east and the remaining 77 mm during the rest of the year. An area of about 88 per cent is covered by soil, two per cent by rock out crops and 10 per cent by water bodies, settlements and others. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below  The soils belong to 10 soil series and 23 soil phases (management units) and 2 land use classes.  The length of crop growing period is 150 cm).  About 23 per cent is sandy at the surface, 33 per cent is loamy and 32 per cent has clayey soils at the surface.  About 88 per cent of the area has non-gravelly (200mm/m).  An area of about 11 per cent has nearly level (0-1%) lands and 77 per cent has very gently sloping (1-3%) lands.  An area of about 26 per cent is slightly eroded (e1) and 62 per cent is moderately eroded (e2) lands.  An area of about 7 per cent is slightly acid (pH 6.0 to 6.5), 53 per cent has neutral (pH 6.5 to 7.3) soils, 11 per cent slightly alkaline (pH 7.3 to 7.8), 5 per cent moderately alkaline (pH 7.8 to 8.4) ,7 per cent strongly alkaline (pH 8.4 to 9.0) and 4 per cent soils very strongly alkaline (pH>9.0).  The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils are dominantly 0.75%) in 38 per cent area of the soils.  Available phosphorus is low (57 kg/ha) in 34 per cent of the soils.  Available potassium is medium (145-337 kg/ha) in 69 per cent and high (>337 kg/ha) in 19 per cent of the soils.  Available sulphur is low (20 ppm) in 11 per cent area of the soils.  Available boron is low (4.5 ppm) in 75 per cent of the area.  Available zinc is deficient (<0.6 ppm) in entire the area of the microwatershed.  Available manganese and copper are sufficient in the entire area.  The land suitability for 28 major crops grown in the microwatershed was assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price, and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 54 (14) 55(14) Pomegranate 35(9) 151(39) Maize 36(9) 73(19) Guava - 114(29) Bajra 36(9) 150(39) Jackfruit 35(9) 79(20) Redgram 35(9) 50 (13) Jamun 35(9) 126(32) Bengal gram 18(5) 91 (24) Musambi 53 (14) 133 (34) Groundnut - 231(60) Lime 53 (14) 133 (34) Sunflower 53(14) 56 (15) Cashew 1(<1) 149(39) Cotton 53 (14) 56(15) Custard apple 54(14) 287(74) Chilli 36(9) 1(<1) Amla 36(9) 305 (79) Tomato 36(9) 1(<1) Tamarind 35(9) 49(13) Drumstick 35(9) 192 (50) Marigold 35(9) 74(19) Mulbery 35(9) 306(79) Chrysanthemum 35(9) 74(19) Mango 35(9) 31(8) Jasmine 35(9) 2(<1) Sapota 35(9) 79(20) Crossandra 35(9) 26(7) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 2 identified LUCs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops.  Maintaining soil-health is vital to crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested to these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.,  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. That would help in supplementing the farm income, provide fodder and fuel, and generate lot of biomass which in turn would help in maintaining the ecological balance and contribute to mitigating the climate change.SALIENT FINDINGS OF THE SURVEY  The data indicated that there were 126 (55.75%) men and 100 (44.25%) women among the sampled households.  The average family size of landless farmers' was 4.8, marginal farmers' was 8, small farmers' was 6.75, semi medium farmers' was 5.9 and medium farmers' was 6.4.  The data indicated that, 46 (20.35%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 108 (47.79%) were in 16-35 years of age, 54 (23.89%) were in 36-60 years of age and 18 (7.96%) were above 61 years of age.  The results indicated that Hatti-1 had 40.27 per cent illiterates, 0.44 per cent functional literate and masters, 27.43 per cent of them had primary school education, 3.54 per cent of them had middle school education, 12.39 per cent of them had high school education, 4.42 per cent of them had PUC education and 4.87 per cent had diploma education.  The results indicate that, 58.33 per cent of household heads were practicing agriculture, 33.33 per cent of household heads were practicing agriculture labour and 2.78 per cent of the household heads were private service.  The results indicate that agriculture was the major occupation for 31.86 per cent of the household members, 34.51 per cent were agricultural labourers, 0.44 per cent were in government service, 2.21 per cent were in private service, 19.47 per cent were in students, 3.98 per cent were housewives and 4.42 per cent were in children.  The results show that, 100 per cent of of the population in the micro watershed has not participated in any local institutions.  The results indicate that 2.78 per cent of the households possess thatched house, 61.11 per cent of the households possess katcha house, 19.44 per cent of the households possess pucca/RCC house and 16.67 per cent of them possess semi pacca house.  The results show that 86.11 per cent of the households possess TV, 75 per cent of them possess mixer/grinder player, 5.56 per cent of them possess bicycle, 41.67 per cent o f the households possess motor cycle, 8.33 per cent of the households possess landline phone and 86.11 per cent of them possess mobile phones.  The results show that the average value of television was Rs. 8,193, mixer grinder was Rs. 2,100, bicycle was 1,750, motor cycle was Rs. 44,722, landline was 4,000 and mobile phone was Rs. 2,769.  About 16.67 per cent of the households possess bullock cart, 11.11 per cent of them possess plough, 2.78 per cent of them possess seed/fertilizer drill ,transplanter/grinder and tractor, 5.56 per cent of them possess irrigation pump 2 and harvester, 22.22 per cent of them possess sprayer, 13.89 per cent of them possess sprinkler and 66.67 per cent of them possess weeder.  The results show that the average value of bullock cart was Rs. 20,333, plough was Rs. 1,770, seed/ fertilizer drill was Rs. 3,000, transplanter/grinder was Rs. 5,000, irrigation pump was Rs. 10,000, tractor was Rs. 600,000, sprayer was Rs. 1,800, sprinkler was Rs. 3,500, weeder was Rs.57, and the average value of harvester was Rs. 80.  The results indicate that, 38.89 per cent of the households possess bullocks, 44.44 per cent of the households possess local cow, 2.78 per cent possess crossbreed cow and buffalo, 11.11 per cent possess sheep, 5.56 per cent possess goat and 8.33 per cent possess poultry birds.  The results indicate that, average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 1.59, average own labour (women) available was 1.30, average hired labour (men) available was 12.15 and average hired labour (women) available was 11.52. The results indicate that, 72.22 per cent of the households opined that the hired labour was adequate.  The results indicate that, households of the Hatti-1 micro-watershed possess 26.24 ha (48.12%) of dry land and 28.29 ha (51.88%) of irrigated land. Marginal farmers possess 2.92 ha (100%) of dry land. Small farmers possess 7.49 ha (11.78%) of dry land and 2.31 ha (23.55%) of irrigated land. Semi medium farmers possess 11.78 ha (56.18%) of dry land and 9.19 ha (43.82%) of irrigated land. Medium farmers possess 4.05 ha (19.42%) of dry land and 16.79 ha (80.58%) of irrigated land.  The results indicate that, the average value of dry land was Rs. 327,656.95 and the average value of irrigated land was Rs. 438,168.81. In case of marginal famers, the average land value was Rs. 685,159.50 for dry land. In case of small famers, the average land value was Rs. 387,189.19 for dry land and Rs. 866,666.66 for irrigated land. In case of semi medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 254,464.29 for dry land and Rs. 413,298.11 for irrigated land. In case of medium farmers, the average land value was Rs. 172,900 for dry land and Rs. 392,913.96 for irrigated land.  The results indicate that, there were 15 functioning bore wells in the micro watershed.  The results indicate that, bore well was the major irrigation source in the micro water shed for 41.67 per cent of the farmers.  The results indicate that, the depth of bore well was found to be 50.65 meters.  The results indicate that small, semi medium and medium farmers had an irrigated area of 2.31 ha, 9.19 ha and 16.36 ha respectively.  The results indicate that, farmers have grown bajra (10.95 ha), groundnut (7.53 ha), lemon (0.51ha), maize (34.26 ha), sunflower (9.72 ha), sorghum (10.16 ha), 3 green gram (4.53 ha), Bengal gram (3.03 ha) and sajje (6.17 ha). Marginal farmers have grown bajra and maize. Small farmers have grown bajra, maize and sajje. Semi medium farmers have grown bajra, lemon, maize, sajje and groundnut. Medium farmers have grown bajra, groundnut, maize, sajje and maize.  The results indicate that, the cropping intensity in Hatti-1 micro-watershed was found to be 79.37 per cent.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for bajra was Rs. 27094.51. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 22929.65. The net income from bajra cultivation was Rs. -4164.85. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.85.  The total cost of cultivation for groundnut was Rs. 53213.11. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 67512.18. The net income from groundnut cultivation was Rs. 14299.07. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.27.  The total cost of cultivation for maize was Rs. 34426.29. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 42187.75. The net income from maize cultivation was Rs. 7761.46. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.23.  The total cost of cultivation for lime was Rs. 56737.36. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 291732.29. The net income from lime cultivation was Rs. 234994.93. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:5.14.  The results indicate that, 50 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder and green fodder was adequate.  The results indicate that the annual gross income was Rs. 27,400 for landless farmers, for marginal farmers it was Rs. 61,250, for small farmers it was Rs. 91,062.50, for semi medium farmers it was Rs. 106,825 and for medium farmers it was Rs. 228,857.14.  The results indicate that the average annual expenditure is Rs. 12,642.66. For landless households it was Rs. 3,320, for marginal farmers it was Rs. 10,375, for small farmers it was Rs. 23,218.75, for semi medium farmers it was Rs. 5,250 and for medium farmers it was Rs. 21,183.67.  The results indicate that, sampled households have grown 37 coconut, 261 lemon and 7 mango trees in their field.  The results indicate that, households have planted 2 eucalyptus and acacia, 108 neem, 3 tamarind and banyan trees in their field.  The results indicated that, bajra was sold to the extent of 128.14 per cent, ground nut was sold to the extent of 98.59 per cent, lime was sold to the extent of 100 per cent and maize was sold to the extent of 102.25 per cent.  The results indicated that, households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 1,500 for land development, Rs. 1,166.67 for irrigation facility, Rs. 944.44 for improved crop production, Rs.222.22 for improved livestock management and Rs.83.33 for orchard development/ maintenance. 4  The results indicated that loan from bank was the source of additional investment for 11.11 per cent for land development and improved crop production, 8.33 per cent for irrigation facility and 5.56 per cent for improved livestock management. Soft loan was the source of additional investment for 2.78 per cent of the households for land development, improved crop production and orchard development/ maintenance and 5.56 per cent for irrigation facility.  The results indicated that, about 44.44 per cent of the farmers sold their produce to agent/traders. 58.33 per cent of the farmers sold their produce to local/village merchant and 16.67 per cent of them sold their produce through regulated market.  The results indicated that, 2.78 per cent of the households used head load, 25 per cent of the households used cart and 91.67 per cent of them used tractor as a mode of transportation for their agricultural produce.  The results indicated that, 8.57 per cent of the households have experienced soil and water erosion problems in the farm.  The results indicated that, 25 per cent have shown interest in soil test.  The results indicated that, 77.78 per cent of the households used firewood and 22.22 per cent of the households used LPG as a source of fuel.  The results indicated that, piped supply was the major source of drinking water for 58.33 per cent of the households; bore well was the source of drinking water for 36.11 per cent of the households and 2.78 per cent of the households used lake/tank in micro watershed.  Electricity was the major source of light for 100 per cent of the households in micro watershed.  The results indicated that, 47.22 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet facility.  The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the sampled households possessed BPL card.  The results indicated that, 41.67 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme.  The results indicated that, cereals were adequate for 100 per cent of the households, pulses were adequate for 72.22 per cent, oilseeds were adequate for 25 per cent, vegetables were adequate for 41.67 per cent, milk and egg was adequate for 75 per cent and meat was adequate for 61.11 per cent.  The results indicated that, pulses were inadequate for 27.78 per cent of the households, oilseeds were inadequate for 58.33 per cent, vegetables were inadequate for 55.56 per cent, fruits were inadequate for 63.89 per cent, milk and egg was inadequate for 25 per cent and meat were inadequate for 33.33 per cent of the households.  The results indicated that, oilseeds were market surplus for 11.11 per cent of the households. 5  The results indicated that, lower fertility status of the soil was the constraint experienced by 27.78 per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field (50%),frequent incidence of pest and diseases (36.11%), inadequacy of irrigation water (33.33%), high cost of fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (36.11%), high rate of interest on credit and lack of marketing facilities in the area (41.67%), low price for the agricultural commodities (22.22%),inadequate extension services (5.56%), lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (16.67%), less rainfall (58.33%) and source of Agritechnology information (25%) . ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Halavarthi microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and the delineated physiographic boundaries were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the Microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 549 ha in Koppal taluk and district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought - prone with an average annual rainfall of 662 mm, of which about 424 mm is received during south –west monsoon, 161 mm during north-east and the remaining 77 mm during the rest of the year. An area of about 83 per cent is covered by soils, 6 per cent mining/ industrial area, 8 per cent by rock outcrops and 3 per cent by water bodies, settlements and others. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 9 soil series and 19 soil phases (management units) and 4 land use classes.  The length of crop growing period is 150 cm).  About 38 per cent of the area is having loamy at the surface and 45 per cent of the area has clayey soils at the surface.  About 51 per cent of the area has non-gravelly (0.75%) in 65 per cent area of the soils.  Available phosphorus is low (57 kg/ha) in 46 per cent of the soils.  Available potassium is low (337 kg/ha) in 34 per cent of the soils.  Available sulphur is low (20 ppm) in 15 per cent area of the soils.  Available boron is low (0.5 ppm) in about 78 per cent and medium (0.5-1.0 ppm) in 5 per cent area.  Available iron is sufficient (>4.5 ppm) in the entire area.  Available zinc is deficient (0.6 ppm) in 40 per cent of the soils.  Available manganese and copper are sufficient in the entire area.  The land suitability for 28 major agricultural & horticultural crops grown in the microwatershed was assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (class S1) and moderately suitable (class S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price, and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 118 (22 ) 88 (16) Pomegranate 118 (22 ) 179 (33) Maize 87(16) 119(22) Guava 34(6) 263 (48) Bajra 118 (22) 304 (55) Jackfruit 118 (22 ) 179(33) Redgram 118(22) 12 (2 ) Jamun 115(21) 182(33) Bengalgram - 255 (47) Musambi 118(22) 179(33) Groundnut 31 (6) 325 (59) Lime 118(22) 179(33) Sunflower 118(22) 12 (2 ) Cashew 34(6) 263(48) Cotton 115(17) 91 (17) Custard apple 118 (22). 336 (61) Chilli 118(22) 88 (16) Amla 118 (22). 336 (61) Tomato 118(22) 88 (16) Tamarind 115(21) 15 (3) Drumstick 118 (22) 44 (8 ) Marigold 118(22) 88 (16) Mulberry 118 (22) 211 (38 ) Chrysanthemum 118(22) 88 (16) Mango 115(21) 15 (3) Jasmine 118(22) 88 (16) Sapota 118 (22) 179 (33) Crossandra 118(22) 88(16) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the four identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops.  Maintaining soil-health is vital to crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested to these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.,  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. This would help in supplementing the farm income, provide fodder and fuel, and generate lot of biomass which in turn would help in maintaining the ecological balance and contribute to mitigating the climate change. Chapter 1 SALIENT FINDINGS OF THE SURVEY  The data indicated that there were 109 (55.05%) men and 89 (44.95%) women among the sampled households.  The average family size of landless farmers' was 4.6, marginal farmers' was 5, small farmers' was 4.8, semi medium farmers' was 4 and medium farmers' was 7.66.  The data indicated that, 53 (26.77%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 85 (42.93%) were in 16-35 years of age, 44 (22.22%) were in 36-60 years of age and 16 (8.08%) were above 61 years of age.  The results indicated that Halavarti had 33.84 per cent illiterates, 0.51 per cent functional literate and masters, 30.81 per cent of them had primary school education, 7.07 per cent of them had middle school education, 14.14 per cent of them had high school education, 5.56 per cent of them had PUC education, 0.51 per cent had diploma education and 2.02 per cent had degree education.  The results indicate that, 58.97 per cent of household heads were practicing agriculture and 35.90 per cent of household heads were practicing agriculture labour.  The results indicate that agriculture was the major occupation for 31.82 per cent of the household members, 25.76 per cent were agricultural labourers, 0.51 per cent were in general labour and artisans, 2.53 per cent were in private service, 1.52 per cent were in trade and business, 28.28 per cent were in students and 4.04 per cent were in housewives and children.  The results show that, 99.49 per cent of the population has not participated in any local institutions and 0.51 per cent of the population has participated in cooperative bank in the micro watershed.  The results indicate that 10.26 per cent of the households possess thatched house, 79.49 per cent of the households possess katcha house, 7.69 per cent of the households possess pucca/RCC house and 2.56 per cent of them possess semi pacca house.  The results show that 92.31 per cent of the households possess TV, 48.72 per cent of them possess mixer/grinder player, 10.26 per cent of them possess bicycle, 30.77 per cent o f the households possess motor cycle, 7.69 per cent of the households possess auto and 92.31 per cent of them possess mobile phones.  The results show that the average value of television was Rs. 7,111, mixer grinder was Rs. 2,473, bicycle was 3,000, motor cycle was Rs. 40,833, landline was 246,666 and mobile phone was Rs. 2,085.  About 7.69 per cent of the households possess bullock cart, 12.82 per cent of them possess plough, 5.13 per cent of them possess sprayer, 12.82 per cent of them possess weeder, and 2.56 per cent of them possess harvester and chaff cutter. 2  The results show that the average value of bullock cart was Rs. 13,333, plough was Rs. 4,340, sprayer was Rs. 3,500, weeder was Rs.50, harvester was Rs.25 and the average value of harvester was Rs. 2,000.  The results indicate that, 10.26 per cent of the households possess bullocks, 30.77per cent of the households possess local cow, 7.69 per cent possess crossbreed cow, 5.13 per cent possess buffalo and poultry birds and 2.56 per cent possess sheep.  The results indicate that, average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 1.50, average own labour (women) available was 1.24, average hired labour (men) available was 4 and average hired labour (women) available was 3.59.  The results indicate that, 84.62 per cent of the households opined that the hired labour was adequate.  The results indicate that, households of the Halavarti micro-watershed possess 31.33 ha (78.67%) of dry land and 8.49 ha (21.33%) of irrigated land. Marginal farmers possess 9.24 ha (95.56%) of dry land and 0.43 ha (4.44%). Small farmers possess 10.66 ha (88.39%) of dry land and 1.40 ha (11.61%) of irrigated land. Semi medium farmers possess 2.85 ha (61.70%) of dry land and 1.77 ha (38.30%) of irrigated land. Medium farmers possess 8.58 ha (63.67%) of dry land and 4.90 ha (36.33%) of irrigated land.  The results indicate that, the average value of dry land was Rs. 510,462.64 and the average value of irrigated land was Rs. 447,165.31. In case of marginal famers, the average land value was Rs. 1,167,950.98 for dry land and Rs. 1,864,151.04for irrigated land. In case of small famers, the average land value was Rs. 365,856.44 for dry land and Rs. 999,421.95 for irrigated land. In case of semi medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 280,681.82 for dry land and Rs. 452,173.92 for irrigated land. In case of medium farmers, the average land value was Rs. 58,228.07 for dry land and Rs. 163,305.78 for irrigated land.  The results indicate that, there were 6 functioning bore wells in the micro watershed.  The results indicate that, bore well was the major irrigation source in the micro water shed for 15.38 per cent of the farmers.  The results indicate that, the depth of bore well was found to be 21.01 meters.  The results indicate that marginal, small, semi medium and medium farmers had an irrigated area of 1.32 ha, 1.38 ha, 2.43 ha and 2.83 ha respectively.  The results indicate that, farmers have grown maize (21.76 ha), bajra (5.4 ha), cotton (4.17 ha), chilly, onion and red gram (0.81ha), groundnut (1.3 ha). Marginal farmers have grown maize, bajra, cotton and groundnut. Small farmers have grown maize, bajra and cotton. Semi medium farmers have grown maize, 3 bajra, groundnut, onion and red gram. Medium farmers have grown maize, bajra, cotton and chilly.  The results indicate that, the cropping intensity in Halavarti micro-watershed was found to be 55.31 per cent.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for bajra was Rs. 103510.81. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 47406.59. The net income from bajra cultivation was Rs. -56104.22. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.46.  The total cost of cultivation for groundnut was Rs. 55020.58. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 67925.00. The net income from groundnut cultivation was Rs. 12904.42. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.23.  The total cost of cultivation for maize was Rs. 48129.18. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 62025.03. The net income from maize cultivation was Rs. 13895.85. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.29.  The total cost of cultivation for cotton was Rs. 62915.98. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 90149.37. The net income from cotton cultivation was Rs. 27233.39. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.43.  The total cost of cultivation for chilly was Rs. 42750.78. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 24700.00. The net income from chilly cultivation was Rs. -18050.78. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.58.  The total cost of cultivation for red gram was Rs. 30418.50. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 11115.00. The net income from red gram cultivation was Rs. -19303.50. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.37.  The total cost of cultivation for onion was Rs. 31350.95. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 22230.00. The net income from onion cultivation was Rs. -9120.95. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.71.  The results indicate that, 46.15 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder and green fodder was adequate.  The results indicate that the annual gross income was Rs 15,200 for landless farmers, for marginal farmers it was Rs. 47,175, for small farmers it was Rs. 54,777.78, for semi medium farmers it was Rs. 97,500 and for medium farmers it was Rs. 85,333.33.  The results indicate that the average annual expenditure is Rs. 4,162.21. For landless households it was Rs. 1,720, for marginal farmers it was Rs. 2,187.50, for small farmers it was Rs. 5,126.98, for semi medium farmers it was Rs. 20,000 and for medium farmers it was Rs. 7,944.44.  The results indicate that, sampled households have grown 75 coconut, and 7 mango trees in their field and 7 coconut trees are in backyard. 4  The results indicate that, households have planted 1 teak,45 neem,2 tamarind and pongamia and 7 banyan trees in their field and 1 teak and 12 neem trees are their in backyard.  The results indicated that, households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 1,025.64 for land development, Rs.102.56 for irrigation facility, and Rs. 769.23 for improved crop production.  The results indicated that loan from bank was the source of additional investment for 2.5 per cent for land development and improved crop production. Own funds were the source of additional investment for 30 per cent of the households for land development and improved crop production.  The results indicated that, bajra was sold to the extent of 91.03 per cent, chilly and onion was sold to the extent of 100 per cent, cotton was sold to the extent of 98.7 per cent, ground nut was sold to the extent of 98.59 per cent, maize was sold to the extent of 95.18 per cent and red gram was sold to the extent of 83.33 per cent.  The results indicated that, about 17.95 per cent of the farmers sold their produce to agent/traders. 82.05 per cent of the farmers sold their produce to local/village merchant, 7.69 per cent of them sold their produce through regulated market and 2.56 per cent of them sold their produce through cooperative marketing society.  The results indicated that, 7.69 per cent of the households used head load, 69.23 per cent of the households used cart and 30.77 per cent of them used tractor as a mode of transportation for their agricultural produce.  The results indicated that, 33.33 per cent of the households have experienced soil and water erosion problems in the farm.  The results indicated that, 33.33 per cent have shown interest in soil test.  The results indicated that, 87.18 per cent of the households used firewood, 2.56 per cent of the households used biogas and 28.2 per cent of the households used LPG as a source of fuel.  The results indicated that, piped supply was the major source of drinking water for 61.54 per cent of the households, bore well was the source of drinking water for 25.64 per cent of the households, 2.56 per cent of the households used open well and 2.78 per cent of the households used lake/tank in micro watershed.  Electricity was the major source of light for 100 per cent of the households in micro watershed.  The results indicated that, 33.33 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet facility.  The results indicated that, 97.44 per cent of the sampled households possessed BPL card and 2.56 per cent of the households did not possessed PDS.  The results indicated that, 66.67 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme. 5  The results indicated that, cereals were adequate for 100 per cent of the households, pulses were adequate for 66.67 per cent, oilseeds were adequate for 7.69 per cent, vegetables were adequate for 5.13 per cent, fruits were adequate for 10.26 per cent, milk and egg were adequate was 56.41 per cent and meat was adequate for 46.15 per cent.  The results indicated that, pulses and milk were inadequate for 33.33 per cent of the households, oilseeds were inadequate for 69.23 per cent, vegetables and fruits were inadequate for 89.74 per cent, egg was inadequate for 30.77 per cent and meat were inadequate for 35.90 per cent of the households.  The results indicated that, oilseeds were market surplus for 23.08 per cent of the households, vegetables were market surplus for2.56 per cent of the households and milk were market surplus for 5.13 per cent of the households.  The results indicated that, lower fertility status of the soil and frequent incidence of pest and diseases was the constraint experienced by 46.15 per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field (56.41%), inadequacy of irrigation water and high cost of fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (35.90%), high rate of interest on credit and low price for the agricultural commodities (30.77%), lack of marketing facilities in the area (17.95%), inadequate extension services (25.64%), lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (33.33%), less rainfall (51.28%) and source of Agri-technology information (15.38%) . ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Tatalageri-2 Microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and the physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 573 ha in Yadgir taluk & district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought-prone with an average annual rainfall of 866 mm, of which about 652 mm is received during south-west monsoon, 138 mm during north-east and the remaining 76 mm during the rest of the year. An area of 444 ha in the microwatershed is covered by soils, 103 ha by forest and about 27 ha by others (habitation and water bodies). The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 9 soil series and 13 soil phases (management units) and 6 land management units.  The length of crop growing period is about 120-150 days starting from 1st week of June to 4th week of October.  From the master soil map, several interpretative and thematic maps like land capability, soil depth, surface soil texture, soil gravelliness, available water capacity, soil slope and soil erosion were generated.  Soil fertility status maps for macro and micronutrients were generated based on the surface soil samples collected at every 320 m grid interval.  Land suitability for growing 29 major agricultural and horticultural crops was assessed and maps showing the degree of suitability along with constraints were generated.  Entire area in the microwatershed is suitable for agriculture.  About 62 per cent area of the microwatershed has soils that are deep to very deep (100 - >150 cm) and 16 per cent soils are shallow to moderately shallow (25-75 cm).  About 11 per cent area in the microwatershed has loamy soils and 66 per cent clayey soils.  Entire cultivated area of the microwatershed has non gravelly (200 mm/m) in available water capacity, 23 per cent area low (51-100 mm/m) and 5 per cent area very low (337 kg/ha) in available potassium.  Available sulphur is low (4.5 ppm) in 34 per cent and deficient (<4.5 ppm) in 44 per cent area of the microwatershed.  Available manganese and copper are sufficient in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed.  Available zinc is deficient (<0.6 ppm) in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed.  The land suitability for 29 major crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the Microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 269(47) 74(13) Guava - - Maize - 344(60) Sapota - - Bajra - 343(60) Pomegranate - 282(49) Groundnut - 60(10) Musambi 178(31) 104(18) Sunflower 165(29) 116(20) Lime 178(31) 104(18) Redgram - 281(49) Amla - 344(60) Bengal gram 282(49) 62(11) Cashew - - Cotton 176(31) 168(29) Jackfruit - - Chilli - 333(58) Jamun - 282(49) Tomato - 229(40) Custard apple 282(49) 62(11) Brinjal 109(19) 234(41) Tamarind - 282(49) Onion 104(18) 64(11) Mulberry - - Bhendi 111(19) 232(41) Marigold - 344(60) Drumstick - 282(49) Chrysanthemum - 344(60) Mango - 5(1)  Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and horticulture crops.  Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested for these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.,  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and sub marginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. This would help in not only supplementing the farm income but also provide fodder and fuel and generate lot of biomass which would help in maintaining an ecological balance and also contribute to mitigating the climate change. SALIENT FINDINGS OF THE SURVEY  The data indicated that there were 107 (57.84%) men and 78 (42.16%) women among the sampled households.  The average family size of landless farmers' was 4.3, marginal farmers' was 4.9, small farmers' was 6.5, semi medium farmers' was 5.8 and medium farmers' was 5.  