Suchergebnisse

В отечественной и зарубежной историографии присоединение Сибири к России вызывает противоположные оценки в связи с имевшими место демографическими потерями у коренных жителей. Так, в ходе этого процесса в боевых действиях погибло около 4 % населения региона. В связи с этим отдельные авторы говорят, что Россия вела против коренного населения военные действия с использованием тактики выжженной земли и истребления непокорных народов. Однако в действительности, несмотря на потери в ходе присоединения, численность коренных жителей Сибири выросла со 160 тыс. чел. в середине XVII в. до более чем 1,2 млн в 2002 г. Напротив, в колониях других европейских держав в Азии, а также под властью Цинской и Османской империй, коренное население действительно несло серьезные потери, иногда катастрофические. Так, голландцами в XVII в. было полностью уничтожено население островов Банда, а население Амбона в XVIII в. уменьшилось на треть. Индия за время пребывания под властью Англии потеряла от голода, болезней и истребления более 66 млн чел. В Китае в начале ХVII в. проживало около 250 млн чел., а к 1661 г. в результате маньчжурского завоевания его население сократилось до 105 млн; серьезные потери имели место в Китае и позднее. В результате завоевания Джунгарии Цинами в XVIII в. прекратил свое существование джунгарский этнос. Монголы в составе Цинской империи во второй половине XIX начале XX в. испытывали процесс депопуляции. В Японии осуществлялась дискриминация айну и населения Окинавы, в XVII в. было жестоко подавлено восстание айну на Хоккайдо. В Османской империи в XIX-XX вв. осуществлены геноцид и изгнание ассирийцев и армян, изгнание всех греков; в 1600-1800 гг. произошло сильное падение численности населения Ирака с 5 млн чел. до 2,5 млн, и Сирии с 2,8 до 1,5 млн. Таким образом, демография коренных сибиряков в составе России, несмотря на существовавшие проблемы, является весьма редким в мире примером выражения комплиментарного отношения к населению колонизуемых земель. ; In the Russian and foreign historiography the entry of Siberia under the authority of Russia causes opposite estimations because of the demographic losses occurred in natives. So in the course of this process in the war shooting perished about 4 % of population in region. In connection with this some authors say that Russia conducted against the indigenous population military actions with the use of tactics of the burnt out earth and destruction of the resisting peoples. However, in actuality, in spite of losses in the course of connection, number of the natives of Siberia grew from 160 thousand people in the middle XVII of century to more than 1,2 millions in 2002. On the contrary, in the colonies of other European powers in Asia, and also under the rule Qin and Osman empires, indigenous population actually suffered the serious losses, sometimes catastrophic. So Dutchmen in XVII century completely destroyed the population of islands Band, and the population of Ambon in XVIII century decreased by third. India in the retention time under the rule of England lost from the hunger, the diseases and the destruction of more than 66 million people. In China at the beginning XVII of century lived about 250 million people, and by 1661 in the course of Manchurian achievement its population was reduced to 105 millions; serious losses occurred in China and late. As a result the achievement of Jungaria (Dzhungariya) by the troops of the empire Qin in XVIII century ended its existence the ethnos of Jungars. The Mongolians under the rule of the empire Qin at the second-half XIX and the beginning XX of century experienced the process of depopulation. In Japan was achieved the discrimination to Ainu and the population of Okinawa, in XVII century was severely depressed the riot to Ainu on Hokkaido island. In the Turkish empire in XIX-XX centuries are realized genocide and expulsion of Assyrians and Armenians, expulsion all Greeks; in 1600-1800 yr. occurred strong drop in the population of Iraq from 5 million people to 2,5 millions, and Syria from 2,8 to 1,5 millions. Thus, demography of the native Siberians under the rule of Russia, in spite of existed problems, it is a completely rare in the world example of the expression of complimentary relation to the population of colony.