The data indicated that, 23 (12.43%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 86 (46.49%) were in 16-35 years of age, 55 (29.73%) were in 36-60 years of age and 21 (11.35%) were above 61 years of age.  The results indicated that Tatalageri-2 had 64.32 per cent illiterates, 12.43 per cent of them had primary school education, 4.32 per cent of them had middle school education, 10.27 per cent of them had high school education, 3.78 per cent of them had PUC and degree, education and 0.54per cent of them had ITI and masters education.  The results indicate that, 88.24 per cent of household heads were practicing agriculture, 5.88 per cent of the household heads were general laborers and 2.94 per cent were retired and housewives.  The results indicate that agriculture was the major occupation for 62.16 per cent of the household members, 6.49 per cent were general laborers, 1.62 per cent were government service, 5.41 per cent were private service,0.54 per cent were trade and business and retired, 16.22 per cent were students and 7.03 per cent were children.  The results show that, 100 per cent of the population in the micro watershed has not participated in any local institutions  The results indicate that 8.82 per cent of the households possess Thatched house, 55.88 per cent of the households possess katcha house and 35.29 per cent of them possess pucca/RCC house.  The results show that 85.29 per cent of the households possess TV, 20.59 per cent of the households possess mixer/grinder, 11.76 per cent of the households possess bicycle, 35.29 per cent of the households possess motor cycle, 2.94 per cent of the households possess tempo and 100 per cent of the households possess mobile phones.  The results show that the average value of television was Rs. 4,948, mixer/grinder was Rs.680, bicycle was Rs. 1,125, motor cycle was Rs. 51,833, tempo was Rs.150,000 and mobile phone was Rs.2,078.  About 8.82 per cent of the households possess bullock cart, 44.12 per cent of them possess plough, 26.47 per cent possess seed/fertilizer drill, 8.82 per cent of them possess tractor, 35.29 per cent of them possess sprayer, 38.24 per cent of them possess weeder and 11.43 per cent of them possess chaff cutter.  The results show that the average value of bullock cart was Rs. 13,666, plough was Rs.2,710, seed/fertilizer drill was Rs.2,966, tractor was Rs. 600,000, sprayer was Rs. 2,691, weeder was Rs.37 and the average value of chaff cutter was was Rs.3,000. 2  The results indicate that, 44.12 per cent of the households possess bullocks, 35.29 per cent of the households possess local cow, 17.65 per cent of the households possess buffalo, 2.95 per cent of the possess sheep, 11.76 per cent of them possess goat and 14.71 per cent of the households possess goat.  The results indicate that, average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 1.97, average own labour (women) available was 1.81, average hired labour (men) available was 9.03 and average hired labour (women) available was 9.47.  The results indicate that, 94.12 per cent of the households opined that the hired labour was inadequate.  The results indicate that, households of the Tatalageri-2 micro-watershed possess 21.42 ha (64.69%) of dry land and 11.69 ha (35.31%) of irrigated land. Marginal farmers possess 11.06 ha (100%) of dry land. Small farmers possess 7.12 ha (75.85%) of dry land and 2.27 ha (24.15%) of irrigated land. Semi medium farmers possess 3.24 ha (33.09%) of dry land and 6.55 ha (66.91%) of irrigated land. Medium farmers possess 2.87 ha (100%) of irrigated land.  The results indicate that, the average value of dry land was Rs. 546,088.44 and the average value of irrigated land was Rs. 641,447.37. In case of marginal famers, the average land value was Rs. 736,571.53 for dry land. In case of small famers, the average land value was Rs. 400,198.98 for dry land and Rs. 1,058,571.42 for irrigated land. In case of semi medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 216,125 for dry land and the average land value was Rs 656,427.69 of irrigated land. In case of medium farmers, the average land value was Rs. 278,309.86 for irrigated land.  The results indicate that, there were 6 functioning bore well in the micro watershed.  The results indicate that, there were 1 functioning bore well in the micro watershed.  The results indicate that, 17.65 per cent bore well and 2.94 per cent open well was the major irrigation source in the micro watershed for per cent of the farmers.  The results indicate that, the depth of bore well was found to be 10.53 meters and depth of the open well was found to be 0.27 meters.  The results indicate that small and semi-medium farmers had an irrigated area of 2.27 ha and 5.34 ha respectively.  The results indicate that, farmers have grown red gram (9.75 ha), sorghum (9.57 ha), paddy (6.65 ha), cotton (5.1 ha) and green gram (0.87 ha). Marginal farmers have grown red gram, cotton, green gram, sunflower and sorghum. Small farmers possess red gram, green gram, paddy, cotton and sorghum. Semi medium farmers have grown red gram, sorghum, cotton and paddy. Medium farmers have grown only paddy.  The results indicate that, the cropping intensity in Tatalageri-2 micro-watershed was found to be 68.21 per cent.  The results indicate that, 67.65 per cent of the households have bank account.  The results indicate that, 67.65 per cent of the households have availed credit from different sources. 3  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for red gram was Rs. 31131.18. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 49674.77. The net income from red gram cultivation was Rs. 18543.59. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.6.  The total cost of cultivation for green gram was Rs. 36909.86. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 52794.64. The net income from green gram cultivation was Rs. 15884.78. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.43.  The total cost of cultivation for paddy was Rs. 37360.96. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 74998.63. The net income from paddy cultivation was Rs. 37637.67. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.01.  The total cost of cultivation for sorghum was Rs. 27263.75. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 26815.79. The net income from sorghum cultivation was Rs. - 447.95. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.98.  The total cost of cultivation for Cotton was Rs. 41351.67. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 76165.91. The net income from Cotton cultivation was Rs. 34814.24. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.84.  The total cost of cultivation for Sunflower was Rs. 29326.58. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 28393.46. The net income from Sunflower cultivation was Rs. -933.13. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.97.  The results indicate that, 50 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate and 2.94 per cent of the households opined that green fodder was adequate.  The results indicate that the annual gross income was Rs. 151,666.67 for landless farmers, for marginal farmers it was Rs. 108,076.25, for small farmers it was Rs. 151,942.50, for semi medium farmers it was Rs. 206,950 and for medium farmers it was Rs. 330,000.  The results indicate that the average annual expenditure is Rs. 18,020.50. For landless households it was Rs. 42,777.78, for marginal farmers it was Rs. 4,861.15, for small farmers it was Rs. 19,625, for semi medium farmers it was Rs. 14,930.72 and for medium farmers it was Rs. 160,001.  The results indicate that, sampled households have grown 13 mango and 1 coconut trees in their field and 1 coconut tree in their backyard.  The results indicate that, households have planted 55 neem and 3 tamarind trees in their field and 2 teak trees in their backyard.  The results indicated that, households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 1,147.06 for land development, Rs.1,264.71 for irrigation facility, Rs. 294.12 for improved crop production, Rs.117.65 for improved livestock management and Rs.58.82 for subsidiary enterprises.  The results indicated that government subsidy was the source of additional investment for 2.95 per cent for land development and irrigation facility. Loan from bank was the source of additional investment for 14.71 per cent for land development, 2.94 per cent for irrigation facility, improved livestock management and subsidiary enterprises and 8.82 per cent for improved crop production. Own funds was the source of additional 4 investment for 2.94 per cent for improved crop production. Soft loan was the source of additional investment for 2.94 per cent of the households for improved livestock management.  The results indicated that, cotton was sold to the extent of 92.78 per cent, green gram was sold to the extent of 88.46 per cent, paddy was sold to the extent of 94.93 per cent, red gram to the extent of 92.11 per cent, sorghum to the extent of 25 per cent and sunflower to the extent of 100 per cent. The results indicated that, about 88.24 per cent of the farmers sold their produce to local/village merchants and 14.71 per cent of them sold in regulated markets.  The results indicated that, 5.88 per cent of the households have used cart and 94.12 per cent have used tractor as a mode of transportation.  The results indicated that, 94.12 per cent of the households have experienced soil and water erosion problems in the farm.  The results indicated that, 91.18 per cent have shown interest in soil test.  The results indicated that, 79.41 per cent of the households used firewood and 23.53 per cent of the households used LPG as a source of fuel.  The results indicated that, piped supply was the major source of drinking water for 100 per cent of the households in the micro watershed.  Electricity was the major source of light for 100 per cent of the households in micro watershed.  The results indicated that, 61.76 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet facility.  The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the sampled households possessed BPL card.  The results indicated that, 85.29 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme.  The results indicated that, cereals and pulses were adequate for 100 per cent of the households, oilseeds were adequate for 23.53 per cent, vegetables were adequate for 76.47 per cent, milk was adequate for 91.18 per cent and eggs were adequate for 14.71 per cent.  The results indicated that oilseeds were inadequate for 76.47 per cent of the households, vegetables were inadequate for 20.59 per cent, fruits were inadequate for 100 per cent, milk was inadequate for 8.82 per cent, eggs were inadequate for 85.29 per cent and meat was inadequate for 100 per cent of the households.  The results indicated that, lower fertility status of the soil was the constraint experienced by 94.12 per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field and frequent incidence of pest and diseases (91.18%), inadequacy of irrigation water (8.82%), high cost of fertilizers and plant protection chemicals and high rate of interest on credit (88.24%), low price for the agricultural commodities (82.35%), lack of marketing facilities in the area (91.18%) and lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (35.29%). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Raghunathanahalli West-2 microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and these physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 238 ha in Koppal taluk and district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought - prone with an average annual rainfall of 662 mm, of which about 424 mm is received during south –west monsoon, 161 mm during north-east and the remaining 77 mm during the rest of the year. An area of 97 per cent is covered by soils and 2 per cent is by water bodies and less than one per cent by rock outcrops. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 9 soil series and 17 soil phases (management units) and 6 Land management units.  The length of crop growing period is 150 cm).  About 55 per cent area has clayey soils at the surface and an area of 42 per cent has loamy soils.  About 42 per cent area has non-gravelly (200 mm/m) in available water capacity.  An area of about 84 per cent has very gently sloping (1-3%) lands and 14 per cent area has nearly level (0-1%) lands.  About 80 per cent area is slightly eroded (e1) and about 18 per cent area is moderately eroded (e2) lands.  Major area of about 81 per cent is slightly alkaline (pH 7.3-7.8) to very strongly alkaline (pH >9.0) and 16 per cent area is neutral (pH 6.5-7.3) in soil reaction.  The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils are dominantly 0.75%) in 38 per cent area.  An area of about 57 per cent is low (337 kg/ha) in available potassium.  Available sulphur is low (20 ppm) in 30 per cent area.  Available boron is low (1.0 ppm) in 3 per cent area.  Available iron is deficient (4.5 ppm) in 25 per cent area.  Available zinc is deficient (0.6 ppm) in 52 per cent area.  Available copper and manganese are sufficient in all the soils.  The land suitability for 28 major crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum - 194 (82) Pomegranate - 89 (38) Maize - 104 (44) Guava - - Bajra - 113 (47) Jackfruit - - Groundnut - 104 (44) Jamun - 89 (38) Sunflower - 89 (38) Musambi - 89 (38) Cotton 27 (11) 167 (70) Lime - 89 (38) Red gram - 89 (38) Cashew - 4 (2) Bengalgram 27 (11) 114 (48) Custard apple 27 (11) 171 (72) Chilli - 113 (47) Amla - 198 (83) Tomato - 104 (44) Tamarind - 89 (38) Drumstick - 89 (38) Marigold - 194 (82) Mulberry - 31 (13) Chrysanthemum - 194 (82) Mango - - Jasmine - 105 (44) Sapota - - Crossandra - 140 (59) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 6 identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops.  Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested for these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.,  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. That would help in supplementing the farm income, provide fodder and fuel, and generate lot of biomass which inturn would help in maintaining the ecological balance and contribute to mitigating the climate change. SALIENT FINDINGS OF THE SURVEY  The data indicated that there were 105 (58.99%) men and 73 (41.01%) women among the sampled households.  The average family size of marginal farmers' was 5.2, small farmers' was 5.15, semi medium farmers' was 4.6, medium farmers' was 10 and large farmers' was 3.  The data indicated that, 23 (12.92%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 75 (42.13%) were in 16-35 years of age, 64 (35.96%) were in 36-60 years of age and 16 (8.99%) were above 61 years  The results indicated that Raghunathanahalli West-2 had 22.47 per cent illiterates, 34.83 per cent of them had primary school education, 5.62 per cent of them had middle school education, 19.10 per cent of them had high school education, 4.49 per cent of them had PUC education, 1.69 per cent had diploma and masters, 0.56 per cent did ITI and 5.06 per cent of them had degree education.  The results indicate that, 94.29 per cent of household heads were practicing agriculture, and 2.86 per cent of the household heads were agricultural laborers and private service.  The results indicate that agriculture was the major occupation for 66.29 per cent of the household members, 8.99 per cent were agricultural laborers, 1.12 per cent were in general labour and government service, 0.56 per cent were in artisans, trade and business and housewives, 3.93 per cent were in private service, 15.17 per cent were student and 1.69 per cent were children.  The results show that, 100 per cent of the population in the micro watershed has not participated in any local institutions.  The results indicate that 5.71 per cent of the households possess thatched house, 71.43 per cent of the households possess katcha house and 11.43 per cent of them possess pucca/RCC house and semi pacca house.  The results show that 77.14 per cent of the households possess TV, 2.86 per cent of them possess DVD/VCD player, refrigerator, land line and computer/ laptop, 68.57 per cent of them possess mixer/grinder, 57.14 per cent of them possess bicycle, 51.43 per cent of them possess motor cycle, 5.71 per cent of them possess auto and 97.14 per cent of the households possess mobile phones.  The results show that the average value of television was Rs. 3151, DVD/VCD player was Rs.1300, mixer grinder was Rs. 1383, refrigerator was Rs.12000, bicycle was Rs.1033, motor cycle was Rs. 28,485, auto was Rs. 21,000, land line was Rs. 1,200, mobile phone was Rs. 802 and computer/laptop was Rs. 30,000.  About 14.29 per cent of the households possess bullock cart, plough and tractor, 2.86 per cent possess seed/ fertilizer drill, 28.57 per cent of them possess sprayer, 2 88.57 per cent of them possess weeder 11.43 per cent possess chaff cutter and 5.71 per cent possess earth remover/ duster.  The results show that the average value of bullock cart was Rs. 12,800, plough was Rs. 2,360, seed/ fertilizer drill was Rs. 35,000, tractor was Rs. 240,000, sprayer was Rs. 2,650, weeder was Rs.62, Chaff cutter was Rs. 1,650 and the average value of earth remover/ duster was Rs.10,000.  The results indicate that, 5.71 per cent of the households possess bullocks, 20.00 per cent of the households possess local cow, 8.57 per cent possess buffalo and 2.86 per cent of the households possess goat.  The results indicate that, average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 2.11, average own labour (women) available was 1.60, average hired labour (men) available was 11.11 and average hired labour (women) available was 10.26. The results indicate that, 888.57 per cent of the households opined that the hired labour was adequate and 11.43 per cent of the households opined that the hired labour was inadequate.  The results indicate that, households of the Raghunathanahalli West-2 microwatershed possess 82.57 ha (92.87%) of dry land and 6.34 ha (7.13%) of irrigated land. Marginal farmers possess 7.60 ha (100%) of dry land. Small farmers possess 17.50 ha (96.93%) of dry land and 0.55 ha (3.07%) of irrigated land. Semi medium farmers possess 22.67 ha (88.79%) of dry land and 2.86 ha (11.21%) of irrigated land. Medium farmers possess 2.92 ha (100%) of irrigated land. Large farmers possess 34.80 ha (100%) of dry land.  The results indicate that, the average value of dry land was Rs. 108,954.57 and the average value of irrigated land was Rs. 378,544.07. In case of marginal famers, the average land value was Rs. 328,982.42 for dry land. In case of small famers, the average land value was Rs. 191,362.16 for dry land and Rs. 360,583.94 for irrigated land. In case of semi medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 121,251.34 for dry land and Rs. 489,108.92 for irrigated land. In case of medium farmers, the average land value was Rs. 273,684.22 for irrigated land. In case of large farmers it was Rs. 11,488.37 for dry land.  The results indicate that, there were 1 functioning and 1 de-functioning bore wells in the micro watershed.  The results indicate that, bore well was the major irrigation source in the micro water shed for 2.86 per cent of the farmers.  The results indicate that, the depth of bore well was found to be 2.61 meters.  The results indicate that semi medium farmers had an irrigated area of 2.49 ha respectively.  The results indicate that, farmers have grown bajra (7.27 ha), bengal gram (12.96 ha), green gram (4.59 ha), groundnut (2.83 ha), maize (5.57 ha), navane (0.55 ha), red gram (2.43 ha), sorghum (11.91 ha) and sunflower (18.61 ha). Marginal 3 farmers have grown bajra groundnut, red gram, sorghum and sunflower. While small farmers have grown bajra, Bengal gram, navane, sorghum, sunflower and maize. Semi medium farmers have grown bajra, Bengal gram, green gram, groundnut, maize, red gram, sorghum and sunflower. Medium farmers have grown sunflower and Bengal gram. Large farmers have grown Bengal gram and sorghum.  The results indicate that, the cropping intensity in Raghunathanahalli West-2 micro-watershed was found to be 75.10 per cent.  The results indicate that, 34.29 per cent of the households have bank account and savings.  The results indicate that, 34.29 per cent of the households have availed credit from different sources.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for bajra was Rs. 20534.76. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 24896.58. The net income from bajra cultivation was Rs. 4361.83. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.21.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for Bengal gram was Rs. 29001.41. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 43669.40. The net income from Bengal gram cultivation was Rs. 14668.00. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.51.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for green gram was Rs. 17450.25. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 30372.61. The net income from green gram cultivation was Rs. 12922.36. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.74.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for groundnut was Rs. 35453.60. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 41303.89. The net income from groundnut cultivation was Rs. 5850.29. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.17.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for jowar was Rs. 18725.82. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 27559.83. The net income from jowar cultivation was Rs. 8834.00. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.47.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for maize was Rs. 31548.18. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 48720.69. The net income from maize cultivation was Rs. 17172.51. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.54.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for navane was Rs. 30370.30. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 56251.09. The net income from navane cultivation was Rs. 25880.80. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.85. 4  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for red gram was Rs. 20232.19. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 28960.75. The net income from red gram cultivation was Rs. 8728.56. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.43.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for sorghum was Rs. 20948.98. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 23650.01. The net income from sorghum cultivation was Rs. 2701.03. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.13.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for sunflower was Rs. 23157.86. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 35766.20. The net income from sunflower cultivation was Rs. 12608.34. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.54.  The results indicate that, 14.29 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate and green fodder was adequate for 25.71 per cent of the households.  The results indicate that the annual gross income for marginal farmers it was Rs. 98,350, for small farmers it was Rs. 92,320.77, for semi medium farmers it was Rs. 132,700, for medium farmers it was Rs. 488,000 and for large farmers it was Rs115,000.  The results indicate that the average annual expenditure is Rs. 16,211.77. For marginal farmers it was Rs. 3,363.33, for small farmers it was Rs. 8,565.02, for semi medium farmers it was Rs. 152,433.33, for medium farmers it was Rs. 170,000 and for large farmers it was Rs. 100,000.  The results indicate that, sampled households have grown 44 coconut trees in their field.  The results indicate that, households have planted 6 yeak, 44 neem and 15 tamarind trees in their field.  The results indicated that, bajra was sold to the extent of 96.3 per cent, Bengal gram, green gram, groundnut, jowar, maize, red gram and sunflower was sold to the extent 100 per cent, Navane was sold to the extent of 83.33 per cent and sorghum was sold to the extent of 98.25 per cent.  The results indicated that, about 34.29 per cent of the farmers sold their produce to agent/traders, 80 per cent of the farmers sold their produce to local/village merchants and 20 per cent of them sold their produce through contract marketing arrangement.  The results indicated that, 14 per cent of the households used cart and 120 per cent of the households used tractor as a mode of transportation for their agricultural produce.  The results indicated that, 28.57 per cent of the households have experienced soil and water erosion problems in the farm. 5  The results indicated that, 54.29 per cent have shown interest in soil test.  The results indicated that, 74.29 per cent of the households used firewood and 28.57 per cent of the household used LPG as a source of fuel.  The results indicated that, piped supply was the major source of drinking water for 48.57 per cent of the households, bore well was the source of drinking water for 40 per cent, open well and lake/tank was the major source of drinking water for 2.86 per cent of the households in micro watershed.  Electricity was the major source of light for 100 per cent of the households in micro watershed.  The results indicated that, 34.29 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet facility.  The results indicated that, 2.86 per cent of the sampled households possessed APL, 88.57 per cent of the sampled households possessed BPL card and 8.57 per cent of the households did not possess PDS card.  The results indicated that, 28.57 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme.  The results indicated that, cereals were adequate for 94.29 per cent of the households, pulses were adequate for 65.71 per cent, oilseeds were adequate for 34.29 per cent, vegetables were adequate for 68.57 per cent, milk was adequate for 62.86 per cent and meat were adequate for 2.86.  The results indicated that, cereals were inadequate for 2.86 per cent of the households, pulses were inadequate for 31.43 per cent, oilseeds were inadequate for 45.71 per cent, vegetables were inadequate for 17.14 per cent, fruits were inadequate for 51.43 per cent, milk was inadequate for 31.43 per cent, eggs were inadequate for 65.71 per cent and meat was inadequate for 57.14 per cent of the households.  The results indicated that, oilseeds were market surplus for 17.14 per cent of the households and vegetables was market surplus for 11.43 per cent of the households.  The results indicated that, lower fertility status of the soil was the constraint experienced by 57.14 per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field (71.43%), frequent incidence of pest and diseases (88.57%), inadequacy of irrigation water (22.86%), high cost of fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (74.29%), high rate of interest on credit (62.86%), low price for the agricultural commodities (60%), lack of marketing facilities in the area (65.71%), inadequate extension services (2.86%), lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (54.29%) , less rainfall (45.71%) and source of agritechnology information (22.86%) ; Not Available

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Naregallu-3 microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and these physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 551 ha in Koppal taluk and district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought - prone with an average annual rainfall of 662 mm, of which about 424 mm is received during south–west monsoon, 161 mm during north-east and the remaining 77 mm during the rest of the year. An area of 99 per cent is covered by soils and 1 per cent is by habitation and settlements. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 11 soil series and 19 soil phases (management units) and 4 Land Management Units.  The length of crop growing period is 150 cm).  Entire cultivated area in the microwatershed has clayey soils at the surface.  About 89 per cent area has non-gravelly (200 mm/m) in available water capacity.  About 8 per cent area of the microwatershed has nearly level (0-1% slope) lands and 90 per cent area of the microwatershed has very gently sloping (1-3% slope) lands.  An area of about 51 per cent area is moderately (e2) eroded and about 48 per cent area is slightly (e1) eroded.  An area of about 37 per cent soils are strongly alkaline (pH 8.4-9.0) and 61 per cent soil are very strongly alkaline (pH >9.0) in soil reaction.  The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed is dominantly 337 kg/ha) in available potassium.  Entire cultivated area in the microwatershed is low (1.0 ppm) in available boron content.  An area of about 22 per cent is sufficient (>4.5 ppm) and 76 per cent is deficient (1.0 ppm) in available manganese content.  Entire cultivated area of the microwatershed is sufficient (>0.2 ppm) in available copper content.  Entire cultivated area of the microwatershed is deficient (<0.6 ppm) in available zinc content.  The land suitability for 31 major crops grown in the microwatershed was assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 207(38) 284(52) Sapota 34(6) - Maize 33(6) 459(83) Pomegranate 34(6) 400(73) Bajra 34(6) 457(83) Guava 34(6) - Groundnut 34(6) - Jackfruit 34(6) - Sunflower 172(31) 262(48) Jamun 34(6) 310(56) Cotton 175(32) 318(57) Musambi 172(31) 262(48) Red gram 34(6) 345(63) Lime 172(31) 262(48) Bengalgram 206(37) 286(52) Cashew 34(6) - Chilli 34(6) - Custard apple 207(38) 285(52) Tomato 34(6) - Amla 34(6) 458(83) Brinjal 33(6) 459(83) Tamarind 34(6) 310(56) Onion 33(6) 2(<1) Marigold 34(6) 458(83) Bhendi 33(6) 459(83) Chrysanthemum 34(6) 458(83) Drumstick 34(6) 400(73) Jasmine 34(6) 57(10) Mulberry 34(6) 345(62) Crossandra 34(6) 166(30) Mango 34(6) 116(21)  Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 4 identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops.  Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserves soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested for these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.,  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. That would help in supplementing the farm income, provide fodder and fuel, and generate lot of biomass which in turn would help in maintaining the ecological balance and contribute to mitigating the climate change. SALIENT FINDINGS OF THE SURVEY  The data indicated that there were 94 (56.29%) men and 73 (43.71%) women among the sampled households.  The average family size of landless farmers' was 3, marginal farmers' was 4.2, small farmers' was 3.83, semi medium farmers' was 5 and medium farmers' was 4.  The data indicated that, 18 (10.78%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 69 (41.32%) were in 16-35 years of age, 64 (38.32%) were in 36-60 years of age and 16 (9.58%) were above 61 years of age.  The results indicated that Naregallu-3 had 36.53 per cent illiterates, 35.33 per cent of them had primary school education, 4.19 per cent of them had middle school education, 13.77 per cent of them had high school education, 7.19 per cent of them had PUC education and 1.20 per cent had diploma and ITI.  The results indicate that, 97.5 per cent of household heads were practicing agriculture and 2.5 per cent of the household heads were agricultural labourers.  The results indicate that agriculture was the major occupation for 23.95 per cent of the household members, 61.68 per cent were agricultural labourers and 14.37 per cent were student.  The results show that, 100 per cent of the population in the micro watershed has not participated in any local institutions.  The results indicate that 5 per cent of the households possess thatched house and 95 per cent of the households possess katcha houses.  The results show that 70 per cent of the households possess TV, 17.5 per cent of them possess mixer/grinder, 7.50 per cent of them possess bicycle, 35 per cent of the households possess motor cycle, 2.50 per cent of them possess auto and landline phone and 90 per cent of the households possess mobile phones.  The results show that the average value of television was Rs. 6,732, mixer grinder was Rs. 1,700, bicycle was 1,175, motor cycle was Rs. 32,357, auto was 300,000, landline was 4,000 and mobile phone was Rs. 2,492.  About 12.50 per cent of the households possess bullock cart, 17.50 per cent of them possess plough, 5 per cent of them possess seed/ fertilizer drill,2.5 per cent of them possess sprayer, 12.50 per cent of them possess weeder, and 17.50 per cent of them possess chaff cutter. T  he results show that the average value of bullock cart was Rs. 17,060, plough was Rs. 2800, seed/fertilizer drill was Rs. 8,000, sprayer was Rs. 2,000, weeder was Rs. 21 and the average value of chaff cutter was Rs. 441.  The results indicate that, 22.50 per cent of the households possess bullocks, 7.50 per cent of the households possess local cow, 2.50 per cent possess buffalo and goat. 2  The results indicate that, average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 1.40, average own labour (women) available was 1.85, average hired labour (men) available was 6.25 and average hired labour (women) available was 6.4.  The results indicate that 100 per cent of the households opined that the hired labour was inadequate.  The results indicate that, households of the Naregallu-3 micro-watershed possess 29.15 ha (59.87%) of dry land and 19.54 ha (40.13%) of irrigated land. Marginal farmers possess 5.84 ha (86.61%) of dry land and 0.90 ha (13.39%) of irrigated land. Small farmers possess 14.26 ha (84.63%) of dry land and 2.59 ha (15.37%) of irrigated land. Semi medium farmers possess 9.05 ha (40.66%) of dry land and 13.21 ha (59.34%) of irrigated land. Medium farmers possess 2.83 ha (100%) of irrigated land.  The results indicate that, the average value of dry land was Rs. 264,006.11 and the average value of irrigated land was Rs. 450,207.13. In case of marginal famers, the average land value was Rs. 530,630.63 for dry land and Rs. 1,218,385.64 for irrigated land. In case of small famers, the average land value was Rs. 238,308.74 for dry land and Rs. 694,687.49 for irrigated land. In case of semi medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 132,498.88 for dry land and Rs. 400,949.47 for irrigated land. In case of medium farmers, the average land value was Rs. 211,714.29 for irrigated land.  The results indicate that, there were 11 functioning and 6 de-functioning bore wells in the micro watershed.  The results indicate that, there was 1 functioning open well in the micro watershed.  The results indicate that, bore well was the major irrigation source in the micro water shed for 27.50 per cent of the farmers and open well was the major source of irrigation for 2.50 per cent of the farmers.  The results indicate that, the depth of bore well was found to be 13.72 meters and the depth of open well was found to be 3.05 meters.  The results indicate that marginal, small and semi medium farmers had an irrigated area of 1.78 ha, 2.55 ha and 11.92 ha respectively.  The results indicate that, farmers have grown maize (31.79 ha), sunflower (4.91 ha), sorghum (4.61 ha), Bengal gram (2.14 ha), paddy (1.62 ha), chilly and jowar (1.21 ha). Marginal farmers have grown maize and Bengal gram, while small farmers have grown maize, sunflower, sorghum, Bengal gram paddy and jowar. Semi medium farmers have grown maize, sunflower, sorghum, paddy and chilly. Medium farmers have grown maize.  The results indicate that, the cropping intensity in Naregallu-3 micro-watershed was found to be 88.20 per cent.  The results indicate that, 55 per cent of the households have bank account and savings. 3  The results indicate that, 55 per cent of the households have availed credit from different sources.  The results indicate that, 81.82 per cent of the households have borrowed from commercial bank, 4,55 per cent of them borrowed from friends/relatives, grameena bank and money lender, 9.09 per cent of the households borrowed from SHGs and CBOs. The results indicate that, the average credit amount borrowed by households in micro-watershed was Rs, 59,409.09.  The results indicate that, 100 per cent of the households borrowed from institutional sources for the purpose of agricultural production.  The results indicate that, 100 per cent of the household's availed credit for the purpose of agricultural production.  The results indicated that 100 per cent of the households did not repay their loan borrowed from institutional sources.  The results indicated that 100 per cent of the households did not repay their loan borrowed from private sources.  The results indicate that, around 100 per cent opined that the loan amount borrowed from institutional sources helped to perform timely agricultural operations.  The results indicate that, 100 per cent of the households opined that the credit borrowed from private credit helped to perform timely agricultural operations.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for maize was Rs. 33037.55. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 45231.00. The net income from maize cultivation was Rs. 12193.46. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.37.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for chilly was Rs. 57632.23. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 89969.75. The net income from chilly cultivation was Rs. 32337.52. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.56.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for chilly was Rs. 57632.23. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 89969.75. The net income from chilly cultivation was Rs. 32337.52. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.56.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for chilly was Rs. 57632.23. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 89969.75. The net income from chilly cultivation was Rs. 32337.52. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.56.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for sunflower was Rs. 28263.78. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 88272.38. The net income from sunflower cultivation was Rs. 60008.60. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:3.12. 4  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for sunflower was Rs. 28263.78. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 88272.38. The net income from sunflower cultivation was Rs. 60008.60. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:3.12.  The results indicate that, 7.50 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate, green fodder was adequate for 2.50 per cent of the households and 20 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was in adequate.  The results indicate that the annual gross income was Rs. 68,000 for landless farmers, for marginal farmers it was Rs. 64,250, for small farmers it was Rs. 79,483.33, for semi medium farmers it was Rs. 98,566.67 and for medium farmers it was Rs. 160,000. The results indicate that the average annual expenditure is Rs. 5,928.42. For landless households it was Rs. 4,200, for marginal farmers it was Rs. 4,682, for small farmers it was Rs. 5,366.67, for semi medium farmers it was Rs. 5,409.72 and for medium farmers it was Rs. 40,000.  The results indicate that, sampled households have grown 37 coconut tree trees in their field.  The results indicate that, households have planted 1 teak 14 neem, 6 tamarind, 9 acacia and 4 banyan trees in their field.  The results indicated that, Bengal gram was sold to the extent 52.63 per cent, chilly was sold to the extent of 90 per cent, maize was sold to the extent of 96.01 per cent, paddy was sold to the extent of 52 per cent, sorghum was sold to the extent of 54.55 per cent and sunflower were sold to the extent of 100 per cent.  The results indicated that, about 2.50 per cent of the farmers sold their produce to local/village merchants, 82.50 per cent of the farmers sold their produce to regulated market and 12.50 per cent of them sold their produce through contract marketing arrangement.  The results indicated that, 95 per cent of the households used tractor and 2.50 per cent of them used flight as a mode of transportation for their agricultural produce.  The results indicated that, 20 per cent of the households have experienced soil and water erosion problems in the farm.  The results indicated that, 67.50 per cent have shown interest in soil test.  The results indicated that, 95 per cent of the households used firewood and 2.5 per cent of the households used LPG as a source of fuel.  The results indicated that, piped supply was the major source of drinking water for 45 per cent of the households and bore well was the source of drinking water for 55 per cent of the households in micro watershed.  Electricity was the major source of light for 100 per cent of the households in micro watershed.  The results indicated that, 42.50 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet facility. 5  The results indicated that, 2.50 per cent of the sampled households possessed APL card and 95 per cent of the sampled households possessed BPL card.  The results indicated that, 62.50 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme.  The results indicated that, cereals were adequate for 90 per cent of the households, pulses were adequate for 72.50 per cent, oilseeds were adequate for 17.50 per cent, vegetables and egg were adequate for 7.50 per cent, fruits were adequate for 12.50 per cent, milk was adequate for 5 per cent and meat were adequate for 2.50 per cent.  The results indicated that, cereals were in adequate for 10 per cent of the households, pulses were inadequate for 27.50 per cent, oilseeds were inadequate for 65 per cent, vegetables were inadequate for 70 per cent, fruits were inadequate for 67.50 per cent, milk was inadequate for 82.50 per cent, eggs were inadequate for 90 per cent and meat was inadequate for 75 per cent of the households.  The results indicated that, oilseeds were market surplus for 15 per cent of the households,vegetables were market surplus for 20 per cent of the households, fruits were market surplus for 7.50 per cent of the households and meat were market surplus for 2.50 per cent of the households.  The results indicated that, lower fertility status of the soil was the constraint experienced by 72.50 per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field (75%), frequent incidence of pest and diseases (57.50%), inadequacy of irrigation water (45%), high cost of fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (30%), high rate of interest on credit and lack of marketing facilities in the area (20%), low price for the agricultural commodities (22.5%), inadequate extension services (10%), lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (25%), less rainfall (60%) and Source of Agri-technology information (37.5%). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

1. Diese Arbeit ist eine Nachfragestudie, die auf den Mikro-Daten des Verbrauches für Lebensmittel und im Rahmen einer statisch, Nutzenmaximierend, und partielle Modell bearbeitet ist. Die Studie ermöglicht eine Bereitstellung von Information über das Zusammenhang zwischen den konkurrierenden Warengruppen in einer vollständigen Nachfrage System. 2. Derzeitige Wirtschaftentwicklung, die unter anderen wegen der im Juli 1997 ausgebrochene Krise ausgeprägt ist, hat eine dringende Notwendigkeit für die Politik und Wissenschaftler der Lebensmittel und Landwirtschaft dieses Landes um eine Information auf die Konsumsverhalten der Haushalte in ihrer Reaktionen auf die Änderung der Verbrauch determinierenden Faktoren wie Einkommen, Preisverhältnis, Einführung neuer Marken in Lebensmittelprodukte, Intensivierung der Anzeigen, Änderung im Modus des Einzelhandels, usw., sowie die Änderungen in demographische Faktor der Haushalte. Der Bedarf nach dieser Informationen sind um so großer, weil es nach im Juli 1997 ausgebrochene Wirtschaftkrise ein tief greifende Strukturwandel gibt, die vielfältige Folge mitgebracht hat. Diese Folge sind unter anderen: (i) Indonesien ist daran gezwungen, die Wirtschaft, einschließlicher Lebensmittelmarkt sich an einem Markt System zu orientieren; (ii) die durchschnittliche Kaufkraft des Volkes ist zu der Ebene der vor zehn Jahre zurück gegangen; (iii) Der Preisverhältnis verändert sich. (iv) Politisch gesehen, steht die indonesischen Regierung derzeit vor einer Ära der Dezentralisierung. Diese Faktoren konnte es dazu führen, der sich Struktur der verschiedenen Haushaltsgruppen in Indonesien zu ändern. Dazu ist es Notwendig, eine Studie mit den lokalen spezifische Sicht des Verbrauchs verhaltens durchzuführen. 3. Zu den Zeitpunkt ist die existierende Information unzulänglich, weil die vorherigen Studien wenn überhaupt da sind, lediglich nur auf Einzel Gleichung schätzende Modell begrenzt sind, und sie sind meisten basiert auf einen argregierten Datei. Auf Grund der Wichtigkeit des Haushalts als die entscheidende Einheit in Verbrauch und auf Grund einer wachsenden Erreichbarkeit von Makrodaten, hat diese Studie einen disaggregierten Haushalt Mikrodatensatz von der Provinz Ost Java, Indonesien benutzt. 4. Die Studie hat folgende Ziele: Erstens, Nachfragenparameter für die untersuchten Lebensmittelgruppen zu finden, damit man die Wirkung einer Preisänderungen auf die Nachfrage der Lebensmittelgruppen für verschiedene Einkommengruppen in der Provinz Ost Java, Indonesien analysieren kann. Zweitens, um zu zeigen, wie man die Studienergebnisse für real politische Grundsatzfragen um die Lebensmittel und die Landwirtschaft nutzen kann. Drittens, um die spezifischen Wohlfahrtwirkungen der ausgewählten Preispolitik für verschiedene Einkommengruppen zu bewerten. 5. Ein historisch perspektive Überblick über die Republik von Indonesien zeigt an, dass Indonesien eine Wirtschaft mit schwerer staatlicher Einmischung in der Vergangenheit ist, und eine Änderungen von diesem grundlegenden Modell eine Sache des politischen Pragmatismus ist. Die ändernde Wirtschaftstruktur des Landes hat dazu zuführen, das die Rolle der Landwirtschaft im Brutto Inland Produkt (BIP) Beitrags verringert ist, obwohl diese noch wichtig ist für die Lebensmittelsevorkehrung und Anstellung. Steigende pro Kopfseinkommen pro Jahr auf dem Land hat nur geringe Minderung des Verbrauches auf Nahrungsmitteln zu Folge. Reiskonsum hat einen hohen Anteil der gesamter Nahrungsmittelausgaben in allen Haushaltgruppen. Daher hat sich Nahrungsmittelpolitik in Indonesien vorherrschend noch auf Reis konzentriert. 6. Dieses Studie hat den disaggregierten Mikrodatensatz von Haushaltsausgaben bearbeitet. Dieser Datensatz ist von so genannten SUSENAS (die nationalen Sozial Wirtschaftliche Datenerhebung), für die Perioden 1990 1993, 1996 und 1999 von Ost Java Provinz Indonesien eingestellt. Der Ausgaben und der Einkommenmodul von dem SUSENAS Verhebung bedecken alle Haushaltausgaben in einer Woche der Aufzählung mit voller Spezifikation von Waren. Aufgeführt in den Umfragen sind 231 Verbrauchwaren, die Daten auf Quantitäten und Werte gesammelt wurden. Der Datensatz für jede Verhebungsperiode ist von 5692 Haushalten (1990), 7638 Haushalten (1993), 8015 Haushalte (1996), und 8552 Haushalte (1999) in städtischen und ländlichen Gebieten gesammelt. Die zentrale Behörde der Statistik hat die dreistufige stratifizierte Probe für den SUSENAS angewandt. Für Verbrauchsdaten der Nahrungmittels war das Zeitreferenz eine Woche vor der Aufzählung von Daten. 7. Die theoretische Grundlage dieser Studie ist die Neonklassische Verbraucherwirtschaft. Theorie und die verwandten Methoden sind präsentiert, um das in dieser Studie gebrauchten Modell zu rechtfertigen. Wir haben aufgrund einige theoretisch, empirisch und pragmatische Berücksichtigungen die Entscheidung getroffen, die linearen Annäherung von der nahezu idealen Nachfragensystem ( (LA/AIDS) Modell zu benutzen. Es befriedigt die Axiome der Wahl, argregiert perfekt über die Verbrauchern, hat eine praktische Form, die verträglich mit Haushalthaushaltdaten ist, ist einfach zu schätzen, und kann prüfen die wahren Einschränkungen der Nachfragentheorie. Es kombiniert auch den Beste von theoretischen Eigenschaften von sowohl Rotterdam als auch Translog Modelle. Wenn man der Preisindex von Stone im Modell anwendet, ist das Modell als eine Lineare Annäherung der Nahezu idealer Nachfrage System (LA/AIDS) genannt. Der Gebrauch des Compensating Variation (CV) Konzeptes schlägt vor, dass die Ergebnisse der Nachfragenschätzung gut zur politische Analyse beitragen kann. Das CV ist die Entschädigungszahlung (Betrag des Geld) der den Verbraucher ebenso wohl als vor der wirtschaftlichen Änderung verlässt. Es mag positiv oder negativ sein. Es ist positiv, wenn die wirtschaftliche Änderung dem Verbraucher schlechter drauf macht, und Negativ, wenn die wirtschaftliche Änderung dem Verbraucher Verbesserung bringt. 8. Da das CV Geld metrisch ist, ist sein Ausdruck abhängig auf einem absoluten Wert der Währung des Landes. Dies ist weniger vergleichbar. Um dies zu vermeiden, kann es in einem relativen Begriff durch Gebrauch zum Beispiel, eines Preisindexes, umgestalten werden. Dadurch ist es metrisch unabhängig. Auf diesen Grund, wurde Fischer Idealer Preisindex in dieser Studie benutzt, der Wohlfahrtsänderung anzunähern. Fischer Idealer Preisindex ist ein geometrisches Mittel des Laspeyres- (PL) Preisindex, PL = , und der Paasche (PP) Preisindex Pp = . Es ist algebraisch als .ausgedrückt. Es vertritt eine Änderungskaufkraft, die als eine Annäherung der Wohlfahrtsänderung gilt. 9. Die geschätzten Gleichungen für das LA/AIDS sind in Tabelle 6. 2 zu 6. 9 zusammengefasst. Für die ganzen Perioden von der Verhebungen, die städtische und ländliche Gebiete bedecken, gibt es 88 Gleichungen für das LA/AIDS. Achtzig Gleichungen aus diesen 88 wurden direkt durch das SAS Program (die 6,12 Ausgabe) geschätzt, durch die Verwendung der iterativen scheinbar nicht verwandten Regression (ITSUR) Schätzungsverfahren. Die Parameterschätzungen für den Rest von 8 Gleichungen wurden von Gebrauch der Prinzip summierung (add up principle) wiedererlangt. In diesen Modellen wird die Veränderung der Budgetanteilen von elf Nahrungsmittelsgruppen in den Studiegebieten von den folgenden Faktoren bestimmt: Preise (das eigene- und kreuzt Preis), Einkommensnivue, die vom totalen Ausgaben der wöchentlichen Budget auf Nahrungsmitteln angenähert werden, die Einkommengruppe von den Haushalten, und der Haushaltgröße, die den Rest des demographische Merkmale vertritt. Insgesamt sind 220 Parameter in jeder Gleichung, die direkt oder indirekt von dieser Schätzung resultiert. Tabelle 6.10 fasst die Schätzungsleistung durch die Vorlage der Anzahl der statistisch signifikante Schätzungen von 170 Parametern der einzelnen Gleichungen zusammen, die direkt in dieser Studie geschätzt wurden. Statistik gesehen, wird die schlechter Leistung der Schätzung von einer vertreten, die 55 Prozent statistisch signifikante Schätzungen gibt (Tabelle 6.2: Urban90). Die beste Schätzungsleistung wird von einer vertreten, die 78 Prozent statistisch signifikante Schätzungen gibt (Tabelle 6.3: Rural90). Die Tatsachen, dass mehr als die Hälfte von Parameterschätzungen in jedem Gleichungssystem statistisch signifikant sind, gibt einen Grund zu beanspruchen, dass die Modellspezifikation passend ist. Auch direkte Beobachtung auf den Ergebnissen der Schätzung zeigt an, dass Mehrheit von Parameterschätzungen großer sind, im Vergleich mit ihren Standard Fehlern. Die liefern ein gewisses Maß an Vertrauen zu sagen, daß die Schätzungen zuverlässig sind. Diese i n allen vorschlagen, daß unsere Hypothese, wie ausdrücklich in der LA/AIDS Modell, von der Daten unterstuzt wird. Das ist zu sagen, dass die Nachfrage nach Nahrungsmittel in den Studiensgebieten ansprechend ist zu Preisen, totale Ausgaben für Nahrungsmitteln, Einkommengruppen und die Haushaltgröße. 10. Die asymptotische Likelihood Ratio Test auf die Nachfrage Ristriktionen zeigt an, dass das Ergebnis der Prüfung im Einklang mit der früheren algemeinen Ergebnisse von anderen Autoren steht. Das ist, der Homogenität und der Symmetrie Restriktionen in den meisten Fällen von der Daten übertreten worden sind. Es bedeutet aber nicht unbedingt, dass die Theorie falsch ist. Es kann der Fall sein, dass die Daten und Modell nicht die Theorie unterstutzen kann entweder wegen der Dateneigenschaft, und/oder Modell Spezifikation. 11. Die Zeichen von den AIDS Parametern liefern Informationen über die Eigenschaften der Nachfrage nach Nahrungmitell. Man kann durch Besichtigung folgern, dass Waren mit negativen Verbrauchparameter ( a) Einkommen unelastisch sind, und diejenige, die mit positiven Parametern ( , Einkommen elastisch sind. Beobachtung auf den AIDS Schätzungen hat angezeigt, dass Reis in alle Fälle einkommen unelastisch ist. Andere Waren haben eine Mischungsleistung ausgestellt, die von den Gebieten und Verhebungsperioden abhängen. Fisch, Fleisch, Tabake und Betel, und vorbereitete Speise haben eine Allgemeinheit ausgestellt, einkommen elastisch zu sein. Andere Ergebnisse, die im Einklang mit der Intuition haben, sind die Ergibnisse die angezeigt haben, dass alle Nahrungsmittelgruppen eine negative Preiselastizitäten besitzen. Meisten von der untersuchten Waregruppe, mit Ausnahme von Eiern und Milch, sind Eigenpreis unelastisch. Die Tatsache, dass die entschädigten eigenen Preiselastizitäten (compensated ownprice elasticity) deutlich verschieden sind von denen der gewöhnlichen eigenen Preiseselastizitäten hat angezeigt, dass es Nachfragenwirkungen in jeder Preisesänderung der Warengruppe gibt. Andere Warengruppen sind ansprechend (responsive) auf der Änderung des Reisespreises. Das Gegenteil ist nicht der Fall. In Allgemein ist kreuze Preisbeziehung unter den Speisengruppen weniger einflussreich ist. Die Einbeziehung der Haushaltsgröße in den ganzen AIDS Model fuer Nahrungsmittel wird gerechtfertigt von der Tatsache, dass die meisten Parameterschätzungen, die Haushaltgröße vertreten, statistisch bedeutsam (significant) waren. Deswegen, ist es fest gestelt, das die Ausgaben fuer die Mehrheit der Nahrungsmittel von der Anzahl von Haushaltsmitglieder beeinflusst werden. Ein zusätzliches Haushaltmitglied kann verursachen, dass einige Haushaltausgaben steigen fuer das eine oder mindern für das anderen, um auszugleichen. Als die Anzahl von Haushaltmitglied zunimmt dan verringern der Verbrauch des Tabaks, Früchte und Gemüse, vorbereite te Speisen, und Fisch und Fleisch. Diese Reduktionen sind gemacht, um der Verbrauch von anderen Nahrungskategorien mit positiven elastizitäten, hauptsächlich Reis, Nicht-Reisstoffen, und essbares Öl. Die Zunahme der Haushaltsgröße ist mit der Abnahme derjenigen Speisenqualität verbunden. Der Verbrauch der billiger Kohlenhydrats-reicher Speise ist hauptsächlich eine Strategie, die von Haushalten mit große Mitgliedszahl genommen wird. 12. Die geschätzten Nachfragenparameter versorgen einen vollständigen und gleichmäßigen Rahmen für Bewertenschläge irgendeiner Regierungspolitik. Die Kombination des direkten Reises- und indirekte Tabak Preispolitikes ist in diesem Studie benutzt worden, die Nützlichkeit der Ergebnisse dieses Studie vorzuführen. Der Preis des Reises hat einen wichtigen Auswirkung auf das Ausgabenmuster von privatem Haushalt; weil Reis ein wichtigen Einflusses auf dem Haushaltausgaben hat. Die Preisberechnung, die in diesem Studie geleitet wird, schlägt vor, dass die Liberalisierung des Reismarktes eine Wohlfahrtsverbesserung an aller Einkommensgruppen macht. Wenn der Verbrauch von Tabak besteuert wird (indirekter Preisberechnung), wird dann Regierungseinkünfte steigen, ohne das Schaden von so viel armen Haushalten. ; This is a micro-data based study of demand for food in the framework of a static, utility maximizing, and partial model that enables the provision of knowledge on the interrelatedness among the competing commodity groups in a complete demand system. The dynamics which took place in the economy of contemporary Indonesia has created an urgent need for policy makers and scholars of food and agriculture sector of this country to have a knowledge on the spending behavior of the households in their response on changing consumption determinants like income, relative prices, the introduction of new brands in manufactured foods, an intensifying advertisement, changing mode of retailing, etc., as well as the changes in the demography of households themselves. The need is reinforced, as Indonesia after enjoying two decades of economic booming was hit by a devastating economic crisis that broke out in July 1997, the ramification of which prevails until the time of study. The consequences of this crisis are manifold. Economically speaking, the crisis has (i) forced Indonesia to approach a market system that among others, liberalizes the previously intervened food market, (ii) set the purchasing power of the average Indonesian back to the level of ten years before (iii) also changed the prices relatively. Politically, the Indonesian government is now facing an era of decentralization. These factors in combination might change the consumption structure of different household groups in Indonesia. Additionally, it places an urgent need to conduct a study also with local specific perspective of consumption behavior. Until today, the existing knowledge is deficient, because previous studies are limited to the estimation of single equation model based on an aggregated data. Due to the importance of the household as the decisive unit in consumption, and due to an increasing accessibility of micro data, this study used a dis- aggregate micro data set from the province of East Java, Indonesia. Given that background, the objective of this study is firstly to find demand parameters for food groups under investigation, based on which one can analyze the effects of expenditure and price changes on demand of eleven food groups for different income groups in the province of East Java, Indonesia. Secondly, to demonstrates the use of the study results for real policy questions about the food and agricultural sector. Thirdly, to evaluate the specific welfare effects of selected price policies for different income groups. The brief exposition of the republic of Indonesia in a historical perspective indicates that Indonesia is an economy with heavy state intervention in the past and departing from this basic model is a matter of political pragmatism. Changing the economic structure reduced the role of agricultural sector in terms of GDP contribution, but it is still important for food provision and employment. Increasing income per capita per year in the country reduced slightly percentage of expenditure on food. Rice expenditure has a high share of total food expenditure in all household groups. Therefore, food policy in Indonesia has dominantly centered on rice. This study employed the cross sectional household consumption/expenditure micro data set from the so called SUSENAS (the National Socio -Economic Survey), for the periods 1990, 1993, 1996 and 1999 representing the province of East Java, Indonesia. The consumption and income module of the SUSENAS survey covers all household expenditures during a week of enumeration with full specification of commodities. Listed in the questionnaires are 231 consumption items, for which data on quantities and values were gathered. The data set of each survey periods is collected from 5692 households (1990), 7638 households (1993), 8015 Households (1996), and 8552 households (1999) in urban and rural areas. The central Bureau of Statistics applied the three-stage stratified sampling for the SUSENAS. For food consumption the survey reference period was one week prior to the enumeration of data. The theoretical framework of this study is the neo-classical consumer economics. Theory and the related methods are presented in order to justify the model used in this study. Some theoretical, empirical and pragmatical considerations have brought us to the decision to use the linearized approximation of an almost ideal demand system (LA/AIDS) model. It satisfies the axioms of choice, aggregates perfectly over consumers, has a functional form, which is consistent with household budget data, and simple to estimate and test the true restrictions of demand theory. It also combines the best of theoretical features of both Rotterdam and translog models. When Stone s index is used in the model it is termed as a linear approximation of almost ideal demand system (LA/AIDS). The use of the concept of compensating variation suggests that results of demand estimation contribute well to the analysis of policy. Compensating variation is the compensating payment (amount of money) that leaves the consumer as well of as before the economic change. It may be positive or negative. It is positive, if the economic change makes consumer worse off, and negative, if the economic change brings betterment to the consumer. Because compensating variation is money metric, its expression is dependent on an absolute expression in term of country s currency unit. This is less comparable. To avoid this, one can transform it in a relative term by using for example, price index, which is metric independent. Based on that, Fischer Ideal Price Index was used to approximate the welfare change. Fischer Ideal Price Index is a geometric means of Laspeyres- (PL) price index , PL = ), and the Paasche (PP) price index, Pp = . It is expressed algebraically as = . It represents a changing purchasing power as an approximation of welfare change. The estimated equations for the LA/AIDS are summarized in table 6.2 to 6.9. For all the periods of surveys, covering urban and rural areas, there are 88 equations for the LA/AIDS. Eighty equations out of these 88 were estimated directly using SAS program the 6.12 edition, by applying the iterative seemingly unrelated regression (ITSUR) estimation procedure. The parameter estimates for the rest of 8 equations were recovered by using adding-up principle. In these models, the variation of budget shares of eleven food groups in the study areas are determined by (the own- and cross) prices, income level which is approximated by the weekly household s total expenditure on food, the income group of the households, and the household size accommodating the rest of demographical characteristics of the households. In total, 220 parameters in each of equation are resulted directly or indirectly from this estimation. Table 6.10 summarizes the estimation performance by presenting the number of statistically significant estimates out of 170 parameters in each equation that directly estimated in this study. As a matter of statistics, the worse performance of the estimation is represented by the one that give 55 per cent statistically significant estimates (table code 6.2: Urban90). The best estimation performance is exhibited by the one that brought 78 per cent statistically significant estimates (table code 6.3: Rural90). The facts, that more than the half of parameter estimates in each equation system is statistically significant may be the basis to claim, that the model specification is appropriate. Also, direct observation on the results of estimation indicates that majority of parameter estimates are large relative to their standard errors. These deliver some degree of confidence to say that the estimates are reliable. These in all suggest that our hypothesis, as explicitly expressed in the LA/AIDS model, is supported by the data. That is to say, that food demands in the study areas are responsive to prices, total food exp enditure level, income groups and the household size as measured from survey data. The asymptotic likelihood ratio test on demand restrictions indicates that the result of the test is consistent with the previous common findings by other authors. That is, the homogeneity and symmetry restrictions were in most cases violated by the data. However, it does not necessarily mean, that the theory is wrong; it may be rather the case, that the data and model combined do not support the theory either because of data property, and/or model specification. The signs of the AIDS parameters deliver information on the nature of the demand for food commodities. So, by inspection one can infer, those with negative expenditure parameters are income inelastic, and those with positive parameters, are income elastic. Observation on the AIDS estimates indicated that rice is in all cases income inelastic. Other commodities exhibited a mix performance depending on the areas and survey periods. Fish, meat, tobaccos and betel, and prepared food exhibited a generality of being income elastic. Other findings that support the intuition is that all food groups showed a negative own price elasticities. Most of commodity groups under investigation, with exception of Eggs and Milks, are own price inelastic. The fact, that the compensated own price elasticities are different clearly from those of the ordinary own price elasticities indicated that there is a demand effects in each of price change of the commodities groups being analyzed. Other food groups are responsive on the change of rice price. The reverse is not the case. In general, cross price relationship among the food groups are less influential. The inclusion of household size in the AIDS model for food is justified by the fact, that most of the parameter estimates representing household size were statistically significant. So for the majority of food items it holds that an additional of household s member will cause some household expenditure to increase and others to decline to balance the household size variable. As the number of household member increases, households reduce their consumption of tobacco, fruits and vegetables, prepared foods, and some time, fish and meat. These reductions are made in order to increase the consumption of other categories with positive household size elasticities mainly rice, non-rice staple, and edible oil. The increase of household size definitely associated with the decline in the food quality consumed by the households. The consumption of cheap carbohydrate-rich food is mainly the s trategy taken by households having a large membership. The estimated demand parameters provide a complete and consistent framework for evaluating impacts of any government policy. The combination of direct rice- and indirect tobacco pricing policies has been used in this study to demonstrate the usefulness of the results of this study. The price of rice has an important impact on private household s spending pattern, because of its important influence on the household s budget. The policy exercise conducted in this study suggest, that liberalizing the market of rice will make households of all income groups better-off, and a combination of it with a tobacco-taxing (indirect pricing) will increase government revenue without harming so much the poor households.