Estudi que ofereix una aproximació a la figura i la funció de Fortuna com un element intrínsec de les narracions cavalleresques peninsulars 'Tirant lo Blanc' i 'Amadís de Gaula'. Així, s'estudia com s'introdueix i apareix Fortuna en el plànol narratiu i sota quines formes ho fa (personificacions, anticipacions .). Això permet veure quines són les seues funcions en les històries, amb la qual cosa s'estableix fins a quin punt el destí pot arribar a ser decisiu en el desenvolupament i, sobretot, en el desenllaç d'aquestes. Gràcies a una anàlisi, en els diversos plans de l'acció, de les relacions sentimentals i dels fets militars dels cavallers protagonistes, es determina el grau d'influència de Fortuna en l'èxit o el fracàs de les seues trajectòries vitals. Així mateix, es tracta de donar resposta al perquè d'aquesta influència en ambdues obres, amb el propòsit d'establir el substrat ideològic propi de cadascuna d'elles. Tot això, a través d'un enfocament comparatiu que posa de relleu les semblances i les diferències que presenta aquest recurs en el 'Tirant' i l''Amadís', alhora que permet entendre de quina manera Fortuna es presenta com un element que escapa a l'abast del cavaller i li condiciona les seues aventures, ja que, darrere d'ella, no només s'amaga la tradició literària, sinó també la voluntat creativa i els interessos particulars de cada autor. ; Estudio que ofrece una aproximación a la figura y función de Fortuna como un elemento intrínseco de las narraciones caballerescas peninsulares Tirant lo Blanc y Amadís de Gaula. Así, se estudia cómo se introduce y aparece Fortuna en el plano narrativo y bajo qué formas lo hace (personificaciones, anticipaciones…). Esto permite ver cuáles son sus funciones en las historias, con lo que se establece hasta qué punto el destino puede llegar a ser decisivo en el desarrollo y, sobre todo, en el desenlace de las mismas. Gracias a un análisis, en los diversos planos de la acción, de las relaciones sentimentales y de los hechos militares de los caballeros protagonistas, se determina el grado de influencia de Fortuna en el éxito o fracaso de sus trayectorias vitales. Asimismo, se trata de dar respuesta al porqué de dicha influencia en ambas obras, con el propósito de determinar el substrato ideológico propio de cada una de ellas. Todo ello, a través de un enfoque comparativo que pone de relieve las semejanzas y diferencias que presenta este recurso en el Tirant y el Amadís, al tiempo que permite entender de qué manera Fortuna se presenta como un elemento que escapa al alcance del caballero y le condiciona sus aventuras; puesto que, detrás de ella, no sólo se esconde la tradición literaria, sino también la voluntad creativa y los intereses particulares de cada autor. ; This study offers an approach to the figure and role of Fortuna as an intrinsic element of peninsular chivalric stories 'Tirant lo Blanc' and 'Amadís de Gaula'. Thus, we study how to enter and Fortuna appears in the narrative level and in what ways does (personifications, anticipations.). This allows you to see what their roles in the stories, thus establishing how far the target can be instrumental in the development and, above all, in the outcome of the same. Through analysis, at various levels of action, romantic relationships and military events of the Knights players, determine the degree of influence of Fortuna in the success or failure of their life trajectories. Also, we attempt to explain this influence in both works, in order to determine the proper ideological substrate each. All this through a comparative approach that highlights the similarities and differences in this resource introduces 'Tirant' and 'Amadís', while allowing to understand how Fortuna appears as an item that is beyond the scope of the knight and conditions their adventures since, behind her, not only hides the literary tradition, but also the creative will and interests of each author.