From the nostalgia of the Promised Land to the nostalgia of the exile land of the Moroccan Israelites The disappearance of the Jews in Morocco, noticed after the fact, gave rise to a great deal of questioning: were the motives behind this phenomenon mystical or Zionist in nature? Or were they the result of persecution? In the Morocco of the 1980's, the mellah showed the only remnants of the civilization, the testament of a bygone existence. Both recent and distant past in the memories of those living alongside the Jews. In pre-Protectorate Morocco, the Judeo-Arabic coexistence gave way to socio-economic organization that can ultimately be called interdependence. Economically speaking, the Jewish existence was seen as necessary for the Muslim society. It was the result of a coexistence, varying according to the era in question and the reigning symbiosis and hostility. Trades a Muslim could not or did not wish to take on were left to the Jews, from import-export trade to peddling. This division of work, perceived as both discrimination and allocation, is representative of the ambiguity of the Judeo-Arabic relation. This ambiguity disturbs the work of researchers in the field. If Jews were merely tolerated, subject to their discriminatory status, so be it, but their presence was still generally seen as necessary by the Muslim. By the same token, the Jews' political substatus in Muslim society represented a permanent strength against assimilation, and the preservation of an ancestral link with the homeland. The mellah, symbolizing exclusion, also allowed the Jewish community to be a homogenous social, political, economical and cultural group, a micro-society whose religious identity was constant and rigorous growth, through a series of rituals and practices. Tradition kept identity alive: the Jewish identity, alive in a single prayer to return to Holy Land. The fragile Judeo-Arabic equilibrium, little-known by those who dreamt of colonizing North Africa (beginning in the 19th century), was upset by the French Protectorate of Morocco (1912-1956). With its colonialist ideology, the latter imposes a policy that widened the gap between Jews and Muslims, exacerbating their religious differences and affecting their relations. The Protectorate Morocco had a rude awakening to a number of outside influences -the invasion of European capitalism, administrative reforms and modernism- causing rapid destruction of traditional values. The population grew poorer in their inability to maintain the furious pace of this revolution, while the Muslim intellectual youth, deprived of its traditional privileges, took up the struggle against the foreign stranglehold on its country. The spare of early nationalism driven by the Protectorate's so-called Berber politics, whose project was to distinguish between Berbers and Moroccans through possible conversion to Catholicism and the French language. The anticolonialist struggle found its way in a growing Islamic identity which attracted the masses and united Moroccan leaders behind the struggles of North Africa. In the Jewish community, the effect of the Protectorate is more significant. The westernization process attracts an elite aspiring to rise to the European level using the French language and culture, and wishing to legitimately free itself from the demeaning dhimma status. A long way from the parent population whose fate is the same as the Muslims, privileged individuals of the Jewish community distance themselves both from the religious tradition of the Jewish identity as well as the age-old Judeo-Arabic rituals. This distinction manifests itself in education and travel, or simply moving away. The new class of Europeanized Jews abandons the use of the vernacular for French and leaves the mellah to the poor, the uneducated, and the destitute. The tensions between Jews and Arabs in Palestine, intensified by the Balfour Declaration (1917), also feed the Muslim-Arabic identity whose followers include Muslim nationalists. This option distances the Jewish community from the political scene and thus future Moroccan perspectives. While the Muslim mass is won through this struggle, the Jewish mass continues, away from the political upheavals shaking the Arabic world, to dream of the Promised Land and nurture a sense of nostalgia. This nostalgia is fulfilled with the declaration of the State of Israel in 1948, thus launching the Moroccan 'aliya. Exile was the great memory, the mystical nostalgia, wandering and danger, uprooting and spiritual affirmation. Moroccan roots were merely of convenience despite lasting so many generations, though Moroccan Jews had buried there their forefathers, created shared ways and customs, tended to their cherished cemeteries, developed their languages. and nonetheless Morocco spiritually had only ever been a temporary home, a land of transition, a lesser evil in adversity? Once the wandering and danger over, what of this Promised Land? Did some nourishment, for the mind and body, heart and soul, rise from this new breeding ground where the long awaited and conflicted resettlement occurred? The components of the plural memory have come together in the great gathering: places, values and manners, feelings, social perceptions, exposing to all the divide, the diversity and marks of exile, showing the socio-theologico-political disparities. Disparities that Zionism, in its hope for Jewish unity, planned to standardize and smooth into unity. A project impossible without the cultural uprooting and the identity crisis of North Africans. Taken to Israel beginning in 1948, Moroccan Jews met with a Western model established by the pioneers of European socialism: the Ashkenazi. Very early, the Israeli population was divided into two groups; the Ashkenazi, founders of the country they lead, and their recently immigrated coreligionists: the North Africans, who, for the first twenty years of their lives in Israel, would be members of the proletariat. The messianic ideal motivating the Moroccan 'alya confronted the secular conception of the Israeli state. This conception involves the rejection of the Diaspora heritage and the Exile of the Jews in favour of a new "normal" nation in the image of developed Western societies. The secular State based on legitimate representation of the Jewish people, replaces religious identification with a state identification or nationalism, a status unknown to Moroccan immigrants barely removed from their secular status as traditional religious minority. To the Judaism by choice succeeds Judaism by nature and community organization becomes a complex state organization closed to new citizens. For new Moroccan immigrants, the Jewish identity should suffice for integration into the Promised Land, but once arrived, the reality of significant differences regarding religious practice, language, rituals, tradition, and economic differences caused disillusion of the sacred dream: "In Morocco, he was Jewish, Jewish through the heritage of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, Jewish tangled in the holy and sacred Law of Moses. (.) In Israel, he became -what a turn of events!- Arabic." Out of this disillusion arose nostalgia, nostalgia for the first nostalgia, nostalgia for the exile that some authors (Ami Bouganim, Erez Bitton) would continue to sing: "She sings the exile, a nostalgic tone in the voice, the exile from Jerusalem, the exile from Spain, the exile from Morocco. (.) She sings a Spanish serenade then a French song, an Arabic threnody then a hymn in Hebrew. (.) Without end, Zohra's songs recreate the fabulous scenery of her past." Recreate the scenery of one's past to struggle against the oblivion of the deads and the depersonalization of the livings. Recalling an identity lost in a process of assimilation imposing the oblivion of the Jewish Diaspora and the rebirth of Modern Hebrew. Memory finds its place once again: recreating an identity and a culture parallel to the national Israeli identity and culture. And this reconstitution is first reactivated through maternal memory, a domestic memory constituting ancestral rituals, smell of cooking, laughters, household tasks, games, festive music, superstitions and rumours, jokes in local dialect. folkloric memories. Because the mother is the character who embodies tradition, who has been the least touched by the maelstrom of the 'alya. It is in the literary expression of Moroccan Israelites that we see this nostalgia, through characters who do not feel they are part of a coherent Israeli entity. The language, the culture and the mentality exacerbate these differences, and allow their particularism take its course. Even though it is an historical fact, the creation of the Israeli society underwent the rules of immigration. More than elsewhere, the Israeli terrain is best suited for a review of immigration issues: integration, acculturation, ethnic mix, as a hypothesis of the future of societies in the growing globalization of our world. ; De la nostalgie de la terre promise à la nostalgie de la terre d'exil chez les Israéliens originaires du Maroc La disparition, constatée après coup, des Juifs du Maroc suscita bien des interrogations : les motivations de cette envolée étaient-elles de nature mystique ou sioniste ? Ou la conséquence de persécution ? Dans le Maroc des années 80, le mellah seul en montrait les vestiges et témoignait d'une existence révolue. Un passé proche et lointain gisant dans les mémoires de ceux pour qui le Juif fut du voisinage. Dans le Maroc d'avant le Protectorat, la coexistence judéo-arabe donnait lieu à une organisation socio-économique que l'on peut, malgré tout, qualifier d'interdépendance. L'existence juive en société musulmane était reconnue nécessaire au plan économique. Il en découlait une coexistence dont la nature variait selon les périodes et les règnes entre symbiose et hostilité. Les corps de métiers qu'un musulman ne pouvait ou ne voulait faire étaient laissés aux Juifs depuis l'import-export jusqu'au commerce itinérant. Ce partage de fonction qui est perçu à la fois comme une discrimination et une répartition, comporte en soi l'ambiguïté du rapport juif-arabe. Cette ambiguïté embarrasse le travail du chercheur dans ce domaine. Que le Juif ne fut que toléré, soumis au statut discriminatoire, soit, il n'en demeure pas moins que sa présence était généralement reconnue nécessaire par le Musulman. Parallèlement, le sous-statut politique du Juif dans la société musulmane lui était une force permanente contre l'assimilation et pour le maintien d'un lien ancestral avec la terre antique. Le mellah qui symbolisait l'exclusion, permettait aussi à la communauté juive d'être un groupe social, politique, économique et culturel homogène, une micro-société dont l'identité religieuse se cultivait continuellement et rigoureusement en un ensemble de rites et de pratiques. La tradition véhiculait l'identité ; celle d'être juif, animée par une seule prière celle de retrouver la Terre Sainte. Le fragile équilibre judéo-arabe, méconnu par ceux qui rêvent de coloniser l'Afrique du Nord (à partir du 19ème siècle), se déstabilise avec le Protectorat français (1912-1956) au Maroc. Par son idéologie colonialiste, ce dernier avance une politique éloignant encore plus les Juifs des Musulmans en exacerbant leurs différences religieuses et en affectant leurs rapports. Le Maroc du Protectorat s'ouvre brutalement aux influences extérieures : invasion du capitalisme européen, réformes administratives et modernisme, causent une destruction accélérée des valeurs traditionnelles. La masse populaire s'appauvrit, faute de pouvoir suivre le rythme effréné de cette révolution, tandis que la jeunesse intellectuelle musulmane, privée de ses privilèges traditionnels, élabore des formes de lutte contre la mainmise étrangère sur son pays. La flamme naissante du nationalisme est attisée par la politique dite --berbère-- du Protectorat, dont le projet est de distinguer les berbères du peuple marocain par une possible conversion française et catholique. La lutte anti-coloniale trouve alors sa voie dans une identité islamique accrue qui attire les masses et rallie les leaders marocains aux luttes d'Orient. Dans la communauté juive, l'effet du Protectorat est plus conséquent. Le processus d'occidentalisation attire une élite qui aspire à s'élever au niveau des Européens par le moyen de la langue et de la culture française, et veut légitimement s'affranchir du statut réducteur de la dhimma. Loin de la population de base qui subit le même sort que les musulmans, les privilégiés de la communauté juive s'écartent à la fois de la tradition religieuse véhiculant l'identité juive et des coutumes judéo-arabes séculaires. Cette distinction se traduit par l'instruction et l'éloignement géographique. La nouvelle classe juive européanisée abandonne l'usage de la langue vernaculaire au profit du français et laisse le mellah aux pauvres, non instruits, démunis. Les tensions entre Juifs et Arabes en Palestine, affûtées par la Déclaration de Balfour (1917), alimentent, par effet sympathique, l'identité arabo-musulmane à laquelle s'identifient et adhèrent les nationalistes musulmans. Cette option éloigne la communauté juive de la scène politique et donc des perspectives marocaines d'avenir. Tandis que la masse musulmane est gagnée au combat, la masse juive continue, à l'écart des bouleversements politiques qui secouent le monde arabe, à rêver de la terre Promise et en cultiver la nostalgie. Nostalgie qui trouve son accomplissement à la déclaration de l'Etat d'Israël en 1948 et commence alors la 'aliya marocaine. L'exil c'était la grande mémoire, la nostalgie mystique, l'errance et la précarité, le déracinement et l'affirmation du spirituel. L'ancrage marocain ne fut que de circonstance quand bien même il perdura tant et tant de générations, quand bien même les Juifs du Maroc y ont enterré la cohorte de leurs aïeux, créé des us et coutumes partagés, entretenus leurs chers cimetières, forgé leurs langues.et néanmoins le Maroc ne fut, spirituellement, qu'une terre d'attente, un lieu transitoire, un moindre mal dans l'adversité ? Errance et précarité ne sont plus, mais qu'en-est-il de cette terre promise ? Une sève nourricière pour le corps et l'esprit, l'âme et le cœur, a-t-elle monté dans ce nouveau terreau où s'est accompli le réenracinement si longtemps différé ? Dans le grand rassemblement se sont affrontées les composantes de la mémoire plurielle : lieux, mœurs, sentiments, perceptions sociétales, dénonçant au grand jour les lignes de partage, les diversités et les empreintes d'exils, faisant apparaître les disparités socio-théologico-politiques. Disparité que le sionisme, dans son aspiration à l'unité du peuple juif, projetait d'uniformiser et de dissoudre dans l'unicité. Projet qui ne parvint pas sans éviter aux Orientaux le déracinement culturel et la crise d'identité. Envolés vers Israël à partir de 1948, les Juifs marocains rencontrent un modèle occidental établi par les pionniers issus du socialisme européen : les Ashkénazes. Très tôt, la population israélienne est divisée en deux classes ; les Ashkénazes, fondateurs du pays dont ils sont l'élite dirigeante, et leurs coreligionnaires récemment immigrés : les Orientaux, qui durant les vingt premières années de leurs vie israélienne en constitueront le prolétariat. L'idéal messianique qui motivait la 'alya marocaine se heurte à la conception laïque de l'état israélien. Conception qui implique le rejet de l'héritage diasporique et du Juif de l'exil pour une nouvelle nation "normale" à l'image des sociétés occidentales évoluées. L'état, laïque, basé sur une représentation légitime du peuple juif, remplace l'identification religieuse par une identification nationale, statut inconnu des immigrants marocains à peine coupés de leur statut séculaire de minorité religieuse traditionnelle. Au judaïsme de condition succède un judaïsme d'élection et à l'organisation communautaire une organisation étatique complexe et hermétique aux nouveaux citoyens. Aux yeux des immigrés marocains, l'identité juive devait suffire à les intégrer en terre promise, mais une fois là, la mise en présence de différences notables concernant la pratique religieuse, la langue, les coutumes, la tradition, les disparités économiques, produisirent la désillusion du rêve sacré confronté à la réalité concrète : "Au Maroc, il était juif, juif de par l'héritage d'Abraham, d'Isaac et de Jacob, juif empêtré dans la sainte et sacré Loi de Moïse. (.) En Israël, il est devenu --ô farce du destin !- arabe". De cette désillusion naquit la nostalgie, nostalgie de la nostalgie première, nostalgie de l'exil que certains auteurs (Ami Bouganim, Erez Bitton) chanteront sans cesse : "Elle chante l'exil, un embrun nostalgique autour de la voix, l'exil de Jérusalem, l'exil d'Espagne, l'exil du Maroc. (.) Elle passe d'une sérénade en espagnole à une chanson en français, d'une mélopée en arabe à un cantique en hébreu. (.)Sans cesse, les chants de Zohra reconstituent les décors fabuleux de son passé." Reconstituer les décors du passé pour lutter contre l'oubli des morts et la dépersonnalisation des vivants. Retrouver une identité perdue au cours d'un processus d'assimilation qui imposait l'oubli du Juif de la diaspora et la renaissance de l'Hébreu moderne. Ainsi la mémoire retrouve son rôle ; celui de reconstituer une identité et une culture parallèle à l'identité et à la culture nationale israélienne. Et c'est par la mémoire maternelle d'abord que se réactive cette reconstitution, une mémoire domestique faite de coutumes ancestrales, d'odeur de cuisine, de rires, de petits devoirs, de jeu, de musique festives, de superstition et de rumeurs, de blagues en parler local.mémoire folklorique. Car la mère est le personnage de la tradition que le maelström de la 'alya a corrodé le moins. C'est dans l'expression littéraire d'Israéliens issus du Maroc que pointe cette nostalgie avec des personnages qui ne se sentent pas dans une entité israélienne cohérente. Le parler, la culture, la mentalité exacerbent leurs différences et laissent agir leur particularisme. Bien que ce soit une particularité historique, la formation de la société israélienne a subi les règles de l'immigration. Plus qu'ailleurs, le terrain israélien est celui qui, le mieux, se prête à l'examen des problèmes posés par l'immigration : intégration, acculturation, mélange ethnique, en tant qu'hypothèse du devenir des sociétés dans la mondialisation.

The United States holds dear our values of democracy, civil liberties, and the separation of the branches of our government. In fact, every member of our armed services has sworn an oath to defend the parchment that declares these institutions sacred, and it is the obligation of the United States Armed Forces to preserve and protect those democratic liberties which we hold dear. Given this, it is surprising to know that US Army doctrine idolizes a military dictator, who knowingly seized complete control of his home state following political unrest. Intriguingly, this same figure, who was revered by his soldiers and that same state he commandeered, struggled with marital and familial conflicts his entire life. These statements may be confusing, as there couldn't have possible been a military coup in the United States, let alone a leader of that coup who is still beloved by his statesmen today. Ironically, this individual is no other than Civil War hero Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain. While the aforementioned facts are not popularly discussed in history, many Americans know and recognize Chamberlain and his contribution to the United States. He is remembered for his actions in battle which earned him the Medal of Honor later in life. Joshua L. Chamberlain is undoubtedly one of the most popularly researched and written figures in the American Civil War era. Moreover, there are a multitude of sources that further my research, answering the question of how Chamberlain was remembered during and after the war compared to evidence of the life he lived. Upon examination of several key books and articles that discuss the memory of Chamberlain, from during the war to the modern day, a baseline literature review can be made regarding the question as well as its answer. These selected works have all contributed to the field regarding Joshua Chamberlain and how he is remembered both in his own time and our modern age. ; Winner of the 2022 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the Senior Arts/Humanities category. ; Investigating Joshua L. Chamberlain; Distinctions Between the Memory and Reality of Maine's Famed Colonel Jacob Maker HI 430 A Professor Sodergren 12 December 2021 1 The United States holds dear our values of democracy, civil liberties, and the separation of the branches of our government. In fact, every member of our armed services has sworn an oath to defend the parchment that declares these institutions sacred, and it is the obligation of the United States Armed Forces to preserve and protect those democratic liberties which we hold dear. Given this, it is surprising to know that US Army doctrine idolizes a military dictator, who knowingly seized complete control of his home state following political unrest. Intriguingly, this same figure, who was revered by his soldiers and that same state he commandeered, struggled with marital and familial conflicts his entire life. These statements may be confusing, as there couldn't have possible been a military coup in the United States, let alone a leader of that coup who is still beloved by his statesmen today. Ironically, this individual is no other than Civil War hero Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain. While the aforementioned facts are not popularly discussed in history, many Americans know and recognize Chamberlain and his contribution to the United States. He is remembered for his actions in battle which earned him the Medal of Honor later in life. Joshua L. Chamberlain is undoubtedly one of the most popularly researched and written figures in the American Civil War era. Moreover, there are a multitude of sources that further my research, answering the question of how Chamberlain was remembered during and after the war compared to evidence of the life he lived. Upon examination of several key books and articles that discuss the memory of Chamberlain, from during the war to the modern day, a baseline literature review can be made regarding the question as well as its answer. These selected works have all contributed to the field regarding Joshua Chamberlain and how he is remembered both in his own time and our modern age. Academic books such as Hands of Providence by Alice Rains Trulock, John Pullen's Twentieth Maine, and Conceived in Liberty by Mark Perry portray Chamberlain in a prolific 2 light. They all generally revere him, initiating their books with praise calling him "a great American hero and a genuinely good man," as well as "remarkable" and a "graceful gentleman".1 Not only do these historians hold these ideals, but the US Army and other agencies openly promote Chamberlain for his heroics without analyzing the reality of who he was holistically.2 Hands of Providence is one of the more prolific biographies describing Chamberlain and the 20th Maine. Trulock writes of his life before, during, and after his war service. She accurately illustrates how Chamberlain's colleagues at Bowdoin, as well as others in his life, regarded him early in the war.3 Comparatively, she notes statements from his soldiers about how they viewed him during the war, both in good and bad lights.4 Pullen does the same, but instead focuses mainly on the unit instead of its commander. This also allows for more in-depth analysis of how his men, and soldiers of the Confederacy, viewed Chamberlain.5 He also describes his work ethic, intelligence, and leadership characteristics regarding how they effected his colonelcy and command during the war. Conceived in Liberty differentiates from the other works because it primarily focuses on the two commanders at Little Round Top and their lives before, during, and after the war. This includes some of the more unsavory events that Trulock and Perry omit, particularly how Chamberlain's home life regarding his wife Fannie's disappointment in their marriage.6 The mentioning of this, as well as information about the abovementioned 1880 affair make this source stand apart from the others.7 1 Trulock, Hands of Providence, xvii; Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 3. 2 United States Department of Defense, "Medal of Honor Monday," https://www.defense.gov/News/Feature-Stories/story/Article/2086560/medal-of-honor-monday-army-maj-gen-joshua-chamberlain/ [accessed 3 November 2021]; Weart, "Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain," https://themilitaryleader.com/leadership-action-chamberlain/ [accessed 3 November 2021]. 3 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 11; Trulock, Hands of Providence, 57; Trulock, Hands of Providence, 105. 4 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 305. 5 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 128. 6 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 4; Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 42; Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 333. 7 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 387-392. 3 Edward Longacre's The Soldier and the Man is an interesting contradictory source. Instead of constant praise for Chamberlain, Longacre credits him for both his good and poor actions during the war. He calls into question his ego and insecurities, selfish desires for greatness above all else, and indifference towards soldiers to include ordering their execution.8 Longacre writes this from a different perspective, that of truth regarding Chamberlain's life both good and bad. There have also been two articles that discuss Chamberlain and his leadership both written by military officers. The first is "Leadership as a Force Multiplier" by Lieutenant Colonel Fred Hillyard, and the second is "Blood and Fire", written by Major John Cuddy. Hillyard focuses on Chamberlain's leadership characteristics while deeming if he deserves the high pedestal he is placed upon, while Cuddy analyzes how different scholars understood Chamberlain and his leadership philosophy. They both state how Chamberlain has been designated as a symbol of leadership within the military and agree that he received all his knowledge from his commander, Colonel Ames, who was West Point educated.9 Furthermore, they consider Chamberlain in a favorable light by calling him a military genius.10 This differs from other sources in that it outright debates his poor attributes instead of assuming him to be an admirable figure. These articles exemplify the dichotomy of reality and fiction regarding how Chamberlain is remembered. This literature provides insight on the dichotomy of thought regarding Chamberlain, with the more mainstream historians, like Trulock, Pullen, and Perry picturing him as an idyllic, humble, and professional gentlemen who represented the best of Federal officers. This is countered by more modern writers, such as Longacre, Hillyard, and Cuddy, understanding that 8 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 100; Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 118. 9 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 4. 10 Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 2. 4 Chamberlain was by no means perfect, and his flaws should be investigated as much as his successes. Chamberlain's life and legacy is extremely important because it effects how we remember him and his actions during the Civil War. Popular history tells us of Chamberlain's battlefield heroics and of his gentlemanly manner both in and out of battle. Yet, what has not been compiled popularly is the reality of his life, and the memory associated with it. Growing up in Maine, learning about Chamberlain and his regiment was common, mainly as a high point in Maine's history. However, it is increasingly important to recognize who our leaders and heroes were in their lives and hold them accountable for both the good and bad things they did over the course of their lives. Throughout the research, Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain was viewed in high regard by both his adversaries and peers during the Civil War, as well as in his post-war politics, continuing into today's popular history. Yet, there are differing opinions that emerge over time regarding whether his political skills were as impressive as portrayed as well as how multiple personal issues plagued him and his ability to execute the offices bestowed upon him. *** Joshua Chamberlain came from a respected family in Brewer, Maine, outside of Bangor. In the Bangor area, and later Brunswick, Chamberlain and his relatives were regarded as model citizens who held dear to principles of toughness, work ethic, and democratic values.11 He was raised with these morals and sought after them in his personal and professional life. Concepts of honesty and integrity became trademarks of the family, with his parents expecting those attributes from the Chamberlain children.12 Educated in religion at the Bangor Seminary as well 11 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 57; Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 16. 12 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 57. 5 as traditionally at Bowdoin, he garnered a reputation as an astute academic who was a stickler for the rules and lived by a code of honor.13 Despite his found success in the classroom, Chamberlain had always fancied a military lifestyle, devoting one term of school at the Whiting Military Academy in 1843, as well as participating in several musters with the Maine Militia before entering service in the Civil War.14 Soon after his schooling, Chamberlain accepted a position as a professor at his alma mater, Bowdoin College. He influenced and instructed students on rhetoric and language prior to the war, even writing recommendations and using his political sway to help students gain commissions and enlistments.15 Eventually, his longing to serve coincided with the nation's necessity for leadership. Joshua Chamberlain's contributions to the preservation of the Union are undoubted, yet the perception of him by peers before and in the early years of the conflict indicate dissenting opinions from his popular reference as a revered leader by all. With the nation at war, Chamberlain's desire to serve increased daily as students graduated, or dropped their academics, and enlisted to serve the Union. In envy, Chamberlain utilized his familial and academic connections to pen a letter to the Governor of Maine, Israel Washburn. In this letter he states, "I have always been interested in military matters, and what I do not know in that line I know how to learn", pleading with the governor to allow a man with no military background or training a chance to command.16 Having claimed to be taking sabbatical in Europe, his colleagues detested his notion to leave Bowdoin and sent letters to the Governor urging him to not grant Chamberlain a commission declaring him to be "'no fighter, but only a mild-mannered common student'", "'nothing at all'", and "'good for nothing'".17 Evidently, despite he and his family's 13 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 20, 25-26. 14 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 18, 53. 15 Nespitt, Through Blood & Fire, 17. 16 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Nespitt, Through Blood & Fire, 9. 17 Colleagues at Bowdoin, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 11. 6 reputation throughout Maine, some harbored public doubts about his ability to lead men into battle, mainly because he was thought to be needed more in his role as a Professor at Bowdoin than in the army by some. Contrarily, there were others who supported Chamberlain's military ambitions full-heartedly. Brunswick's reputable physician, Dr. John D. Lincoln, wrote on Chamberlain's behalf, declaring him to be "'as capable of commanding… as any man out of… West Point" and that the enlisted men would surely "'rally around his standard as they would around a hero.'"18 It wasn't just family friends who supported Chamberlain, local newspapers deemed him "a capable and efficient officer" both fit for battle and the lieutenant colonelcy of the 20th Maine.19 The political sway of the his physician as well as the admirability of local press convinced Governor Washburn to grant Chamberlain's commission, yet opting instead to place West Point educated Adelbert Ames of Rockland as commander of the unit due to Chamberlain's lack of field experience and general military knowledge.20 Although there was noted dissent regarding his commission, his soldiers and fellow officers attest to his leadership attributes both under fire and while encamped. In accordance with what Dr. Lincoln wrote to Governor Washburn, he was commended by his troops as being "idolized" within the unit for his stature and leadership, unlike Ames who was viewed as tyrannical and cruel to his men.21 The men of the 20th Maine were driven towards Chamberlain's sympathetic, more egalitarian leadership style, as Ames gave his men no respect believing that military hierarchy should be placed above all else. The men of the unit rejected this, as in Maine 18 Lincoln, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 11-12. 19 "Letter from the State Capitol," Portland Daily Press. 20 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 55. 21 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 77. 7 they and their commander stood evenly on the social scale.22 Colonel Ames was detested for his constant drill and disrespect for his men, being proclaimed by his soldiers as a "'savage" whose "'men would surely shoot him'" when drawn into battle.23 Ames was blissfully unaware of these thoughts, but Chamberlain relished his public perception and continued to care deeply about his men and by extension his image. By default, the volunteers fell on Chamberlain for support and assurance, as they distrusted their Colonel. Chamberlain proved himself militarily at Fredericksburg, and most notably Gettysburg, as a great military officer and tactician. Although his actions are known and renowned, the perspective of him by others during battle is paramount to understanding how he was perceived. For example, over the course of the war Colonel Ames forced many of his regiment's officers to resign due to poor performance and lack of leadership, yet he referred to Chamberlain as his "'best officer'" who led from the front and modeled honor and bravery for his unit.24 Soldiers testified to an instance where his academic and military intelligence united to deceive the enemy by pretending to be a Confederate under the cover of darkness, fooling the enemy into believing the Union line was far away.25 They also pronounced his leadership as something that should be exemplified, as he refused to order his men into unnecessary danger and would not give them orders he would not execute himself.26 This praise was not solely from his soldiers, but other officers from around the army. The commanding general of the Fifth Corps, General Sykes, congratulated him after Gettysburg by saying that the actions of the 20th Maine, and Chamberlain's leadership thereof, were the most 22 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 15. 23 Thomas Chamberlain, as quoted in Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 15. 24 Ames, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 105. 25 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 57. 26 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 80; Trulock, Hands of Providence, 151. 8 important to occur during the battle and that if Little Round Top was lost so was the Union cause.27 His direct superior, Colonel Rice, declared "'your gallantry was magnificent, and your coolness and skill saved us.'" indicating a consensus amongst all involved that Chamberlain's actions were valiant and noble placing him amongst the army's most superb officers.28 His subordinates and supervisors agreed that Chamberlain was an exceptional officer, which is something to note considering some officers, like General Thomas, were liked by their men and hated by their leaders. While it is not surprising that comrades of Chamberlain praised him, the reactions and testimonies of his enemies are important as well. Colonel William Oates was the commander of the opposing 15th Alabama at Little Round Top, and remarkably only had good things to say about Chamberlain. Oates stated that the decisiveness taken by the 20th Maine made them the hardest fighting unit he had ever seen, and that their "'gallant Colonel'" possessed exorbitant amounts of "'skill and… great bravery'" that saved the Union from defeat.29 Another anonymous soldier recollected on how, during Little Round Top, he had a clear line of sight on Chamberlain, yet felt a strong feeling not to fire upon him. He adhered to this feeling, and later expressed how glad he was that he hadn't killed him in a letter to Chamberlain.30 However, it was not only units involved in direct conflict against Chamberlain that respected him. During the surrender at Appomattox, Confederate Major General John B. Gordon stated that the officer from Maine was "'one of the knightliest soldiers of the Federal army'" because of the respect Chamberlain had bestowed upon the surrendering forces.31 Instead of 27 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 155. 28 Rice, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 155; Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 271. 29 Oates, as quoted in Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 128. 30 Pullen, Twentieth Maine, 122. 31 Gordon, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 305. 9 humiliating the men as they laid down their weapons, Chamberlain ensured that they were treated fairly, yet still making it known who the victor was. In postwar years, editions of the Confederate Veteran painted Chamberlain in a similar fashion. They tell of how brilliant he and his unit were in battle, over 35 years after the end of hostilities.32 The magazine makes it known how great of a leader Confederate soldiers believed he was. In fact, he is cited as representing the Federal Army in 1913 at a monument dedication in Chattanooga, Tennessee. This reconciliatory monument represented the peace between the states by inscribing the names of both Confederate and Federal war dead. Furthermore, Chamberlain attended as a "distinguished soldier" and gentlemen in the eyes of former Confederates.33 It is common for friendly forces to recognize the brilliance of successful military actions; yet surprising that enemy combatants also revered Chamberlain and his actions despite their catastrophic impact on the Confederate war effort. Chamberlain is remembered after the war for his accolades as a representative of Maine while pursuing political aspirations and maintaining public appearances, yet his support never faltered, and he remained generally well respected despite familial disputes and marital issues that troubled his private life. Politically savvy since his days as a professor, Chamberlain made the jump from wartime commander to state executive in a matter of years after the conclusion of hostilities. An indication of his popularity with the people of Maine, he was elected with the largest majority of any gubernatorial candidate in his first election. He ran on the promise to ratify the 14th and 15th amendments, all while ensuring the former Confederacy paid for their sins while earning their right of federal representation. 34 32 "About a Distinguished Southern Family," Confederate Veteran. 33 "Herbert Head of Peace Memorial", Confederate Veteran. 34 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 337. 10 Chamberlain desired "'suspension of certain privileges'" and "'certain rights'" for former Confederates, of which he believed had been relinquished by waging war. 35 He appealed to Congress, arguing that war is not a game, therefore the losers should be held accountable for their transgressions. He was known for a conservative streak compared to other Republicans, which itself angered those radicals in Maine politics. For example, he publicly argued against allowing suffrage to freedmen, claiming it to be too much of a change too quickly.36 He also supported Maine's conservative senator in voting against the impeachment of Andrew Jackson, an obvious minority opinion in fiercely liberal Republican politics. 37 He was never a practical politician, but his neglect of party viewpoints disgruntled leaders within Republican forums. This was different from other reconstruction leaders, as many focused-on reconciliation instead of punishment and often sided with the powerful postwar party. Although popular among the citizens of the state, he was unprepared for the life of a politician. In essence, he was not prepared for dissenting opinion, and outright disregard for his point of view at times, as he was at this point used to military reverence for the commanders orders. He fought with the legislature on several issues, mainly temperance and the legality of capital punishment in the state, but also found common ground and gained support from both parties.38 Previous legislations had proposed and supported temperance committees that oversaw laws regulating alcohol use and distribution. They established "special police", which Chamberlain declared an unconstitutional infringement on the rights of Mainers.39 He wrote to the legislature describing his dissatisfaction regarding this bill yet felt it his duty as executive to 35 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 338. 36 Longacre, The Soldier and the Man, 264. 37 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 338. 38 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 338. 39 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 338; Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 25. 11 sign it nevertheless due to its success in the legislature.40 He angered many within the state with his conduct regarding this issue, refusing to attend temperance meetings and denying them public forums. Chamberlain took his position as governor quite literally, as is evident by his signing of bills he disagreed with instead of vetoing them. He believed it was his, and the government of Maine's, responsibility to enact and therefore enforce law. By extension, he brought this same fervor to the capital punishment debate saying that laws should either change or be enforced. He is quoted saying, "'If we cannot make our practice conform to our law, [we must] make our law agree with our practice'".41 This debate had been raging far before Chamberlain was Governor, with his predecessors simply tabling execution authorizations as it was state law the Governor had to authorize each death with a signature. Furthermore, he used his executive power to commute sentences, but insisted on carrying out many of them considering it, again, his elected duty.42 He confided in his mother that "'many are bitter on me about capital punishment but it does not disturb me in the least'", continuing to describe that some had sent threatening letters in response to his ordering of the executions. 43 He responded calmly "'The poor fool for whomever thinks he can scare me… is mistaken… I do not have a particle of fear in me of anything that walks or flies,'" assuring his mother of his safety.44 His administration was not without success, as garnered support on several important issues. Chamberlain's exoneration of Civil War veterans with pardons received support from both parties, and the people as well.45 Furthermore, the establishment of the Maine's agriculture 40 Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 79; Smith, Fanny and Joshua, 197. 41 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 339. 42 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 339. 43 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 75. 44 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 75. 45 Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 71. 12 academy, the predecessor of the University of Maine, under his administration again excited the people and both political parties.46 This school created another avenue of education for Maine's youth, one not affiliated directly with the little ivy elite of Bowdoin, Bates, and Colby Colleges. Despite his immense popularity, and the fact that both parties supported him in a fifth term, Mainers typically regarded him as an ineffective politician.47 Today, he is not remembered for his political career or exploits, with historians and everyday people recognizing him for his war exploits. Unbeknownst to the public, while Chamberlain pursued political and public aspirations, his family was disintegrating. Not only did he and Fannie have marital issues, but his siblings all experienced turmoil that was directly and indirectly caused by the patriarch's endeavors. During the war, it was known that Fannie and Chamberlain were often at odds regarding their marriage and the direction of their lives. While she begrudgingly supported her husband's military endeavors, she was often distant during the war and hoped that when he returned to Maine he would settle down and make time for her.48 According to letters between the two, it appears that Fannie would often neglect to return letters to Chamberlain, saying he had sent seven letters by October of 1862 compared to receiving only two from his wife.49 This pattern continues throughout the war with Chamberlain asking "'Where are you… I do not hear from you all this long while?. It is more than a month that I have heard a word from you?'".50 Fannie and Chamberlain's marriage was strained by the distance and lack of communication during the war, yet his issues would also follow him into his post-war career. 46 Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 25. 47 Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 25. 48 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 333. 49 Nespitt, Through Blood & Fire, 23. 50 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Desjardin, Life in Letters, 184. 13 Fannie understood how tenaciously ambitious her husband was. He was a man of perception, and it came to no surprise to her that he accepted the Republican nomination and subsequent election as governor. Unlike her support during the war, Fannie made it clear she did not and would not encourage him in this undertaking, as she felt neglected as a wife.51 She felt so strongly about this, she refused to accompany her husband in Augusta, instead opting to stay in Brunswick. He missed her dearly and wanted to share his experience as governor with her pleading, "'we are getting rather lonesome without you…'" while encouraging her to accompany him saying "'we are having some quite pleasant times, only you are wanting to complete our happiness.'"52 Still, despite his proposed love and longing for his wife, their marriage continued to decline throughout his term to the point of abuse accusations and threats of divorce. Fannie, extremely unhappy with her marriage by 1868, released public statements alleging physical and mental abuse during their marriage. Chamberlain's response was chilling, saying "'if it were not you… I should make quick work of these calumniaters…'".53 Seeming more concerned with his public image than his marriage or the state of his wife, he says his enemies will "'ruin'" him when they catch hold of the allegations.54 Chamberlain scolded her like a child, warning her of the perils that faced widows in their society, as well as the unsought humiliation a separation would bring for himself and their families.55 These marital issues continued for the remainder of their lives, with Chamberlain confused on how or why his wife remained so disappointed in their union. They came to a mutual agreement, that they would remain married to preserve public respect for themselves and their family while living separately 51 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 334. 52 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 334; Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 59. 53 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Smith, Fanny and Joshua, 195. 54 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Smith, Fanny and Joshua, 195. 55 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 341. 14 for much of the remainder of their lives.56 These public statements were used as fodder by his enemies but amounted to make little difference as Chamberlain was subsequently reelected. Despite this, it is important to understand these accusations to therefore appreciate Chamberlain holistically, and acknowledge their absence in popular history. During the war, Joshua's brother Tom fought alongside Chamberlain in the 20th Maine while the remaining Chamberlains awaited the return of their soldiers. Sarah, their sister, continued life at home while John, being chronically ill, served alongside his brothers as a Chaplain. Upon returning home, John became increasingly sick. Despite the ailments of his brother, Chamberlain ran and was elected for governor whilst his wife spent considerable time caring for John.57 Tom, meanwhile, was lost after his wartime service. He lived and worked in New York for a time, yet never found anything worthwhile. Soon thereafter, John died and Governor Chamberlain left his Tom to fend for himself, stranding him both financially and emotionally as Tom had come to rely on the hospitality of John in Chamberlain's absence.58 Later in life he did the same, as Tom returned to Maine in 1889 after failed pursuits in Florida. Chamberlain, now retired, refused to help him as he had his own financial problems. Tom, neglected to attend any reunions of the 20th Maine, therefore allowing his brother to obtain the spotlight.59 Upon Tom's death, Chamberlain retained the same mindset regarding his siblings. Despite this, Tom never resented his brother, in fact encouraging and supporting him until the day of his death.60 Joshua Chamberlain made himself a priority throughout his life, doing so by routinely disregarding the needs of his loved ones in exchange for his own. This is 56 Perry, Conceived in Liberty, 339. 57 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 78. 58 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 82. 59 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 86. 60 Loski, Chamberlains of Brewer, 88. 15 another unknown aspect of Chamberlain's life, and something that he and popular historians do not want the public to see, as it would taint his image as a saintly officer and leader. Omitted from almost every contemporary textbook or lesson regarding Joshua Chamberlain is the 1880 Maine Gubernatorial crisis, termed the 'Count-Out Crisis'. Essentially, elected Democrat Governor Alonzo Garcelon sought reelection in 1879 against two opponents, Daniel F. Davis of the Republican Party and Joseph L. Smith of the Greenbacks Party. With the vote split between three candidates, 49.6% of the votes went to Davis with the remainder split between Garcelon and Smith. The Maine Constitution declared that without over 50% of the votes, no winner could be announced, and the legislature must elect the governor.61 Facing a Republican majority in the legislature, Garcelon manipulated the votes by casting aside Republican votes as invalid, causing the Supreme Court of Maine to declare his actions unconstitutional and award the governorship to Davis. Garcelon refused to yield his office and began appointing Democrat and Greenback Representatives and Senators while declaring himself the rightful governor. All sides began to mobilize paramilitary forces, forcing then Commander of the Maine Militia, Joshua Chamberlain, to intervene.62 Called upon by leaders of the elected legislature, Chamberlain swiftly took control of the government by using civilian police to oust Garcelon's staff and council before alterations could be made to the legitimate election results.63 Controlling the state as a military dictator, Chamberlain now faced the daunting task of relinquishing power to one of the three factions, retaining it for himself, or allowing the courts to decide. He was urged from all sides, with many pleading him to retain the democratic institutions in place.64 Chamberlain confides his great 61 Desjardin, Life in Letters, 239; Foley, Ballot Battles, 164. 62 Foley, Ballot Battles, 165-167. 63 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 356. 64 Desjardin, Life in Letters, 242. 16 responsibility in Fannie saying "'There is… No Governor, no legislature… I have been obliged to assume the defense… of the state… I am determined that Maine shall not become a Southern American State'".65 He is interpreted as referencing his Confederate counterparts and the lawlessness he associated with their secession and subsequent reintegration into the Union, as well as nations literally situated on the South American continent that were notable monarchies and dictatorships. Chamberlain's outlook on his role in this matter is that of a noble hero, something that surely inflated his ego as well as gave him a needed break from what he deemed to be a morbidly boring life as a civilian. Committed to solving the issue in a non-partisan and equitable manner, Chamberlain managed to enrage almost everyone in Augusta during his occupation. He was offered appointments as senator by each side, to which he adamantly refused stating it was the sole responsibility of the courts to decide the outcome.66 He was discouraged that his own party had amounted military forces and bribed him, and that they and the Democratic camp called him a traitor and usurper who abused his office as Commander of the Militia by intervening.67 Both sides plotted against him, threatened to kill or kidnap him, yet he stayed true to his goal of "'keep[ing] the peace'" and allowing laws to be executed rightfully.68 A local paper describes the scene as dire, where all of the power of the state was vested into Chamberlain until matters could be resolved.69 It was also cautionary, asking citizens to stay calm and avoid the capital, as infantry from Gardiner had been given authority to fire upon civilians or police should they act malicious.70 In the end, he gracefully guided Maine through twelve days of political and social 65 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Goulka, Grand Old Maine of Maine, 138. 66 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 357. 67 Trulock, Hands of Providence, 357. 68 Joshua Chamberlain, as quoted in Trulock, Hands of Providence, 359. 69 "Chamberlain Holds the Helm," Daily Kennebec Journal. 70 "Chamberlain Holds the Helm," Daily Kennebec Journal. 17 unrest, ultimately allowing the court to empower the duly elected legislature to establish Davis as Governor. While Chamberlain fought to maintain his public image though marital and political disputes, today's scholars have begun to delve into his life and analyze his actions. Military writers, for example, annotate analysis his military exploits without necessarily focusing on other aspects of his life. By extension, these writers represent the popular memory of Chamberlain today. Military doctrine displays Chamberlain as the best and brightest military leader of the Civil War, yet writers like Hillyard, Cuddy, and Foley discuss his leadership style progression and whether he deserves the high pedestal he is placed in. Fred Hillyard points out in his paper that the Army uses Joshua Chamberlain as an example of leadership to be emulated, saying that the Army claims responsibility in developing leaders in his image through their education pipelines.71 Hillyard, in the 1980's, questions whether or not this selection is plausible, stating that the notion of military education is lost using Chamberlain as an example as he was schooled at a liberal arts college and volunteered for his commission without any prior military education.72 Hillyard also asserts that although the individual actions of Little Round Top are admirable, the tactics and leadership of the Civil War cannot be adequately translated to modern conflicts. He argues that "students may not relate to the muskets, bayonets, [and] bugle calls… when their thoughts are normally of sophisticated weapons systems… [and] the modern battlefield".73 Moreover, Hillyard continues to question the Army's position regarding Chamberlain, asking if his actions, although notable, were necessarily different from military actions of his time. 71 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 3. 72 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 3. 73 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 6. 18 Hillyard equates Chamberlain's war heroics to his personality, luck, and the fact that the pressure of the situation helped shape him into a military genius. Chamberlain's temperament and personal awareness were key to his success at Gettysburg, in that he was able to learn and adapt to the given situation.74 Hillyard also contributes Chamberlain's willingness to share in the suffering of his men as a motivator for them to follow his lead in battle.75 Unequivocally agreeing that his actions were great, he remains unconvinced that Chamberlain was a special instance of leadership. He determines that when people of character are placed in precarious situations, they usually will make consequential decisions.76 He concludes that Chamberlain is a great example of leadership, one that people can look to and learn from, but is not convinced he is the best example that the military should look toward. This exemplifies that, even in the 1980's, scholars viewpoints of him were changing as a holistic image of Chamberlain and his leadership attributes were being developed. In his paper, John Cuddy focuses on Chamberlain's leadership development over time, and how he became a symbol of leadership for the military and the public. Interestingly, Cuddy contradicts Hillyard by saying that his actions during battle were not a result of him being an exemplary human being, instead attributing his bravery to his personality, personal interactions with different role models, as well as his education and professorship at Bowdoin.77 These characteristics, Cuddy argues, projected him to success in leadership roles, and the evaluation of them and him can help others in the future. He also asserts that Chamberlain had an inert sense of entitlement for esteem and prestige citing his pleas to Senator Morrill regarding his permanent appointment to Major General following the war.78 Despite his ego, he was outwardly concerned 74 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 6. 