Esta investigación tuvo como objetivo indagar las perspectivas y experiencias que los grupos académicos de Ciencias de la Educación de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata desarrollaron con relación a la política de normalización universitaria entre 1983 y 1986 a fin de legitimar su posición y orientar la reforma del plan de estudios de su Carrera. A partir de un diseño metodológico cualitativo se analizaron normativas, anteproyectos y planes de estudios, documentos y publicaciones institucionales, y entrevistas semiestructuradas. Como resultado fue posible describir las características que asumió la normalización universitaria en el caso estudiado, los elementos de continuidad y ruptura que se registraron en la dinámica institucional con relación al período de la dictadura militar y la configuración social de los grupos académicos de Ciencias de la Educación que se reincorporaron a la vida universitaria. La aprobación del nuevo plan de estudios puso en evidencia la eficacia social de una trama de vínculos de contenido diverso - académicos, profesionales, político – partidarios, personalizados – en las posiciones de los actores en el gobierno universitario y, en consecuencia, en la definición de la reforma curricular. Los resultados de nuestro trabajo son consistentes con los argumentos presentados por otras investigaciones acerca de la historia de las universidades que demuestran que durante la normalización universitaria cristalizó una configuración arraigada y generalizada de un modelo de articulación e inserción de la política de partidos en las conducciones universitarias. La comparación sistemática de los resultados obtenidos por investigaciones realizadas desde un enfoque microsociológico nos permitirá discutir la eficacia relativa de los actores, sus tradiciones y grupos de referencia, sus identidades en la determinación de las decisiones. Asimismo, nos brindará insumos empíricos y teóricos para ponderar los alcances de los lineamientos de las políticas públicas, a la luz de los procesos de resignificación y/o resistencia que puedan relevarse en los ámbitos específicos estudiados. This research had as an aim to investigate the perspectives and experiences that the academic groups of Sciences of Education of the National University of La Plata developed with relation to the policy of university normalization between 1983 and 1986 in order to legitimize their position and to orientate the reform of the programme of studies of their career. Regulations, preliminary designs and programmes of studies, documents and institutional publications, and semistructured interviews were analyzed using a methodological qualitative design. As a result, it was possible to describe the characteristics that the university normalization assumed in the studied case, the elements of continuity and break that were registered in the institutional dynamics with reference to the period of military dictatorship and the social configuration of the academic groups of Sciences of Education that rejoined to university life. The approval of the new programme of studies made evident the social efficiency of a plot of links of diverse content - academic, professional, political, personalized – in the positions of the agents in the university government and, in consequence, in the definition of the curricular reform. The results of our work are consistent with the arguments presented by other investigations about the history of universities. These demonstrate that during the university normalization a deep-rooted and widespread configuration of a model of articulation and insertion of the politics of political parties in the university conductions is crystallized. The systematic comparison of the results obtained by researchers realized from a microsociological approach will allow us to discuss the relative efficiency of the agents' traditions and groups of reference, their identities and social relationships in the determination of decisions. Likewise, it will offer us empirical and theoretical inputs to consider the scopes of the design of public policies, in the light of the processes of remeaning and / or resistance that could be relieved in the specific studied areas.

This article studies the different phases through which the Gazetta de Madrid evolved under the French rule during the War of Independance: I (riots of Aranjuez - 3rd of May, 1808), a control of the Gazette that was more difficult than forecast by Murat; II (4th of May - 1st of August, 1808), its transformation in a French Gazette, serving the Duke of Berg and then Jose I; III (6th of December, 1808-21st of january, 1809, with the takeover of Madrid by Napoleon), its conversion in an Imperial Gazette, as the frame forthe Daily of the French Army in Spain (Diarios del ejército francés en España) and the publishing of intercepted letters, and the obvious opposition between the editor of the Gazette, Earl of La Forest and Jose I during the «Military Trip of the Emperor»; IV during the stay of Jose I in Madrid (21st of January, 1809 - 10th of August, 1812), with the changes in its editorial line, concerning the presentation of the newspaper as well as the kind of articles, that range from publishing of the decrees signed by the Intruder king until, at the end, that of extracts of the Cadiz newspapers, including articles received about very different themes, publishing of intercepted letters, necrologies and burlesque political satires, all of that in an unsuccessfull attempt to seduce and convince readers; V, in the ultimate period (4th of November, 1812-27th of May, 1813), with the agony of the josefine regime and of the pro-French Gazetta de Madrid, that ended publishing nearlyonly extracts of the newspapers of Cadiz. This reconstruction of the evolution of the pro-French Gazetta de Madrid gives particular attention to its writers and the scarce gratitude they received from the josefine regime, and to its punctual collaborators who, in most cases, signed only with their initials. ; En este artículo, se analizan las distintas fases por las que pasó la Gazeta de Ma­drid bajo los franceses durante la Guerra de la Independencia: I, (motín de Aranjuez-3 de mayo de 1808), un control más difícil de lo previsto por Murat de la Gazeta; II (4 de mayo-1 de agosto de 1808), su transformación en gaceta francesa, al servicio del Gran duque de Berg y luego de José I; III (6 de diciembre de 1808-21 de enero de 1809, con la conquista de Madrid por Napoleón, su paso a una gaceta imperial, como soporte de los Diarios del ejército francés en España y publicación de correspondencias interceptadas, y claro enfrentamiento entre el responsable de la Gazeta, conde de La Forest y José I durante el «viaje militar del Emperador»; IV bajo la estancia de José I en Madrid (21 de enero de 1809-10 de agosto de 1812), con sus cambios de estrategia editorial, tanto en la presentación del periódico como en el tipo de artículos que van desde la publicación de los decretos firmados por el rey Intruso hasta, al final, la de extractos de los periódicos de Cádiz, pasando por artículos comunicados sobre los temas más diversos, publicación de cartas interceptada, necrologías y sátiras político-burlescas, todo en un vano intento de seducir y convencer a los lectores: V, el postrer período josefino (4 de noviembre de 1812-27 de mayo de 1813), con la agonía del régimen josefino y de la de la Gazeta afran­cesada de Madrid, que acaba publicando casi exclusivamente extractos de los periódicos gaditanos. Al reconstruir esta trayectoria de la Gazeta afrancesada de Madrid, se presta especial atención a sus redactores y a la poca gratitud que les tuvo el régimen josefino así como a los colaboradores ocasionales que, en la mayoría de los casos, se contentaron con firmar por sus iniciales.

La presente ricerca prende in esame le dinamiche archeologiche e storiche della regione egiziana del Fayyum durante il Nuovo Regno (1552 – 1069 a.C.). L'elaborato è suddiviso in quattro parti: la prima analizza tutti i contesti archeologici che hanno restituito materiale databile al Bronzo Tardo, la seconda riguarda, invece, la catalogazione di tutti i documenti iscritti provenienti dalla regione e databili al medesimo periodo. La terza parte rappresenta la sintesi dei dati acquisiti nelle due precedenti sezioni e descrive il divenire storico regionale tra XVIII, XIX e XX dinastia, mentre la quarta parte, un'appendice prosopografica, chiude l'intero studio. I contesti archeologici fayyumici che hanno restituito materiale databile al Bronzo Tardo sono solamente sette: Gurob, el-Lahun, Haraga, Hawara, Medinet Madi, Shedet e Tebtynis. La distribuzione della documentazione tende a concentrarsi, dal punto di vista territoriale nell'area d'ingresso della regione, mentre dal punto di vista cronologico sono molto ben attestate la seconda metà dell'epoca thutmoside, l'età amarniana e la prima parte dell'epoca ramesside. Per quanto la documentazione regionale pertinente al Nuovo Regno sia estremamente rarefatta, soprattutto se paragonata a quella contestualizzabile cronologicamente ad altri periodi storici, un'attenta analisi delle testimonianze porta a collocare il Fayyum in una fitta trama di rapporti politici, economici e militari non solo con il resto del Paese ma anche con altre aree