75 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 8. 76 Hillyard, "Force Multiplier", 5. 77 Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 4-5. 78 Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 6. 19 for the welfare of his troops, yet also garnered the need for respect and order within his unit. He was sympathetic to his men but was also strict when called to do so. Cuddy attributes these and other personality traits to his success militarily and asks future students to analyze his self-need for adventure and validation as an example of poor leadership. Chamberlain's combination of humbleness regarding his troops and desire to prove himself made him daring yet conscious enough to lead gracefully in times of stress. Cuddy also determines that Chamberlain is an example of what good role models can do for leadership development, citing his boyhood idols as well as military leaders. Cuddy establishes that Chamberlain's upbringing was filled with military heroes, like his father and grandfather, of whom he always wanted to emulate.79 His childhood was filled with menial labor, hard lessons, and eventual academic prowess. Chamberlain was an advocate for hard work before the war and took these ideals with him into service. Never receiving formal military training, he yearned to prove himself in battle saying "'Soldiering in a time of peace is almost as much against my grain as being a peace man in time of war'" when asked prior to the war about militia service.80 His upbringing shaped his character, which Cuddy argues helped shape him into an effective military leader. Interestingly, we see Foley stray from the commonality of the other military writers, as he seems to agree with popular historians that Chamberlain was a "honorable" and "inspiring" man who answered his nation's call when needed.81 Foley neglects to mention his development as a leader, instead citing sources that clearly picture him as a leader born for greatness. He cites a plethora of Chamberlain's victories, both on and off the field of battle. These include early 79 Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 15. 80 Chamberlain, as quoted in Cuddy, "Blood and Fire", 7. 81 Foley, "Citizen Warrior", 8. 20 military accomplishments, as well as earning the trust of his men.82 Foley concludes that Chamberlain was simply a military anomaly, crediting in part his successes to "'good genes'".83 He states that Chamberlain's intellectual prowess and desire for challenge fueled his military success, completely disregarding his development as a leader and person throughout his life.84 His lackluster analysis of Chamberlain's life and development is a discredit to leadership development of future military officers, as his paper clearly misinforms the reader by asserting that Chamberlain was a special instance of innate leadership capability. Chamberlain's preeminence is further celebrated today through monuments erected in his name and image. Intriguingly, these monuments were placed far after the Colonel's death in 1914. The first monument was raised on Veteran's Day, 1997, in Brewer near the Chamberlain home. 85 This monument is placed in a public park that is itself a replica of Little Round Top as well as an homage to the Underground Railroad. Named after Chamberlain, it serves to commemorate his battlefield heroics and those of the Hollyoke House that was an actual part of the railroad.86 It is interesting, noting Chamberlain's unfavorable opinions on voting rights for freedmen, that a memorial to him and his unit are placed at an extremely interesting and important historical site in terms of the Underground Railroad, of which Chamberlain was not involved. Yet, the contributions of the Holyoke Family are overshadowed by Joshua Chamberlain's legacy. It's date of completion, as well as location, are significant 82 Foley, "Citizen Warrior", 16. 83 Foley, "Citizen Warrior", 30. 84 Foley, "Citizen Warrior", 29. 85 Maine Civil War Monuments, "Brewer," https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brewerchamberlainpark.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. 86 Maine Civil War Monuments, "Brewer," https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brewerchamberlainpark.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. Chamberlain Park Statue, Brewer, Maine 21 Chamberlain Statue, Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine Maine National Guard Headquarters, Augusta, Maine Chamberlain Post Office, Chamberlain, Maine because it shows that his popularity continued to grow despite his actions having taken place more than 130 years before the monument was placed. The revival of Chamberlain and his exploits in the 1990's can also be explained by he and his unit's stardom in later media. Additionally, Chamberlain retains a second monument in Brunswick on the campus of Bowdoin College. Dedicated in 2003, it is not surprising that the college wanted to commemorate its most notable alumni.87 Yet, this is significant given that the school and its faculty denied his initial requests to serve and slandered him to retain him as a professor. Again, it is notable that almost one hundred years after his death, Bowdoin utilizes the popularity and prestige of Chamberlain's name and likeness to honor him on their campus. Both monuments indicate that Chamberlain's popular memory is alive and thriving in Maine and will be for the foreseeable future. They also indicate that his remembrance has grown in recent years, as these monuments were dedicated in the last twenty-five years. In addition to monuments, his memory lives through his posthumous appointment as the namesake of the Maine National Guard Headquarters in Augusta, dedicated in 2018, as well as an eponymous village in my hometown established sometime in the late 19th century. His legacy is an integral part of Maine's military and political lineage as identified through his idolization by local and state organizations. 87 Maine Civil War Monuments, "Brunswick," https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brunswickchamberlain.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. 22 It would be absurd to diminish Joshua Chamberlain's importance to the Civil War and the Battle of Gettysburg. His decisive military actions and the courage of his unit earn him the distinction as a great officer in the history of our military. The memory displayed by both the northern and southern soldiery indicates just this and exemplifies his gentlemanly traits that are often noted by popular historians and the public. Yet, these examples do not demonstrate the holistic view of who Chamberlain was during his time on earth, both during and after his service in the war. While he was respected for his gallantry in battle by almost all, historians have regularly neglected or diminished his shortcomings in life. Understanding the totality of historically significant people's life is important because we cannot afford to remember people in a single-faceted sense. When looking back on the past, the public deserve to know the good and the bad about the people they are supposed to admire. A one-dimensional viewpoint on any figure has no benefit except to paint a false reality, one that hides reality in exchange for a rose-colored fallacy. Instead, we should be yearning to investigate the lives of our heroes to learn from both their mistakes and accomplishments. In essence, there is more to learn from the mistakes of others than from their successes. Joshua Chamberlain has rightfully been admired for his heroics in battle, yet his private life seemed secluded, isolated, and rarely discussed. Yet, as of late, writers have begun to acknowledge that the hero of Little Round Top was indeed human, with his own demons that menaced him throughout his life. Accusations of abuse, familial abandonment, and general neglect of those he loved has begun to threaten Chamberlain's legacy. Given these flaws and misdeeds being exhumed, will his reputation, for which he fought vehemently to maintain, be tainted or amended in the coming years? Will the lessons taught in Maine schools feature his military feats, as well as his personal shortcomings? This is a question for historians, both 23 professional and amateur, to answer. We hold the keys to truth through research and analysis, and despite the man's noted contributions to our nation, we also owe a debt to future generations to lay out the entirety of Chamberlain's story, and let our children decide the fate of Maine's famed Colonel. 24 Annotated Bibliography Cunningham, S.A. "About a Distinguished Southern Family," Confederate Veteran, 1900. This edition of the Confederate Veteran discusses an encounter between a former Confederate and Gen. Chamberlain years after the war, discussing what happened on the Gettysburg battlefield. The disagreement the two had regarding it, as well as the adjectives used to describe Chamberlain, are interesting and are noted in the paper. "Chamberlain holds the Helm," Daily Kennebec Journal, January 12, 1880. This news article discusses the Maine gubernatorial crisis in 1880 from their point of view. The article talks about Chamberlain being essentially inserted as a military governor, and the fear in the community regarding this. It is used to support research done in other sources. Chamberlain, Joshua. The Passing of the Armies: An Account of the Final Campaign of the Army of the Potomac, Based Upon Personal Reminiscences of the Fifth Army Corps. Lincoln and London, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1998. Chamberlain's own autobiography is interesting because it was written out of necessity for money. It describes his own experiences of the war and why he believed certain instances occur. This is fascinating because others have differing accounts than he. I did not cite it in the paper, but it is listed in the bibliography. Cuddy, John F. "Training Through Blood and Fire: The Leadership Development of Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain." Air Command and Staff College (2015): 2-37. Major Cuddy's essay focuses on Chamberlain's progression as a military leader throughout the war. He states that by modern standards he was a great strategist and soldier yet did not learn at an academy or college. Cuddy advocates for the experiential learning that affected Chamberlain, which he says made him into a great officer. It is used as support for the changing of thought regarding Chamberlain as of late. Desjardin, Thomas A, ed. Joshua L. Chamberlain: A life in Letters: The Previously unpublished letters of a great leader of the Civil War. Harrisburg, PA: National Civil War Museum, 2012. This collection of letters from Chamberlain depicts his personal feeling throughout the war, his gubernatorial years, when he was President of Bowdoin, and throughout his life with his family and colleagues. These primary sources were used when discussing his marital issues, as well as personal feelings during his post-war life. 25 Desjardin, Thomas A. Stand Firm Ye Boys from Maine: The 20th Maine and the Gettysburg Campaign. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1995. Desjardin's work focuses exclusively on the Battle of Gettysburg and the actions taken on Little Round Top by the 20th Maine. Most of this book regards the tactics of the battle, but throughout there are personal quotes from soldiers that will be useful, as well as the final two chapters that deal with the immediate memory of the 'Count-on Crisis' and how that affected the remainder of his life. I did not cite this in the paper, but did research it. Foley, Edward B. Ballot Battles; The History of Disputed Elections in the United States. Oxford UK: Oxford University Press, 2016. This book has a chapter devoted to the Maine gubernatorial crisis, which was very hard to find research on. I used this source to provide context on the event and why it occurred, while highlighting the importance of Chamberlain's resulting actions. Foley, Chris M. "Citizen Warrior; Major General Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain; A Study in Command." USMC Command and Staff College (2012): 8-32. Foley offers a Marine Corps investigation into Chamberlain, who he was as a person, and his leadership characteristics. Like the other officers' papers on Chamberlain, he agrees that the man was a military genius but tends to agree with Trulock and Pullen that Chamberlain's knowledge was an anomaly. Goulka, Jeremiah E, ed. The Grand Old Man of Maine: Selected Letters of Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain 1865-1914. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2004. Goulka's collection of letters fits well with the subject of memory because these letters go from during the war until his death. They discuss in depth his time as governor and the issues regarding his family. They are used to support the secondary source work regarding his life and the events that occurred during it. "Herbert Head of Peace Memorial" Confederate Veteran, 1913. The source is another Confederate viewpoint on the Colonel of the 20th Maine. This, like many, portrays him in a positive light. It is regarding a monument displaying peace between belligerents in Chattanooga, Tennessee. This primary source shows an example of how Confederates and Federal troops viewed him during his life. Hillyard, Fred. "Leadership as a Force Multiplier: The Joshua L. Chamberlain Example." US Army War College (1983): 1-29. This essay is written by an Army officer at the War College. LTC Hillyard discusses Colonel Chamberlain's leadership attributes and if he deserves the high stature he has and still is placed in within the Army. He focuses on how Chamberlain was not a trained soldier, but instead an avid learner who used his ability to absorb knowledge from other professional soldiers. Cuddy's piece on the same subject will support this, and Hillyard's 26 article will be used to further demonstrate Chamberlain's reverence amongst the modern military and changing ideals today. "Indignation in Maine" New York Tribune, December 20, 1879. The New York Tribune article discusses again the situation in 1880 in Maine, but from the outside viewpoint of New Yorkers. It is more of how outsiders view the situation instead of Mainers. "Letter from the State Capital" The Portland Daily Press, August 9, 1862. In my research, this is the first instance I could find discussing then Lt Col Chamberlain and his appointment to the newly designated 20th Maine. It states who the officers and NCOs will be within the unit. It describes Chamberlain in a good light, before he was even in combat, which is important to the research. Maine Civil War Monuments "Brewer." https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brewerchamberlainpark.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. This is the State of Maine website that documents all the monuments within the state. It gives the relevant information regarding when the monument was placed and by whom. I also will include personal photographs of the site in the final Draft. Maine Civil War Monuments. "Brunswick." https://www.maine.gov/civilwar/monuments/brunswickchamberlain.html [accessed 3 November 2021]. This is like the prior source, simply a different monument. They serve the same purpose and this one will have a personal photograph as well. Nespitt, Mark, ed. Through Blood & Fire: Selected Civil War Papers of Major General Joshua Chamberlain. Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 1996. This source will add to primary source collection off Chamberlain through letters but only includes works from 1862-1865. They will be used to express his personal feelings during the war regarding his service, his family, and hopefully any issues within his organization. It is used as supporting documents regarding how he was viewed in his time versus how he is remembered. New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center. "140th New York Infantry Regiment's Monument at Gettysburg." https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/unit-history/infantry-2/140th-infantry-regiment/monument-gettysburg [accessed 1 November 2021.] The site depicts the 140th New York Infantry's monument at Gettysburg, which is a statement itself about the men who fought with the unit. It stands as a simple memorial to those who died, including the regimental commander. 27 New York State Military Museum and Veterans Research Center. "44th New York Infantry Regiment's Monument." https://museum.dmna.ny.gov/unit-history/infantry/44th-infantry-regiment/monument-gettysburg [accessed 1 November 2021.] This huge castle is dedicated to the fighting men of the 44th New York, who were also alongside the 20th Maine at Little Round Top. It is a superfluous monument, given the fact their role in the battle was overlooked by the heroics of Chamberlain and his men. It has a lengthy inscription, unlike the 44th's, which describes what they did during the battle and how many perished. Both these sources will be used to show that some friendly soldiers harbored at least a little bit of jealousy and resentment for Chamberlain's popularity and recognition when they received little to none. Longacre, Edward G. Joshua Chamberlain: The Soldier and The Man. Conshohocken, PA: Combined Publishing, 1999. This book was one of the more helpful sources. It goes into who Chamberlain was as both a soldier and normal person, which my paper discovers through memory. This source helped me express to the reader who Chamberlain really was and how that relates to his popular portrayal. Also, it is one of the only sources that really questions Chamberlain and asks tough questions of his character and actions. Loski, Diana H. The Chamberlains of Brewer. Gettysburg, PA: Thomas Publications, 1998. Loski's book primarily confers how the entire Chamberlain family came to be, and their relevance throughout history. It not only discusses Joshua and Fanny, but also his brother Tom, his sister, other extended family, and of course his parents. I use it to discuss his familial life, mainly regarding how he abandoned them routinely. Norton, Oliver W. The Attack and Defense of Little Round Top, Gettysburg, July 2, 1863. New York, NY: The Neale Publishing Company, 1913. Norton's piece, while older, gives a lot of valuable insight into the battle itself. While this is important to compare thinking from the past to present, there are other sources that do a better job. I do not cite it in the paper Perry, Mark. Conceived in Liberty: Joshua Chamberlain, William Oates, and the American Civil War. Harmondsworth, Middlesex, UK: Penguin Books Limited, 1997. This is one of the more credible sources regarding Chamberlain and his memory, as it also discusses his adversary on Little Round Top and their parallels. Through this source, we can see how other officers and officials of the time viewed Chamberlain both during and after the war, and more importantly how his foes viewed him. Also, the book discusses some of his actions after the war, how it affected his personal life, and how others perceived him. This is a good source to use to refer to both how people thought about him but also the reality of his actions. Also, it is a beneficial source to see how adversaries thought of him, specifically William Oates who commanded the regiment that opposed him at Little Round Top. 28 Pullen, John J. The Twentieth Maine: A Volunteer Regiment in the Civil War. Philadelphia, PA: J.B Lippincott & Company, 1957. The book provides instances of how he is/was remembered. Mainly this source quotes Oates, Chamberlain's counterpart, but also Chamberlain's soldiers regarding their leader. Because the point of this paper is to focus on memory, this source will be helpful because it has a lot of points regarding how the people he commanded felt about Chamberlain. Smith, Diane Munroe, ed. Fanny and Joshua: The Enigmatic Lives of Frances Caroline Adams and Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain. Gettysburg, PA: Thomas Publications, 1999. Like the Chamberlains of Brewer source, this book will give greater understanding of the relationship of Chamberlain and his wife. Comparing to other sources, I will see if in fact their relationship was strained and if so why. It is mainly letters between the two, accompanied by brief excerpts describing the times and circumstances of the letters. These sources will help determine if his stately appearance was a public rouse or if he was privately a different man. Trulock, Alice Rains. In the Hands of Providence: Joshua L. Chamberlain and the American Civil War. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 1992. Trulock's work is one of the prolific biographies of Joshua Chamberlain but is claimed by writers like Cuddy and Longacre to be one sided and only include the more cheerful instances in his life. Most of the work puts Chamberlain in a good light by designating him as a marvelous leader who was fair and beloved by his troops. Strangely, she does mention some of his more unsavory actions after the war, as well as explaining his resistance in allowing freedmen to vote. I use this source a multitude of times because the author covers almost every instance of Chamberlain's life. United States Department of Defense. "Medal of Honor Monday." https://www.defense.gov/News/Feature-Stories/story/Article/2086560/medal-of-honor-monday-army-maj-gen-joshua-chamberlain/ [accessed 3 November 2021]. This DoD article discusses Chamberlain as an astute, gentlemanly officer who was a gallant recipient of the Medal of Honor. While this is true, it again is an example of popular memory regarding Chamberlain. He is viewed only through his singular actions, not by a collection of them. Weart, David. The Military Leader. "Joshua Lawrence Chamberlain- Leadership in Action," https://themilitaryleader.com/leadership-action-chamberlain/ [accessed 3 November 2021]. Weart's online article does the same as the DoD's. It describes Chamberlain in a single faceted manner and neglects all the instances that made him human like everyone else.

Ob durch Spiegel im All, künstlich erzeugte Wolken oder Partikel in der Stratosphäre, die technischen Möglichkeiten, Einfluss auf das Klima zu nehmen, scheinen in einer Welt, die zunehmend mit den Auswirkungen des Klimawandels konfrontiert wird, grenzenlos (vgl. Deutschlandfunk 2023).Geoengineering steht für den Versuch, gegen die steigenden Temperaturen und CO₂-Emissionen anzukämpfen und das Klimasystem der Erde zu beeinflussen. Während die‌ wissenschaftliche‌ Erforschung dieser Technologien immer weiter fortschreitet, rückt auch die‌ politische‌ Machbarkeit solcher Eingriffe‌ in den Fokus von internationalen Debatten und politischen Agenden. Doch was ist solares Geoengineering und wie funktioniert es, welche politischen Risiken birgt es und wie umsetzbar erscheint dieses Vorhaben derzeit? Diesen Fragen will die folgende Arbeit nachgehen.Zunächst soll Geoengineering im allgemeinen und solares Geoengineering im besonderen dargestellt werden. Neben der Vorstellung verschiedener Konzepte des solaren Geoengineerings soll auch die technologische Machbarkeit dargestellt werden. Der nächste Abschnitt beschäftigt sich mit der politischen Seite des solaren Geoengineerings. Die politischen Risiken sollen thematisiert werden. Zudem sollen Probleme der Umsetzbarkeit im politischen Rahmen anhand von Spieltheorien erläutert werden und das Dilemma des moralischen Risikos, das sich am solaren Geoengineering zeigt, dargestellt werden.GeoengineeringFür den Begriff des Geoengineering existiert in der Wissenschaft bislang keine allgemeingültige Definition (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 11). Eine in der Literatur verbreitete Definition stammt von der britischen Royal Society. Demnach umfasst Geoengineering bewusste und zielgerichtete – meist in großem Maßstab durchgeführte – Eingriffe in das Klimasystem mit dem Ziel, die anthropogene Klimaerwärmung abzumildern (vgl. Royal Society 2009, S. 1).Auch in der Definition des Weltklimarats (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change – kurz IPCC) werden unter Geoengineering technologische Maßnahmen verstanden, die darauf abzielen, das Klimasystem zu stabilisieren, indem sie direkt in die Energiebilanz der Erde eingreifen und dadurch das Ziel verfolgen, die globale Erwärmung zu verringern (vgl. IPCC 2007).Laut dem Klimaökonom Gernot Wagner ist die Begriffsverwendung von Geoengineering, wie sie auch in diesen Definitionen verwendet wird, zu vage. Es handelt sich nach ihm um eine menschengemachte Bezeichnung, die durch seine häufige Verwendung im öffentlichen Diskurs entstanden ist und häufig als Überbegriff für zwei sich stark unterscheidende Konzepte verwendet wird (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 11). Grundlegend werden die Maßnahmen des Geoengineering in zwei Kategorien untergliedert:Maßnahmen zur Kohlenstoffdioxidentfernung: Unter diese Maßnahmen fallen Technologien, die das Ziel haben, dem Kohlenstoffkreislauf der Atmosphäre CO2 zu entziehen und dieses dauerhaft zu speichern. Diese Maßnahmen werden auch als Kohlenstoffentnahme oder im englischen Sprachgebrauch als Carbon Dioxid Removal (CDR), Carbon Geoengineering oder Direct air capture bezeichnet (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 12).Maßnahmen zur Beeinflussung des Strahlenhaushalts: Diese Maßnahmen werden auch unter solarem Geoengineering, solar radiation management (SRM), Strahlungsmanagement, solar radiation modification oder als albedo modification bezeichnet. Gemeint sind damit Methoden, die einen umfassenden und gezielten Eingriff zur Abkühlung der Erde vorsehen und damit die Atmosphäre in Bodennähe abkühlen sollen (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 11).Da in dieser Seminararbeit das solare Geoengineering im Fokus steht, soll im nachfolgenden Kapitel genauer auf die verschiedenen Ansätze des solaren Geoengineerings eingegangen werden.Solares GeoengineeringDas solare Geoengineering setzt am Klimasystem der Erde an. Die Sonne spielt in diesem System den Motor. Während ein Teil des Sonnenlichts direkt über Wolken, Bestandteile der Luft oder der Erdoberfläche reflektiert und an den Weltraum zurückgegeben wird, wird der andere Teil der Strahlung durch die Atmosphäre und den Erdboden in Wärmestrahlung umgewandelt (vgl. Umweltbundesamt 2011, S. 9). Ein Teil dieser Wärmestrahlung bleibt aufgrund bestimmter Gase in der Atmosphäre und erwärmt die Erde, sodass Leben überhaupt möglich ist, hierbei spricht man vom natürlichen Treibhauseffekt. Der andere Teil der Wärmestrahlung wird an den Weltraum abgegeben (vgl. Deutscher Wetterdienst 2023). Wird nun durch bestimmte Faktoren, wie zu viel anthropogen verursachte Treibhausgase, die Atmosphäre zusätzlich erwärmt, spricht man vom Klimawandel (vgl. ebd.).Solares Geoengineering kann nun an verschiedenen Punkten des Klimasystems ansetzen, um die Temperatur der Atmosphäre zu senken. Zum einen an der reflektierten Solarstrahlung durch eine Veränderung der Erdoberfläche oder der Wolken, an der abgegebenen Wärmestrahlung durch den atmosphärischen Gehalt an Treibhausgasen und Aerosolen sowie durch Installationen im Weltraum (Umweltbundesamt 2011, S. 9). Die verschiedenen Konzepte des solaren Geoengineerings sollen nachfolgend kurz vorgestellt und hinsichtlich ihrer Umsetzbarkeit eingeordnet werden.Änderung der Albedo von OberflächenKonzepte, die sich die Änderung der Albedo von Oberflächen zunutze machen, setzen auf die Reflektion der einfallenden Sonnenstrahlen von Oberflächen. Je nach Farbe und Beschaffenheit von Oberflächen und Körpern werden einfallende Sonnenstrahlen unterschiedlich stark reflektiert (vgl. Umweltbundesamt 2011, S. 12). Das Verhältnis der Strahlung, die auf einem Objekt ankommt, und dem, was zurückgeworfen wird, wird als Albedo bezeichnet. Es ist daher ein Maß für das Rückstrahlungsvermögen von Objekten. Während dunkle Flächen, wie zum Beispiel Ozeane ein niedrigeres Rückstrahlungsvermögen und damit eine niedrige Albedo aufweisen, besitzen helle Oberflächen ein hohes Rückstrahlungsvermögen und damit eine hohe Albedo, die dazu führt, dass die Temperatur sinkt und die an den Weltraum abgegebene Wärmestrahlung verringert wird (vgl. ebd.).Um die Albedo von Oberflächen zu erhöhen, wird beispielhaft für diese Art des solaren Geoengineerings vorgeschlagen, Dächer, Straßen und Gehwege weiß zu streichen, rückstrahlungsstarke Pflanzen in der Landwirtschaft einzusetzen, Wüstenregionen mit reflektierenden Planen zu bedecken oder die Ozeane durch schwimmende reflektierende Gegenstände aufzuhellen (vgl. Umweltbundesamt 2011, S. 12).Auch wenn das Streichen von ganzen Städten eine niederschwellige Art des solaren Geoengineerings darstellt, würde diese Vorgehensweise nur bedingt einen Beitrag zur Reduktion der Temperatur leisten (vgl. Umweltbundesamt 2011, S. 12). Zudem dürfte der Einsatz von reflektierenden Feldfrucht- und Grünlandsorten ebenso scheitern, da enorme Flächen benötigt werden würden und große Monokulturen entstehen könnten (vgl. ebd. S. 13). Und auch der Vorschlag, die Ozeane mit schwimmenden Gegenständen aufzuhellen, ist kritisch zu betrachten und steht im Widerspruch zu anderen Umweltzielen wie der Vermeidung von Müll in den Meeren. Zudem würde die Funktion der Meere eingeschränkt und ein Ökosystem der Erde vom Licht abgeschnitten werden, wodurch die Nebenwirkungen auf den Menschen nur bedingt planbar wären (vgl. ebd.).Erhöhung der Albedo von WolkenDamit Wolken entstehen können, werden neben der passenden Temperatur und Luftfeuchtigkeit kleine Partikel wie Sandkörner, Salzkristalle oder Staub benötigt. Sie bilden die sogenannten Kondensationskerne, an denen das Wasser kondensieren kann, wodurch sich kleine Tröpfchen bilden. Der Gehalt dieser Wassertröpfchen bestimmt die Reflektionseigenschaft einer Wolke und somit ihre Albedo. Kleine Tröpfchen werfen das Sonnenlicht stärker zurück und führen zu einer längeren Lebensdauer der Wolken und zu dem gewünschten Abkühlungseffekt (vgl. Umweltbundesamt 2011, S. 13 f.). Anwendbar wäre dieses Konzept in Küstenregionen, indem durch Flugzeuge oder Schiffe vermehrt Kondensationskerne ausgebracht werden, um niedrige Wolken über den Ozeanen zu generieren (vgl. ebd.).Technisch ist dieses Konzept umsetzbar, die Einsatzorte könnten gewechselt und der Einsatz auch kurzfristig gestoppt werden. Bei großen Flächen sind die Auswirkungen auf Windsysteme, Meeresströmungen und Niederschläge sowie Folgen für Meeresorganismen jedoch noch unklar. Daher ist die weitere Erforschung dieser Thematik nötig (vgl. Umweltbundesamt 2011, S. 14).Installationen im erdnahen WeltraumDiese Konzepte setzen an der einstrahlenden Sonnenenergie in erdnahen Umlaufbahnen an und sollen die ankommende Sonnenstrahlung auf der Erde reduzieren. Als Ideen für diese Art des solaren Geoengineering kursieren beispielsweise das Anbringen eines reflektierenden Materials zwischen Erde und Sonne, an der ein Riesenspiegel, ein Aluminiumgeflecht oder eine Vielzahl an reflektierenden Scheiben installiert werden könnte. Auch das Anbringen eines Saturn-ähnlichen Rings aus Staubpartikeln wird in diesem Kontext diskutiert (vgl. Umweltbundesamt 2011, S. 16).Diese Konzepte klingen wenig realistisch und schwer umsetzbar. Es würden je nach Verfahren immense Mengen an Material benötigt werden und hohe Materialkosten bergen. Des Weiteren ist unklar, wie genau und wo solche Konstruktionen im Weltraum angebracht werden könnten. Zudem wäre durch spiegelnde Objekte im Weltraum die solare Einstrahlung nicht gleichmäßig verteilt, was dazu führen könnte, dass sich die atmosphärische und ozeanische Zirkulation verändern würde (vgl. Umweltbundesamt 2011, S. 16).Ausbringung stratosphärischer AerosoleDurch Vulkanausbrüche konnte nachgewiesen werden, dass in der Stratosphäre durch geringere Austauschprozesse von Luftmassen Ascheteilchen und Schwefelverbindungen Monate bis Jahre verweilen können und dadurch weniger Sonnenlicht zur Erdoberfläche gelangt und das Klima der Erde um 0,1 bis 0,2 °C gemindert wird (vgl. Umweltbundesamt 2011, S. 14). Diese Erkenntnisse sollen im Sinne des solaren Geoengineering angewendet werden, indem zum Beispiel über Wetterballons oder spezielle Flugzeuge Schwefelverbindungen in die Stratosphäre freigesetzt werden. Diese oxidieren dort zu Sulfatpartikeln, die die Sonnenstrahlung streuen und damit das an der Erdoberfläche einfallende Sonnenlicht reduzieren könnten (vgl. ebd. S. 15).Diese Art des solaren Geoengineerings wird wohl derzeit am häufigsten diskutiert. Aus technischer Sicht lässt sich die Ausbringung von Aerosolen einfach ermöglichen. Dieses Konzept des Geoengineering ist im Vergleich zu anderen Methoden eher kostengünstig und könnte schon mit einstelligen Milliarden-Dollar-Beträgen pro Jahr realisiert werden (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 15). Jedoch überwiegen weitere Risiken als die bloße technische Umsetzbarkeit, die im Abschnitt der politischen Risiken für diese Art des solaren Geoengineering ausführlicher erläutert werden.Solares Geoengineering als politisches ThemaBevor man sich mit der politischen Umsetzbarkeit von solarem Geoengineering befassen kann, muss darauf eingegangen werden, wie solares Geoengineering derzeit in der Klimapolitik thematisiert wird. Da es sich beim Klima um ein gemeinschaftliches Gut handelt und der Klimawandel keinen Stopp vor Grenzen macht, wird die Klimapolitik auch als sogenannte "Querschnittsaufgabe" bezeichnet. Nicht ein Akteur allein kann diese politische Aufgabe lösen. Im Feld der Klimapolitik sind Prozesse der vertikalen und horizontalen Politikintegration sowie die Einbindung verschiedener Akteure beinhaltet. So ist die deutsche Klimapolitik in zwischenstaatliche und völkerrechtliche Abkommen der internationalen Klimapolitik integriert (vgl. Roelfes 2022).Teil dieser Struktur sind die Berichte des Weltklimarats, das Pariser Klimaabkommen oder die Convention on Biological Diversitiy der UNO, die wichtige Grundlagen für politische Entscheidungen der Länder zum Klimaschutz bilden. Daher soll vorgestellt werden, inwieweit das solare Geoengineering in diesen Debatten thematisiert wird.Solares Geoengineering in Berichten des IPCCDer IPCC oder auch Weltklimarat veröffentlicht in seinen Sachstandberichten zusammengefasst den aktuellen Stand der Klimaforschung, bewertet diesen und bereitet ihn für die Politik auf. Dadurch nimmt die zwischenstaatliche Organisation der Vereinten Nationen Einfluss, inwieweit ein Thema in der Politik behandelt wird und welche Maßnahmen zur Bekämpfung des Klimawandels eingesetzt werden, ohne direkte Handlungsempfehlungen abzugeben. Stattdessen sind Bewertungsmodelle in den Veröffentlichungen integriert, die verschiedene Klimaszenarien beinhalten (vgl. Wittstock 2023, S. 40).Im fünften Sachstandsbericht des IPCC werden Methoden des Geoengineering erstmals bei einem Migrationsszenarium aufgeführt. Da nur in wenigen Szenarien die Emissionsreduktion allein die Erderwärmung auf 2 °C begrenzen könnte. Soziale und politische Aspekte wurden bei den Modellierungen jedoch nicht berücksichtigt (vgl. Wittstock 2023, S. 41). Vermehrt wird auf die Methode des Carbon Dioxid Removals eingegangen, aber auch das Solar Radiation Management wird thematisiert. Insgesamt befürwortet der IPCC nicht direkt die Methoden des Geoengineering, sondern empfiehlt die weitere Erforschung dieser Technologien auf technologischer und sozialwissenschaftlicher Ebene (vgl. ebd. S. 42).Solares Geoengineering im Pariser KlimaabkommenIn den politischen Debatten des Pariser Abkommens von 2015 und den Texten des Abkommens wurden Methoden des solaren Geoengineerings nicht diskutiert. Dennoch kamen nach der Ratifizierung des Abkommens Methoden des Geoengineering vermehrt ins Gespräch. Das angestrebte Ziel, die Erderwärmung auf 1,5 °C zu begrenzen, ist nach Klimaforscher*innen nur mit Unterstützung des Geoengineering möglich (vgl. Wittstock 2023, S. 44 f.).Solares Geoengineering in der Convention on Biological DiversityAuch im Rahmen der Convention on Biological Diversity wurde das solare Geoengineering weitreichend diskutiert. Der Schwerpunkt der multilateralen Diskussion beim Thema Geoengineering liegt in diesem Übereinkommen. Im Jahr 2010 wurde für Geoengineering im allgemeinen auf der Grundlage des Vorsorgeprinzips sowie ökologischer und sozialer Bedenken eine Vereinbarung aufgeschoben (vgl. Heinrich Böll Stiftung 2018, S. 5).Zusammenfassend lässt sich also festhalten, dass solares Geoengineering in den politischen Debatten Einzug hält und diskutiert wird, jedoch derzeit keine Strukturen zu finden sind, die den Einsatz erlauben. Mit Vereinbarungen und Einigungen in den Diskussionen kann derzeit nicht gerechnet werden.Risiken des solaren GeoengineeringsWie bei der Beschreibung der einzelnen Konzepte des solaren Geoengineering deutlich wurde, handelt es sich je nach Konzept um realistischere oder weniger realistische Vorhaben, Einfluss auf das Klima der Erde zu nehmen. Während Konzepte, welche Installationen im Weltraums vorsehen und sehr hohe Kosten mit sich brächten, weniger diskutiert werden, wird die Ausbringung von stratosphärischen Aerosolen weit häufiger in politischen Debatten diskutiert. Doch gerade diese Art des solaren Geoengineering birgt politische Risiken, auf die nun eingegangen werden soll.Immer wieder wird diskutiert, inwieweit das solare Geoengineering durch Aerosole Einfluss auf das regionale Klima und damit auf die Landwirtschaft von bestimmten Ländern hat (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 46). Während starke Kritiker wie die Klimawissenschaftler Alan Robock und David Keith es für möglich halten, dass es durch den falschen und leichtsinnigen Einsatz zu regionalen Klimaanomalien kommen kann, die im schlimmsten Fall die Nahrungsversorgung von Milliarden Menschen bedrohen und damit zu einem politischen Problem ausufern (vgl. ebd. S. 57), äußern neuere umfassendere Analysen weniger Bedenken bezüglich des sich verändernden regionalen Klimas, da es sich um ein komplexes System handelt.Es wird davon ausgegangen, dass der Effekt des solaren Geoengineering nicht nur eine geringere Oberflächentemperatur der Erde nach sich zieht, sondern auch Temperaturextreme reduzieren kann und dadurch die Verdunstung von Wasser reduziert wird. Dadurch zeigt sich, dass die Welt durch solares Geoengineering eher wie eine Welt ohne Klimawandel aussieht und große Hungersnöte aufgrund von ausbleibendem Regen eher unwahrscheinlich sind (vgl. ebd. S. 58).Ein weiteres politisches Risiko besteht im Ozonabbau. Während in den vergangenen Jahren durch die politische Reglementierung von Fluorchlorkohlenwasserstoff das Ozonloch zum Schrumpfen gebracht wurde, führen Sulfat-basierte stratosphärische Aerosole durch ihren Säuregehalt zu einer Reduktion des Ozons in der Atmosphäre, wodurch die Erholung des Ozonlochs verlangsamt wird (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 63). Zwar wurde in Forschungsgruppen auch mit einer Alternative für Sulfat-Aerosole experimentiert, doch diese Studien sind noch am Anfang. Generell ist nicht gewiss, wie solares Geoengineering den Erholungsprozess beeinflussen kann (vgl. ebd. S. 65).Während erneuerbare Energien, wozu auch Solarenergie gehört, durch die Politik stark gefördert werden, kann durch die Dimmung des solaren Geoengineerings der Solarertrag reduziert werden. Photovoltaikanlagen können zwar auch mit dem diffusen Licht, das durch solares Geoengineering entsteht, Strom erzeugen, aber wie genau sich die Reduktion des Sonnenlichts auf die Energiegewinnung auswirkt, ist unklar (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 69).Ein weiteres Problem, das sich vor allem auf der politischen Ebene zeigt und hohe Bedenken gegenüber solarem Geoengineering erzeugt, bezieht sich auf eine schnellere und nicht genau vorhersehbare Erwärmung bei einem Aussetzen der Maßnahmen. Solares Geoengineering könnte eine Angriffsfläche für Anschläge sein. Aber auch Naturkatastrophen oder rasche politische Veränderungen können Grund zur Sorge wecken (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 71).Würde die globale Durchschnittstemperatur gesenkt und der Einsatz des solaren Geoengineering abrupt beendet werden, könnte dies zu einem "termination shock" führen. Die Temperaturen könnten nach oben schellen, ohne dass eine Anpassung der Umwelt möglich wäre. Zudem besteht auch die Gefahr, dass trotz langwieriger wissenschaftlicher Forschung unvorhergesehene Probleme auftauchen könnten, die solch einen "termination shock" heraufbeschwören könnten (vgl. ebd. S. 72).Mit diesen Risiken hängen auch die Bedenken zusammen, dass es kein sofortiges Zurück gibt. Wenn einmal mit der Ausbringung von Aerosolen begonnen wurde, ist ein Abbruch nur sehr langsam möglich (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 72). Um die Maßnahmen zu stoppen, kann nur stufenweise vorgegangen werden. Da sich Aerosole 12 bis 18 Monaten in der Stratosphäre befinden, können diese nicht innerhalb eines Tages entfernt werden (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 72).Ein weiteres Risiko betrifft die Steuerung des Vorgehens. Mechanismen wie menschliches Versagen stellen dabei eine besondere Gefahr dar (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 73). Solares Geoengineering birgt viele Gefahren, die übersehen werden könnten. So kann das Ziel, den Ausstoß von Kohlenstoffdioxid zu reduzieren, durch den leichtsinnigen Einsatz von solarem Geoengineering umgangen werden (vgl. ebd.).Kommerzielle und militärische Kontrollen stellen ein weiteres Risiko dar. Im Prozess der Ermöglichung von solarem Geoengineering sieht Wagner eine Vielzahl an Unternehmen bei jeder Lieferkette beteiligt (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 74). Militärische Kontrollen sind in solch einem Bereich besonders besorgniserregend und könnten anderen Ländern falsche Signale vermitteln und auch die Kontrolle des solaren Geoengineerings durch die Verteilung von Patenten wäre nach Wagner kritisch zu sehen (vgl. ebd.).Einen weiteren wichtigen Aspekt stellt ein möglicher Konflikt mit bereits bestehenden Abkommen dar. Das geltende Umweltkriegsabkommen ENMOD verbietet die militärische und feindselige Nutzung umweltverändernder Techniken, verbietet derzeit jedoch nicht die Forschung am solaren Geoengineering und würde im Falle eines bestehenden globalen Steuerungssystems auch nicht die Durchführung von solarem Geoengineering verbieten (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 74).Dieses Problem führt auch zu einer der riskantesten Unklarheiten des solaren Geoengineering und zu der Frage, wer solares Geoengineering kontrollieren soll und wem diese moralische Autorität obliegt? Bislang gibt es keine global greifende Governance-Struktur, der sich alle Menschen der Erde anschließen würden und die solche Entscheidungen treffen könnte, und solch eine zu gründen, erscheint derzeit unmöglich (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 75).Und nicht zuletzt besteht ein erhebliches Risiko im Bereich der unvorhergesehenen Konsequenzen. Derzeit geht es noch vor allem um die Erforschung der Technologien des solaren Geoengineering. Größere Risiken und Unsicherheiten sprechen eher für einen erhöhten Forschungsbedarf. Man weiß nicht alles und kann womöglich in diesem Bereich nie alles wissen, solange solares Geoengineering nicht tatsächlich eingesetzt wird (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 82).Probleme der Umsetzbarkeit des solaren GeoengineeringNeben den Risiken, die solares Geoengineering mit Aerosolen birgt, zeigen sich auch auf der Ebene der Umsetzbarkeit weitere Probleme. Nach Gernot Wagner kommen beim solaren Geoengineering zwei spieltheoretische Phänomene zu tragen, die auf die Umsetzbarkeit Einfluss nehmen und damit das Entscheidungsverhalten beeinflussen. Zum einen der Free-Driver-Effekt sowie das Gefangenendilemma (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 33).In der Spieltheorie geht es um strategische Entscheidungssituationen. Es werden Situationen untersucht, in denen das Ergebnis nicht von einer Partei allein bestimmt werden kann, sondern nur von mehreren gemeinsam. Die Handlungen des*der Einzelnen wirken sich immer auf das Ergebnis der*des Anderen aus (vgl. Gabler Wirtschaftslexikon 2023).Free-Driver-ProblemBeim Klimawandel kommt die "Tragik der Allmende" zum Tragen. Während im Mittelalter die Dorfwiese, auf der jede*r Dorfbewohner*in sein*ihr Vieh weiden lassen konnte, auf Kosten der Allgemeinheit verwüstet wurde, lässt sich dieses Szenario heutzutage auf die Nutzung der Atmosphäre als Senke für anthropogen verursachte Treibhausgase übertragen (vgl. Forschungsinformationssystem 2023). Während die Vorteile der Emissionen privatisiert sind, trägt die Allgemeinheit die Kosten der Verschmutzung und muss Lösungen für den Klimawandel finden (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 22).In der Klimapolitik wirkt sich auf spieltheoretischer Ebene das "free-rider-problem" oder auch Trittbrettfahrerproblem darauf aus, warum wenige Länder hohe Maßnahmen gegen den Klimawandel ergreifen. Für ein einzelnes Land liegt es nicht im Eigeninteresse, als Erster die Kosten für die CO₂-Minderung zu tragen. Wenn alle anderen so weitermachen wie bisher, hätte es keine Vorteile für das Land, mehr zu tun als die anderen. Was dazu führt, dass die Motivation, strenge Maßnahmen für eine CO₂-Reduktion zu ergreifen, sehr gering ist und nicht umgesetzt wird (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 22).Anders als beim Trittbrettfahrerproblem, bei dem es nicht im Eigeninteresse des*der Einzelnen liegt, als Erste*r die Kosten für eine CO₂-Minderung zu tragen, und damit eine Tatenlosigkeit einhergeht, führt beim Free-Driver-Problem eine zu hohe Handlungsbereitschaft zu einem Problem (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 23). Aufgrund der geringen Kosten für die Umsetzbarkeit des solaren Geoengineering durch Aerosole stellt solares Geoengineering ein mächtiges Werkzeug dar, dass Staaten dazu veranlassen kann, "Gott" zu spielen (vgl. ebd.). Daher könnte es zu einem zu schnellen Einsatz und damit einhergehend einer schnellen Umsetzbarkeit von solarem Geoengineering kommen. Die Risiken und Ungewissheiten mindern diesen Effekt gerade noch ab (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 28).GefangenendilemmaAuch das Gefangenendilemma kommt bei der Frage nach der Umsetzung von solarem Geoengineering zum Tragen. Das Dilemma beruht auf der Unvorhersehbarkeit des Verhaltens der*des anderen Spielers*in und kennzeichnet eine Situation, bei der sich zwei rational denkende Individuen selbstsüchtig verhalten und einander verraten, obwohl es für beide besser wäre, an einem Strang zu ziehen (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 33).Anhand einer 2x2-Matrix stellt Wagner die Klimapolitik anschaulich dar. Das Ziel beider Länder ist, die CO₂-Emissionen zu reduzieren. Dabei ergibt sich die Möglichkeit, dies durch eine hohe Minderung der Emissionen zu verfolgen und es damit durch einen ambitionierten Klimaschutz zu tun, oder durch eine niedrige oder langsame Minderung der Emissionen. Wenn sich nicht beide Länder auf die hohe Minderung einigen, wird immer die niedrige Minderung gewinnen, was bedeutet, dass das schwächste Glied über den Ausgang der Situation entscheidet (vgl. ebd. S. 34). Dieses Szenario verdeutlicht auch, warum es so schwierig ist, eine hohe Emissionsreduzierung zu verwirklichen. Wenn andere Länder wenig im Hinblick auf den Klimaschutz tun, bietet das keine Anreize für ein anderes Land, sich stärker für den Klimaschutz einzusetzen (vgl. ebd.).Kommt zu dieser vorgestellten Matrix nun noch die Option des solaren Geoengineering hinzu, die durch ihre schnelle und (relativ) günstig Umsetzbarkeit überzeugt, würde solares Geoengineering an Stelle der Reduktion von CO₂-Emissionen kommen und das eigentliche Ziel, die Emissionen zu reduzieren, könnte verfehlt werden (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 35).Wichtig bei diesem spieltheoretischen Ansatz ist auch die Rangfolge, die ein Land aus den Komponenten des solarem Geoengineering, hoher CO₂-Minderung und niedriger CO₂-Minderung aufstellt. Wenn ein Land ein großes Interesse verfolgt, das Klima zu schützen, und sich einer hohen Minderung der Emissionen verschreibt, gibt es zwei Optionen, an welchem Rangplatz solares Geoengineering angeordnet wird. Entweder als erste Option, mit der Reihenfolge solares Geoengineering vor hoher Minimierung der Emissionen und an dritter Stelle die langsame Minimierung der Emissionen. Diese Reihenfolge führt dazu, dass solares Geoengineering auf Kosten anderer Klimaschutzmaßnahmen durchgesetzt wird. Bei einer anderen Möglichkeit, die die Einordnung der hohen Minimierung der Emissionen in der Rangfolge vor solarem Geoengineering und als letzte Option die niedrige Minimierung des CO₂s platziert, bleibt das Hauptziel, die Emissionen zu senken, bestehen (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 36).Hinzu kommt im spieltheoretischen Rahmen, dass das endgültige Ergebnis auch davon abhängt, an welcher Stelle in der Rangfolge ein anderes Land solares Geoengineering verortet. So könnte solares Geoengineering auch an Platz drei der Rangfolge anderer Länder stehen. Je nachdem, an welcher Stelle es verortet wird, setzt sich in der Matrix ein anderes Szenario durch (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 37).Es zeigt sich also, dass es sich bei den spieltheoretischen Überlegungen um ein komplexes Zusammenspiel von den verschiedenen Spielparteien und ihren Ansichten zum Klimaschutz handelt. Die bloße Verfügbarkeit von solarem Geoengineering kann aufgrund seiner Risiken auch zur Verschärfung der Umweltpolitik führen. Inwieweit solares Geoengineering durch den vernünftigen Einsatz einen positiven Effekt auf das Klima und den Planeten haben kann, bleibt immer noch unklar (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 41).Moralisches Risiko des solaren GeoengineeringIm Zusammenhang mit dem solaren Geoengineering steht immer wieder der Begriff des moralischen Risikos - auch "moral hazard" genannt. Definitorisch wird moralisches Risiko beschrieben als "den fehlenden Anreiz, sich vor Risiken zu schützen, wenn man vor den Folgen geschützt ist" (Wagner 2023, S. 131). In der Anwendung gibt es ein breites Gebiet, auf dem das moralische Risiko wirken kann. Ein bekanntes Beispiel ist die Krankenversicherung oder das Anlegen eines Sicherheitsgurts beim Autofahren. Das bloße Anlegen kann zu riskantem Verhalten durch schnelleres Fahren führen. Denn der Sicherheitsgurt macht schnelles Fahren scheinbar sicherer (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 131).Im Zusammenhang mit dem solaren Geoengineering besteht die Sorge darin, dass der Einsatz von solarem Geoengineering zu einem Anstieg der Kohlenstoffdioxid-Emissionen führen könnte und klimaschädliche Mechanismen weiter ausgebaut werden (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 132). Gernot Wagner beschreibt das moralische Risiko, welches beim solaren Geoengineering zum Tragen kommt, auch als "grünes moralisches Risiko". Darunter versteht er "den fehlenden Anreiz, tiefgehende, komplexe Umweltprobleme anzugehen, weil die Möglichkeit einer schnellen technologischen Lösung, z.B. Geoengineering, besteht" (Wagner 2023, S. 133).Diese Bedenken stammen laut Wagner vor allem aus dem linken Umweltschutz und kritisieren, dass technologische Lösungen allein nicht weit genug gehen und die grundlegenden Ziele verfehlen. Befürchtet wird auch, dass komplexe gesellschaftliche Veränderungen umgangen werden könnten (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 133). Kritisiert wird in diesem Zusammenhang auch, dass sich bei solarem Geoengineering eine "Technofix"-Mentalität zeigt, die darauf vertraut, dass soziale und ökologische Probleme mit technologischem Fortschritt zu lösen seien. An den zugrundeliegenden Ursachen und Treibern des Klimawandels wird nicht gearbeitet und Nebeneffekte sowie Risiken verlagert (vgl. Schneider 2020).Bei diesen Diskussionen muss man jedoch beachten, dass die gerade eingesetzten Interventionen, CO2-Emissionen zu reduzieren, um den Klimawandel zu bekämpfen, zu wenig greifen und die aktuellen politischen Debatten dazu führen, dass solares Geoengineering als eine Maßnahme im Kampf gegen den Klimawandel diskutiert wird (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 141).Wichtig in diesem Zusammenhang ist auch, ob solares Geoengineering das erste oder das letzte Mittel gegen den Klimawandel ist. Wenn solares Geoengineering die beste Lösung darstellt, liegt es nach Wagner auch nahe, dass ein Verzicht auf fossile Brennstoffe unvorstellbar erscheint (vgl. Wagner 2023, S. 141). Andere, vielleicht auch schwierigere und teurere Maßnahmen gegen den Klimawandel erscheinen dabei überflüssig und das grüne moralische Risiko wird beschworen (vgl. ebd.).Wird solares Geoengineering als letzte Rettung angesehen, könnte es jedoch auch nicht den gewünschten Effekt erzielen. Denn wenn die erhofften Erwartungen nicht erfüllt werden, gibt es keine weitere Lösung. Daher kann solares Geoengineering nicht als alleinige Lösung für dieses komplexe Problem angesehen werden und das moralische Risiko schwingt in allen Entscheidungen für und gegen solares Geoengineering mit (vgl. ebd.).FazitDiese Seminararbeit wollte der Frage nachgehen, ob sich das solare Geoengineering als Maßnahme gegen den Klimawandel eignet. Aus Sicht der aktuellen politischen Lage, die in internationalen Abkommen eingebettet ist, in denen der Umgang mit solarem Geoengineering noch nicht hinreichend geregelt ist beziehungsweise eine Einigung immer wieder verschoben wird und kein rechtlicher Rahmen über die Nutzung von solarem Geoengineering besteht, verschiedene Risiken und Probleme sowohl auf technischer als auch auf sozialer Ebene konstatiert werden, zeigt sich, dass solares Geoengineering derzeit noch kein geeignetes Mittel im Kampf gegen den Klimawandel darstellt.Auch wenn sich solares Geoengineering in Form der Ausbringung von Aerosolen technisch und mit verhältnismäßig geringen Kosten umsetzen lassen würde, birgt es noch auf zu vielen Ebenen Risiken. Erschreckend sind vor allem die unvorhersehbaren Folgen, die nicht einschätzbar sind und die erst durch eine tatsächliche Anwendung auftreten können, sowie die Gefahr eines termination shocks. Gerade auf politischer Ebene, auf der Strukturen für einen Einsatz noch fehlen, würde ein verfrühter Einsatz vor allem Konflikte schüren und einem Spiel mit dem Feuer gleichkommen.Auch eine Klimapolitik, die solares Geoengineering vor das Ziel stellt, die CO₂-Emissionen signifikant zu senken, geht in die falsche Richtung. Solares Geoengineering kann in Zukunft als sinnvoller Zusatz gegen den Klimawandel und nicht als Lösung des eigentlichen Problems dienen.Bis solares Geoengineering durch Aerosole tatsächlich umsetzbar ist, bedarf es weiterer Forschung, nicht nur auf technischer, sondern auch auf sozialwissenschaftlicher Ebene, sowie geeigneter globaler Governance-Strukturen, die solch ein Vorgehen mit globalen Auswirkungen rechtfertigen können. Denn letztendlich stellt sich die Frage, ob und wer das Klima überhaupt beeinflussen will und darf. Und dazu sollte solares Geoengineering im öffentlichen Diskurs thematisiert und in einem transparenten und partizipativen Prozess in der Öffentlichkeit ausgehandelt werden, damit solares Geoengineering als technische Möglichkeit in der Zukunft eingesetzt werden kann.LiteraturDer Deutsche Wetterdienst (2023): Klimawandel – ein Überblick (dwd online) <https://www.dwd.de/DE/klimaumwelt/klimawandel/klimawandel_node.html> (26.12.2023).Deutschlandfunk (2023): Können wir nicht einfach die Sonne verdunkeln? (Deutschlandfunk vom 15.02.2023) <https://www.deutschlandfunk.de/geoengineering-klimawandel-100.html> (23.12.2023).Forschungsinformatiossystem (2023): Beispiel: Die "Tragik der Allmende" (Forschungsinformationssystem.de vom 14.07.2023) <https://www.forschungsinformationssystem.de/servlet/is/328924/> (07.01.2024).Gabler Wirtschaftslexikon (2023): Spieltheorie (wirtschaftslexikon.gabler.de) <https://wirtschaftslexikon.gabler.de/definition/spieltheorie-46576#:~:text=Definition%3A%20Was%20ist%20%22Spieltheorie%22,von%20den%20Aktionen%20anderer%20abhängt> (08.01.2024). Heinrich Böll Stiftung (2018): Ein zivilgesellschaftliches Briefing zur Governance von Geoengineering. Dem Geo-Sturm standhalten (boell.de) <https://www.boell.de/sites/default/files/hbf_etc_geogovern_briefing_de.pdf> (11.01.2024).IPCC (2007): Climate Change 2007: Mitigation. Contribution of Working Group III to the Fourth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (vom 12.01.2018) <http://www.ipcc.ch/pdf/assesment-report/ar4/wg3/ar4_wg3_full_report.pdf> (23.12.2023).Roelfes, Michael (2022): Klimapolitik in Deutschland (bpb vom 24.06.2022). https://www.bpb.de/themen/klimawandel/dossier-klimawandel/509727/klimapolitik-in-deutschland/ (01.01.2024). Royal society (2009): Geo-Engineering the Climate: Science, Governance and Uncertainty, Royal society: London.Schneider, Linda (2020): Ein Technofix für das Klima? Die Interessen hinter dem Geoengineering im Meer (boell.de vom 23.04.2020) <https://www.boell.de/de/2020/04/23/ein-technofix-fuer-das-klima-die-interessen-hinter-dem-geoengineering-im-meer> (10.01.2024). Umweltbundesamt (2011): Geo-Engineering wirksamer Klimaschutz oder Größenwahn? <https://www.umweltbundesamt.de/sites/default/files/medien/publikation/long/4125.pdf> (10.01.2024).Wagner, Gernot (2023): Und wenn wir einfach die Sonne verdunkeln? Das riskante Spiel, mit Geoengineering die Klimakrise aufhalten zu wollen, Oekom: München. Wittstock, Felix (2023): Alternativloses Climate Engineering? Kommunikation von NGOs in einer klimapolitischen Kontroverse, Nomos: Baden Baden.

The research analyses the role that law and the state of exception have played in the development and transformation of the Colombian state. This research shows, on the one hand, the enormous amount of research that has been carried out on the legal and political situation in Colombia and, on the other hand, the lack of a clear analysis of the relationship between law, violence and the state of exception. This relationship is transcendental if one seeks to understand the transformation of current states. For this reason, the thesis is built around the link between law and violence, which is manifested in the rule of law-state of exception dichotomy. This allows us to understand the development of Janus states, i.e. highly repressive and violent constitutional regimes. The case of Colombia exemplifies the situation of a Janus state that establishes the protection of rights, respect for the law and democracy as the foundation of its institutions, while at the same time coexisting with armed conflict, state violence and social inequality. This disconnect between, on the one hand, institutions and legal guarantees and, on the other hand, the application of law and reality, is neither uniform nor absolute. On the contrary, it is fragmentary and relative because it depends on the territory and the way in which power relations intervene in the articulation of the political and legal order. In order to understand the nature and character of a state such as the Colombian state, a characterization of legal and political normality and exceptionality was developed that includes the flexibility and fluidity of power relations, without resorting to closed definitions that are problematic when analyzing social phenomena. In such a way that this analysis allows for a discussion of the transformation undergone by various states in general. In this sense, the thesis goes beyond the conventional legal definitions of the state of exception, since it is possible to construct a broad analysis thanks to the study of major authors. However, as the research progressed, it became clear that it was necessary to construct, firstly, a characterization that would make it possible to study the various manifestations of exceptionality, both extreme and moderate, and secondly, a differentiation between normality and legal and political exceptionality. Two tasks that could not be achieved without the help of various theories that, beyond their differences, coincided in studying the relations between law, politics and violence. Taking these elements into consideration, the thesis poses two key questions. Firstly, it seeks to establish what was the mechanism or phenomenon that allowed legal exceptionality, concretized in the indiscriminate use of the state of exception, to continue during legal normality, and secondly, it seeks to determine what is the characterization of normality and legal and political exceptionality in Colombia? The answers to these questions are structured throughout the three parts of the thesis by means of two analyses, on the one hand, the theoretical analysis in which the characterization of normality and legal and political exceptionality is constructed in a general way and, on the other hand, the historical-legal analysis that aims to articulate this characterization with the specific case of Colombia. These analyses are in constant tension, which enriches the research and the debate. The first part of the paper provides a general characterization of normality and exceptionality structured around five fundamental elements. First, the characterization is permeable to social phenomena. Secondly, the analysis is based on a value judgement that must be located in a specific space, i.e. it is a judgement that indicates whether a phenomenon is favorable or unfavorable for the development of social life, which is located within the republican tradition and the rule of law. Thirdly, the characterization indicates that not everything that escapes normality is harmful, since the tensions between the normal and the abnormal often allow institutions to adapt. Fourthly, the characterization admits levels and variations because it does not respond to ideal models. Therefore, for there to be legal normality, it is not necessary for all law to be applied, since it is a recognized fact that normative systems function through the administration of illegalities. Fifthly, the categories of normality and exceptionality allow for a critical analysis of constitutional states. From this general characterization carried out in the first part of the thesis, the second part of the thesis seeks to characterize the normality and exceptionality of the Colombian state. To achieve this objective, firstly, the legal regime of the state of exception in Colombia is studied; secondly, an assessment of the role of the three branches of public power in relation to the state of exception is carried out; thirdly, symptomatic phenomena of the process of exceptionalities of law are analyzed; and fourthly, the characterization of the Colombian case is structured. Finally, in the third part of the thesis, a study is made of two presidential periods in which manifestations of the state of exception, the process of the exceptionalities of law and political exceptionality can be appreciated. These periods were chosen because they represent key moments in Colombia's recent history in which the manifestations of exceptionality were extreme. The articulation of the three parts of the thesis makes it possible to characterize Colombia's legal and political normality and exceptionality, hence some key elements stand out. Firstly, it is important to point out that legal exceptionality during the period of the 1886 Constitution, especially throughout the 1970s and 1980s, was characterized by the instrumentalization of the state of siege as a form of government. It was used to restrict citizens' rights, exclude fundamental issues for the community from democratic debate and impose a political and economic project. Subsequently, the legal normality established by the 1991 Constitution did not mean a break with the process of exceptionalities of law, although it did mean a break with the tendency to maintain the state of emergency permanently. This assertion is based on the fact that the constitutional and democratic order was altered by the process of the exceptionalities of law. This was manifested through phenomena such as constitutional reformism and the fetishism of the law, which allowed the political order to continue despite the instrumental ineffectiveness of the legal order. And the alternative orders that were maintained and generated hybridizations with the state legal order. In this scenario, legal normality fulfilled the function of concealing both the hybridizations between the state legal order and the alternative orders and the spaces of political exceptionality. Secondly, the process of the exceptionalities of law is integrated into political normality as a mechanism for preserving and opposing changes that alter the status quo of political power. This process can thus be said to affect political normality from the top down when political power promotes a raison d'état in which derivative interests take precedence over formal interests. This transformation was achieved through the development of a set of exceptional techniques such as clientelism, political violence and corruption that ended up influencing institutionalist and social life. Likewise, the process of exceptionalities was structured from the bottom up through micro-level power relations in which exceptional forms and alternative orders emerged and permeated the state's legal and political order. Thirdly, the historical fragmentation of the state is also part of the political normality that originates in the selective strengthening and differentiated presence of state organization. Similarly, state weakness is another distinctive feature that is reflected in the state's extreme dependence on politico-economic elites. However, this weakness contrasts with the macro-level stability of the state, which is based on factors such as the elites' ability to adapt clientelist and landlord structures to the demands of the capitalist system. Fourthly, in political normality, two facets of the state can be identified: on the one hand, a democratic state that guarantees real political competition, the rule of law, the continuity of the economic system and formal equality of access to income distribution, and, on the other hand, an exclusive and fragmented state that is guided by derivative ends, leading to the concentration of political power, capital and land in the hands of an elite. Fifth, political exceptionality is characterized by its intermittency, since it is not a generalized phenomenon that affects the entire territory, and by the predominance of political exceptionality in the dominant sense. Sixth, it is important to highlight two conclusions that emerge throughout the thesis. The first is that violence has both a destructive and a constructive capacity that allows it to shape power relations, as can be seen in the emergence of alternative orders. And the second is that the boundaries between legal exceptionality and political exceptionality are not absolute, i.e. a process of constant exceptionalities of law can give way to the emergence of spaces of political exceptionality. In sum, the research allows us to understand the transformations of Colombia's legal and political order without falling into superficial assertions that categories it simply as dictatorial or guarantees. On the contrary, the thesis seeks to show precisely the historical, legal and political particularities. In this sense, the research contributes to the debate on the role of the state, law and violence in today's societies. These societies are facing great challenges without adequately dimensioning the profound transformations that the legal and political orders have undergone in recent decades. ; La thèse chercher à comprendre le rôle du droit et de l'état d'exception dans le développement et la transformation des États actuels et en particulier de l'État colombien. Cette thèse a amené à découvrir, d'une part, l'énorme travail de recherche qui a été mené sur la situation juridique et politique de la Colombie et, d'autre part, l'absence d' analyse mettant clairement en évidence la relation entre le droit, la violence et l'état d'exception. Une relation qui s'avérait transcendantale lorsqu'il s'agit de chercher à comprendre la transformation des États. Pour cette même raison, la thèse est construite autour de la relation qui existe entre droit et violence, lien explicite dans la dichotomie État de droit-État d'exception. Ceci permet de saisir la mise en place d'États Janus, c'est-à-dire de régimes constitutionnels hautement répressifs et violents. Le cas colombien illustre la situation d'un État Janus qui établit la protection des droits, le respect de la loi et de la démocratie comme fondement de ses institutions, tout en coexistant avec le conflit armé, la violence étatique et les inégalités sociales. Cette déconnexion entre, d'un côté, les institutions et les garanties juridiques et, de l'autre, l'application du droit et la réalité, n'est ni uniforme ni absolue. Au contraire, elle est fragmentaire et relative puisqu'elle est fonction du territoire et de la manière dont les relations de pouvoir interviennent dans l'articulation de l'ordre politique et juridique. Afin de pouvoir comprendre la nature et le caractère d'un État comme l'État colombien. Cette recherche a opéré une caractérisation de la normalité et de l'exceptionnalité juridique et politique qui inclurait la flexibilité et la fluidité des relations de pouvoir, sans recourir à des définitions hermétiques toujours problématiques pour l'analyse de phénomènes sociaux. De sorte que la thèse permettra d'ouvrir le débat sur les transformations enregistrées par la Colombie, mais aussi plus généralement par divers autres États. En ce sens, cette thèse va au-delà des définitions juridiques conventionnelles sur l'état d'exception puisque, grâce à l'étude des grands auteurs, nous parvenons à élaborer une analyse approfondie.Toutefois, à mesure qu'avançait la recherche, devenait de plus en plus évidente la nécessité de construire, en premier lieu, une caractérisation qui permettrait d'étudier les diverses manifestations de l'exceptionnalité, aussi bien extrêmes que modérées, et, en second lieu, une différenciation entre normalité et exceptionnalité juridique et politique. Deux tâches irréalisables sans recourir à diverses théories qui, par-delà leurs différences, se rejoignent pour étudier les relations entre droit, politique et violence. Compte tenu de ces éléments, la thèse pose deux questions clés. En premier lieu, nous cherchons à déterminer le mécanisme ou le phénomène qui a permis que l'exceptionnalité juridique concrétisée par le recours indiscriminé à l'état d'exception puisse se poursuivre pendant la normalité juridique. Et, en second lieu, nous prétendons déterminer comment se caractérisent la normalité et l'exceptionnalité juridique et politique en Colombie. Les réponses à ces deux questions occupent les trois parties de la thèse et reposent sur le fondement de deux analyses. D'une part, l'analyse théorique sur laquelle est construite la caractérisation de la normalité et de l'exceptionnalité juridique et politique de manière générale et, d'autre part, l'analyse historico-juridique qui prétend appliquer cette caractérisation au cas spécifique de la Colombie. Ces analyses sont en tension constante ce qui enrichit la recherche et le débat. Pour commencer, la caractérisation générale de la normalité et de l'exceptionnalité est construite autour de cinq éléments fondamentaux. En premier lieu, la caractérisation est perméable aux phénomènes sociaux. En second lieu, l'analyse part d'un jugement de valeur qui doit se situer dans un espace concret. Il s'agit, en effet, d'un jugement qui indique si un phénomène est favorable ou non au développement de la vie sociale, tel qu'il est entendu au sein de la tradition républicaine et de l'État de droit. En troisième lieu, la caractérisation indique que tout ce qui est soustrait à la normalité n'est pas préjudiciable puisque, souvent, les tensions entre normal et anormal permettent d'adapter les institutions. En quatrième lieu, la caractérisation présente des paliers et des variations car elle ne répond pas à des modèles idéaux. Par conséquent, pour qu'il y ait normalité juridique, il n'est pas nécessaire que s'applique l'intégralité du droit, car c'est un fait avéré que les systèmes normatifs fonctionnent au moyen de la gestion des illégalismes. Et, en cinquième lieu, les catégories de normalité et d'exceptionnalité permettent de mener une analyse critique des États constitutionnels. À partir de cette caractérisation générale de la première partie de la thèse, la seconde partie cherche à caractériser la normalité et l'exceptionnalité de l'État colombien. Pour atteindre cet objectif, nous étudions en premier lieu le régime juridique de l'état d'exception en Colombie. En second lieu, nous faisons le bilan du rôle des trois branches des pouvoirs publics en relation avec l'état d'exception. En troisième lieu, nous analysons des phénomènes symptomatiques du processus d'exceptionnalisation du droit et, en quatrième lieu, nous mettons en évidence le cas colombien. Finalement, dans la dernière partie de la thèse, nous nous livrons à une étude de deux périodes présidentielles qui nous permettent d'apprécier des manifestations de l'état d'exception, du processus d'exceptionnalisation du droit et de l'exceptionnalité politique. Nous avons choisi ces périodes car elles représentent des moments clés de l'histoire récente de la Colombie pendant lesquels les manifestations de l'exceptionnalité ont été extrêmes. L'articulation des trois parties de la thèse permet de caractériser la normalité et l'exceptionnalité juridique et politique de la Colombie. C'est pour cela que nous reprenons certains éléments clé. En premier lieu, il convient de signaler que l'exceptionnalité juridique pendant toute la durée de la Constitution de 1886, notamment pendant les années 70 et 80, s'est caractérisée par l'instrumentalisation de l'état de siège comme forme de gouvernement. L'état de siège a été utilisé pour restreindre les droits des citoyens, exclure du débat démocratique des matières fondamentales pour la communauté et imposer un projet politique et économique. Postérieurement, la normalité juridique instaurée par la Constitution de 1991 n'a pas constitué une rupture avec le processus d'exceptionnalisation du droit, mais avec la tendance à maintenir l'état d'exception de manière permanente. Cette affirmation s'appuie sur le fait que l'ordre constitutionnel et démocratique a été altéré par le processus d'exceptionnalisation du droit. Ceci a été illustré par des phénomènes comme le réformisme constitutionnel et le fétichisme de la loi qui permettaient la continuité de l'ordre politique, malgré l'inefficacité instrumentale de l'ordre juridique. Et, de même, par les ordres alternatifs qui se sont maintenus et ont généré des hybridations avec l'ordre juridique étatique. Dans ce scénario, la normalité juridique a eu pour fonction d'occulter les hybridations entre l'ordre juridique étatique et les ordres alternatifs, aussi bien que les espaces d'exceptionnalité politique. En second lieu, le processus d'exceptionnalisation du droit s'intègre à la normalité politique comme un mécanisme qui permet de conserver et de s'opposer aux changements qui altèrent le statu quo du pouvoir politique. Nous pouvons ainsi affirmer que ce processus affecte la normalité politique de haut en bas lorsque le pouvoir politique encourage une raison d'État où priment les intérêts dérivés sur les intérêts formels. Cette transformation est devenue effective grâce à la mise en place d'un ensemble de techniques exceptionnelles comme le clientélisme, la violence politique et la corruption qui ont fini par influer sur l'institutionnalité et la vie sociale. De même, le processus d'exceptionnalisation s'est structuré de bas en haut grâce aux relations de pouvoir au niveau micro d'où ont surgi des formes exceptionnelles et des ordres alternatifs qui se sont infiltrés dans l'ordre juridique et politique étatique. En troisième lieu, la fragmentation historique de l'État relève aussi de la normalité politique qui tire son origine du renforcement sélectif et de la présence différenciée de l'organisation étatique. De même, la faiblesse étatique est un autre trait distinctif qui se reflète dans la dépendance extrême de l'État par rapport aux élites politico-économiques. Toutefois, cette faiblesse s'oppose à une stabilité de l'État au niveau macro dont le fondement réside dans des facteurs comme la capacité des élites d'adapter les structures clientélistes et celles des propriétaires terriens aux exigences du système capitaliste. En quatrième lieu, dans la normalité politique on peut identifier deux facettes de l'État avec, d'un côté, un État démocratique qui garantit un vrai affrontement politique, le maintien en vigueur du droit, la continuité du système économique et l'égalité formelle d'accès à la distribution du revenu et, de l'autre, un État exclusif et fragmenté guidé par des fins dérivées provoquant la concentration entre les mains d'une élite politique des capitaux et des terres. En cinquième lieu, l'exceptionnalité politique est caractérisée par son intermittence puisque ce n'est pas un phénomène généralisé qui affecte tout le territoire. Enfin, en sixième lieu, il convient de mettre en exergue deux conclusions qui s'imposent tout au long de la thèse. La première est que la violence a une capacité destructive et une capacité constructive qui lui permet de façonner les relations de pouvoir, comme nous le voyons avec l'éclosion des ordres alternatifs. Et la seconde est que les limites entre l'exceptionnalité juridique et l'exceptionnalité politique ne sont pas absolues, ce qui signifie qu'un processus constant d'exceptionnalisation du droit peut permettre l'apparition d'espaces d'exceptionnalité politique. En résumé, cette recherche permet de comprendre les transformations de l'ordre juridique et politique de la Colombie, sans tomber dans des affirmations superficielles qui l'assimilent à un ordre dictatorial ou soucieux de garanties. Au contraire, la thèse cherche à montrer de manière précise les particularités historiques, juridiques et politiques. En ce sens, la recherche alimente le débat sur le rôle de l'État, du droit et de la violence dans les sociétés actuelles. ; (DROI - Sciences juridiques) -- UCL, 2021

The research analyses the role that law and the state of exception have played in the development and transformation of the Colombian state. This research shows, on the one hand, the enormous amount of research that has been carried out on the legal and political situation in Colombia and, on the other hand, the lack of a clear analysis of the relationship between law, violence and the state of exception. This relationship is transcendental if one seeks to understand the transformation of current states. For this reason, the thesis is built around the link between law and violence, which is manifested in the rule of law-state of exception dichotomy. This allows us to understand the development of Janus states, i.e. highly repressive and violent constitutional regimes. The case of Colombia exemplifies the situation of a Janus state that establishes the protection of rights, respect for the law and democracy as the foundation of its institutions, while at the same time coexisting with armed conflict, state violence and social inequality. This disconnect between, on the one hand, institutions and legal guarantees and, on the other hand, the application of law and reality, is neither uniform nor absolute. On the contrary, it is fragmentary and relative because it depends on the territory and the way in which power relations intervene in the articulation of the political and legal order. In order to understand the nature and character of a state such as the Colombian state, a characterization of legal and political normality and exceptionality was developed that includes the flexibility and fluidity of power relations, without resorting to closed definitions that are problematic when analyzing social phenomena. In such a way that this analysis allows for a discussion of the transformation undergone by various states in general. In this sense, the thesis goes beyond the conventional legal definitions of the state of exception, since it is possible to construct a broad analysis thanks to the study of major authors. However, as the research progressed, it became clear that it was necessary to construct, firstly, a characterization that would make it possible to study the various manifestations of exceptionality, both extreme and moderate, and secondly, a differentiation between normality and legal and political exceptionality. Two tasks that could not be achieved without the help of various theories that, beyond their differences, coincided in studying the relations between law, politics and violence. Taking these elements into consideration, the thesis poses two key questions. Firstly, it seeks to establish what was the mechanism or phenomenon that allowed legal exceptionality, concretized in the indiscriminate use of the state of exception, to continue during legal normality, and secondly, it seeks to determine what is the characterization of normality and legal and political exceptionality in Colombia? The answers to these questions are structured throughout the three parts of the thesis by means of two analyses, on the one hand, the theoretical analysis in which the characterization of normality and legal and political exceptionality is constructed in a general way and, on the other hand, the historical-legal analysis that aims to articulate this characterization with the specific case of Colombia. These analyses are in constant tension, which enriches the research and the debate. The first part of the paper provides a general characterization of normality and exceptionality structured around five fundamental elements. First, the characterization is permeable to social phenomena. Secondly, the analysis is based on a value judgement that must be located in a specific space, i.e. it is a judgement that indicates whether a phenomenon is favorable or unfavorable for the development of social life, which is located within the republican tradition and the rule of law. Thirdly, the characterization indicates that not everything that escapes normality is harmful, since the tensions between the normal and the abnormal often allow institutions to adapt. Fourthly, the characterization admits levels and variations because it does not respond to ideal models. Therefore, for there to be legal normality, it is not necessary for all law to be applied, since it is a recognized fact that normative systems function through the administration of illegalities. Fifthly, the categories of normality and exceptionality allow for a critical analysis of constitutional states. From this general characterization carried out in the first part of the thesis, the second part of the thesis seeks to characterize the normality and exceptionality of the Colombian state. To achieve this objective, firstly, the legal regime of the state of exception in Colombia is studied; secondly, an assessment of the role of the three branches of public power in relation to the state of exception is carried out; thirdly, symptomatic phenomena of the process of exceptionalities of law are analyzed; and fourthly, the characterization of the Colombian case is structured. Finally, in the third part of the thesis, a study is made of two presidential periods in which manifestations of the state of exception, the process of the exceptionalities of law and political exceptionality can be appreciated. These periods were chosen because they represent key moments in Colombia's recent history in which the manifestations of exceptionality were extreme. The articulation of the three parts of the thesis makes it possible to characterize Colombia's legal and political normality and exceptionality, hence some key elements stand out. Firstly, it is important to point out that legal exceptionality during the period of the 1886 Constitution, especially throughout the 1970s and 1980s, was characterized by the instrumentalization of the state of siege as a form of government. It was used to restrict citizens' rights, exclude fundamental issues for the community from democratic debate and impose a political and economic project. Subsequently, the legal normality established by the 1991 Constitution did not mean a break with the process of exceptionalities of law, although it did mean a break with the tendency to maintain the state of emergency permanently. This assertion is based on the fact that the constitutional and democratic order was altered by the process of the exceptionalities of law. This was manifested through phenomena such as constitutional reformism and the fetishism of the law, which allowed the political order to continue despite the instrumental ineffectiveness of the legal order. And the alternative orders that were maintained and generated hybridizations with the state legal order. In this scenario, legal normality fulfilled the function of concealing both the hybridizations between the state legal order and the alternative orders and the spaces of political exceptionality. Secondly, the process of the exceptionalities of law is integrated into political normality as a mechanism for preserving and opposing changes that alter the status quo of political power. This process can thus be said to affect political normality from the top down when political power promotes a raison d'état in which derivative interests take precedence over formal interests. This transformation was achieved through the development of a set of exceptional techniques such as clientelism, political violence and corruption that ended up influencing institutionalist and social life. Likewise, the process of exceptionalities was structured from the bottom up through micro-level power relations in which exceptional forms and alternative orders emerged and permeated the state's legal and political order. Thirdly, the historical fragmentation of the state is also part of the political normality that originates in the selective strengthening and differentiated presence of state organization. Similarly, state weakness is another distinctive feature that is reflected in the state's extreme dependence on politico-economic elites. However, this weakness contrasts with the macro-level stability of the state, which is based on factors such as the elites' ability to adapt clientelist and landlord structures to the demands of the capitalist system. Fourthly, in political normality, two facets of the state can be identified: on the one hand, a democratic state that guarantees real political competition, the rule of law, the continuity of the economic system and formal equality of access to income distribution, and, on the other hand, an exclusive and fragmented state that is guided by derivative ends, leading to the concentration of political power, capital and land in the hands of an elite. Fifth, political exceptionality is characterized by its intermittency, since it is not a generalized phenomenon that affects the entire territory, and by the predominance of political exceptionality in the dominant sense. Sixth, it is important to highlight two conclusions that emerge throughout the thesis. The first is that violence has both a destructive and a constructive capacity that allows it to shape power relations, as can be seen in the emergence of alternative orders. And the second is that the boundaries between legal exceptionality and political exceptionality are not absolute, i.e. a process of constant exceptionalities of law can give way to the emergence of spaces of political exceptionality. In sum, the research allows us to understand the transformations of Colombia's legal and political order without falling into superficial assertions that categories it simply as dictatorial or guarantees. On the contrary, the thesis seeks to show precisely the historical, legal and political particularities. In this sense, the research contributes to the debate on the role of the state, law and violence in today's societies. These societies are facing great challenges without adequately dimensioning the profound transformations that the legal and political orders have undergone in recent decades. ; La thèse chercher à comprendre le rôle du droit et de l'état d'exception dans le développement et la transformation des États actuels et en particulier de l'État colombien. Cette thèse a amené à découvrir, d'une part, l'énorme travail de recherche qui a été mené sur la situation juridique et politique de la Colombie et, d'autre part, l'absence d' analyse mettant clairement en évidence la relation entre le droit, la violence et l'état d'exception. Une relation qui s'avérait transcendantale lorsqu'il s'agit de chercher à comprendre la transformation des États. Pour cette même raison, la thèse est construite autour de la relation qui existe entre droit et violence, lien explicite dans la dichotomie État de droit-État d'exception. Ceci permet de saisir la mise en place d'États Janus, c'est-à-dire de régimes constitutionnels hautement répressifs et violents. Le cas colombien illustre la situation d'un État Janus qui établit la protection des droits, le respect de la loi et de la démocratie comme fondement de ses institutions, tout en coexistant avec le conflit armé, la violence étatique et les inégalités sociales. Cette déconnexion entre, d'un côté, les institutions et les garanties juridiques et, de l'autre, l'application du droit et la réalité, n'est ni uniforme ni absolue. Au contraire, elle est fragmentaire et relative puisqu'elle est fonction du territoire et de la manière dont les relations de pouvoir interviennent dans l'articulation de l'ordre politique et juridique. Afin de pouvoir comprendre la nature et le caractère d'un État comme l'État colombien. Cette recherche a opéré une caractérisation de la normalité et de l'exceptionnalité juridique et politique qui inclurait la flexibilité et la fluidité des relations de pouvoir, sans recourir à des définitions hermétiques toujours problématiques pour l'analyse de phénomènes sociaux. De sorte que la thèse permettra d'ouvrir le débat sur les transformations enregistrées par la Colombie, mais aussi plus généralement par divers autres États. En ce sens, cette thèse va au-delà des définitions juridiques conventionnelles sur l'état d'exception puisque, grâce à l'étude des grands auteurs, nous parvenons à élaborer une analyse approfondie.Toutefois, à mesure qu'avançait la recherche, devenait de plus en plus évidente la nécessité de construire, en premier lieu, une caractérisation qui permettrait d'étudier les diverses manifestations de l'exceptionnalité, aussi bien extrêmes que modérées, et, en second lieu, une différenciation entre normalité et exceptionnalité juridique et politique. Deux tâches irréalisables sans recourir à diverses théories qui, par-delà leurs différences, se rejoignent pour étudier les relations entre droit, politique et violence. Compte tenu de ces éléments, la thèse pose deux questions clés. En premier lieu, nous cherchons à déterminer le mécanisme ou le phénomène qui a permis que l'exceptionnalité juridique concrétisée par le recours indiscriminé à l'état d'exception puisse se poursuivre pendant la normalité juridique. Et, en second lieu, nous prétendons déterminer comment se caractérisent la normalité et l'exceptionnalité juridique et politique en Colombie. Les réponses à ces deux questions occupent les trois parties de la thèse et reposent sur le fondement de deux analyses. D'une part, l'analyse théorique sur laquelle est construite la caractérisation de la normalité et de l'exceptionnalité juridique et politique de manière générale et, d'autre part, l'analyse historico-juridique qui prétend appliquer cette caractérisation au cas spécifique de la Colombie. Ces analyses sont en tension constante ce qui enrichit la recherche et le débat. Pour commencer, la caractérisation générale de la normalité et de l'exceptionnalité est construite autour de cinq éléments fondamentaux. En premier lieu, la caractérisation est perméable aux phénomènes sociaux. En second lieu, l'analyse part d'un jugement de valeur qui doit se situer dans un espace concret. Il s'agit, en effet, d'un jugement qui indique si un phénomène est favorable ou non au développement de la vie sociale, tel qu'il est entendu au sein de la tradition républicaine et de l'État de droit. En troisième lieu, la caractérisation indique que tout ce qui est soustrait à la normalité n'est pas préjudiciable puisque, souvent, les tensions entre normal et anormal permettent d'adapter les institutions. En quatrième lieu, la caractérisation présente des paliers et des variations car elle ne répond pas à des modèles idéaux. Par conséquent, pour qu'il y ait normalité juridique, il n'est pas nécessaire que s'applique l'intégralité du droit, car c'est un fait avéré que les systèmes normatifs fonctionnent au moyen de la gestion des illégalismes. Et, en cinquième lieu, les catégories de normalité et d'exceptionnalité permettent de mener une analyse critique des États constitutionnels. À partir de cette caractérisation générale de la première partie de la thèse, la seconde partie cherche à caractériser la normalité et l'exceptionnalité de l'État colombien. Pour atteindre cet objectif, nous étudions en premier lieu le régime juridique de l'état d'exception en Colombie. En second lieu, nous faisons le bilan du rôle des trois branches des pouvoirs publics en relation avec l'état d'exception. En troisième lieu, nous analysons des phénomènes symptomatiques du processus d'exceptionnalisation du droit et, en quatrième lieu, nous mettons en évidence le cas colombien. Finalement, dans la dernière partie de la thèse, nous nous livrons à une étude de deux périodes présidentielles qui nous permettent d'apprécier des manifestations de l'état d'exception, du processus d'exceptionnalisation du droit et de l'exceptionnalité politique. Nous avons choisi ces périodes car elles représentent des moments clés de l'histoire récente de la Colombie pendant lesquels les manifestations de l'exceptionnalité ont été extrêmes. L'articulation des trois parties de la thèse permet de caractériser la normalité et l'exceptionnalité juridique et politique de la Colombie. C'est pour cela que nous reprenons certains éléments clé. En premier lieu, il convient de signaler que l'exceptionnalité juridique pendant toute la durée de la Constitution de 1886, notamment pendant les années 70 et 80, s'est caractérisée par l'instrumentalisation de l'état de siège comme forme de gouvernement. L'état de siège a été utilisé pour restreindre les droits des citoyens, exclure du débat démocratique des matières fondamentales pour la communauté et imposer un projet politique et économique. Postérieurement, la normalité juridique instaurée par la Constitution de 1991 n'a pas constitué une rupture avec le processus d'exceptionnalisation du droit, mais avec la tendance à maintenir l'état d'exception de manière permanente. Cette affirmation s'appuie sur le fait que l'ordre constitutionnel et démocratique a été altéré par le processus d'exceptionnalisation du droit. Ceci a été illustré par des phénomènes comme le réformisme constitutionnel et le fétichisme de la loi qui permettaient la continuité de l'ordre politique, malgré l'inefficacité instrumentale de l'ordre juridique. Et, de même, par les ordres alternatifs qui se sont maintenus et ont généré des hybridations avec l'ordre juridique étatique. Dans ce scénario, la normalité juridique a eu pour fonction d'occulter les hybridations entre l'ordre juridique étatique et les ordres alternatifs, aussi bien que les espaces d'exceptionnalité politique. En second lieu, le processus d'exceptionnalisation du droit s'intègre à la normalité politique comme un mécanisme qui permet de conserver et de s'opposer aux changements qui altèrent le statu quo du pouvoir politique. Nous pouvons ainsi affirmer que ce processus affecte la normalité politique de haut en bas lorsque le pouvoir politique encourage une raison d'État où priment les intérêts dérivés sur les intérêts formels. Cette transformation est devenue effective grâce à la mise en place d'un ensemble de techniques exceptionnelles comme le clientélisme, la violence politique et la corruption qui ont fini par influer sur l'institutionnalité et la vie sociale. De même, le processus d'exceptionnalisation s'est structuré de bas en haut grâce aux relations de pouvoir au niveau micro d'où ont surgi des formes exceptionnelles et des ordres alternatifs qui se sont infiltrés dans l'ordre juridique et politique étatique. En troisième lieu, la fragmentation historique de l'État relève aussi de la normalité politique qui tire son origine du renforcement sélectif et de la présence différenciée de l'organisation étatique. De même, la faiblesse étatique est un autre trait distinctif qui se reflète dans la dépendance extrême de l'État par rapport aux élites politico-économiques. Toutefois, cette faiblesse s'oppose à une stabilité de l'État au niveau macro dont le fondement réside dans des facteurs comme la capacité des élites d'adapter les structures clientélistes et celles des propriétaires terriens aux exigences du système capitaliste. En quatrième lieu, dans la normalité politique on peut identifier deux facettes de l'État avec, d'un côté, un État démocratique qui garantit un vrai affrontement politique, le maintien en vigueur du droit, la continuité du système économique et l'égalité formelle d'accès à la distribution du revenu et, de l'autre, un État exclusif et fragmenté guidé par des fins dérivées provoquant la concentration entre les mains d'une élite politique des capitaux et des terres. En cinquième lieu, l'exceptionnalité politique est caractérisée par son intermittence puisque ce n'est pas un phénomène généralisé qui affecte tout le territoire. Enfin, en sixième lieu, il convient de mettre en exergue deux conclusions qui s'imposent tout au long de la thèse. La première est que la violence a une capacité destructive et une capacité constructive qui lui permet de façonner les relations de pouvoir, comme nous le voyons avec l'éclosion des ordres alternatifs. Et la seconde est que les limites entre l'exceptionnalité juridique et l'exceptionnalité politique ne sont pas absolues, ce qui signifie qu'un processus constant d'exceptionnalisation du droit peut permettre l'apparition d'espaces d'exceptionnalité politique. En résumé, cette recherche permet de comprendre les transformations de l'ordre juridique et politique de la Colombie, sans tomber dans des affirmations superficielles qui l'assimilent à un ordre dictatorial ou soucieux de garanties. Au contraire, la thèse cherche à montrer de manière précise les particularités historiques, juridiques et politiques. En ce sens, la recherche alimente le débat sur le rôle de l'État, du droit et de la violence dans les sociétés actuelles. ; (DROI - Sciences juridiques) -- UCL, 2021