geografiche, esterne all'Egitto. ; This research deals with the archaeology and history of the Fayyum region during the New Kingdom. The purpose of this study is, above all, to outline all the main archaeological characteristics of this region during the Late Bronze Age. The first part of the dissertation regards the funerary areas of the Fayyum, with a particular attention to the necropolis of Gurob, el-Lahun, Hawara and Harageh, not only in relation to their topographical and architectural aspects but also in connection to the material cultures which were attested there. Moreover, this analysis deals with the Near Eastern pottery, found in great quantity in the region and probably in relation with the role of Fayyum as a connecting area for the caravan road from the Valley to the Western Desert. The second level of analysis is the study of the region's urbanism in the same period, with particular attention to the main town of the area, Gurob, and his most important architectural expressions: the royal harem built there by Thutmosis III, the "Fort" (probably a defensive building dated to the very beginning of the XVIIIth dynasty) and the temple for the worshipping of Thutmosis III himself. In a second moment I underlined the urban characteristics of the other archaeological sites of the area surely attested during the New Kingdom: Kahun, Harageh and Shedet. I studied also all the papyri coming from the Fayyum or related to this region, dated from the very beginning of the XVIIIth dynasty to the end of the XXth, in order to have a complete prospective of the area during this period. A full database for all the inscribed New Kingdom objects found in the area represents the second part of the present work. The third part of this dissertation is completely dedicated to the analysis of Fayyum's historical events during the same period, whereas the fourth part contains the prosopography of male and female persons attested in the region during the New Kingdom. The purpose of this research is, in particular, to underline the consensus to the royal power in the area. In fact, the Fayyum is usually considered as an unimportant area during Egypt's Empire Period, in particular if compared with its significant role during the Middle Kingdom. This can be considered just partly true: indeed, during particular moments of the New Kingdom (Thutmoside Period, Amarna Age, and at the beginning of Ramesside Period) the region was strictly linked to the court, as it is attested by the great number of royal objects which were found in the different archaeological contexts. It is possible to underline the will of the Royal Family to create a strong relation with this area because of political, economical and military reasons.

The route of life of insigne is reviewed writer, politician, free thinker, democrat and humanist, analyze elements than sufficient more they catalogue that it like Peruvian a universal one, a human being full of generosity. One becomes remember of the unforgettable moments from the announcement of the concession of the prize, in the Cervantes Institute of New York; soon the moment at which king Carlos XVI Gustavo of Sweden gave, the Nobel prize of Literature 2010 to Mario Vargas Llosa (MVLl) in the Concert hall of Stockholm. MVLl in its speech of gratefulness in New York, showed before the international press that the prize was an award to the Spanish language and displayed the best thing of its erudition in a full speech of emotions and expressed its peruanity to everybody with a statement that will be unforgettable: "PERU I AM". Expressions from greatness and gratefulness to their country, in which the flaming Nobel prize of 74 years synthesized its deep peruanity, and with which it filled of pride approximately to 30 million of Peruvian, thirsty of transcendental triumphs. Its origin arequipeño, its familiar surroundings, its childhood, childhood and adolescence in Cochabamba, Piura and Lima are analyzed; the conflicting relation with its father, its adolescence in the Military School Leoncio Prado, where its literary vocation began; these experiences evoked in its autobiographical book "the Fish in the Water"; soon its telluric roots, its passage by the Greater National University of San Marcos, where it began to publish his first stories. Also, his consecrated life in favour of the fight by the civil freedom, rights and the human rights and their incursion in the peruvian politic is approached. Finally, a finishing touch describing to the human MVLl, its deep sensitivity, expression of love to the freedom, its inexhaustible creative capacity, its ideological thought, and its certainly, to give account us that we are in front of an ecumenical humanist. ; Se revisa la ruta de vida del insigne escritor, político, libre pensador, demócrata y humanista, se analizan elementos más que suficientes que lo catalogan como un peruano universal, un ser humano pletórico de generosidad. Se hace una remembranza de los momentos inolvidables desde el anuncio de la concesión del premio, en el Instituto Cervantes de Nueva York; luego el momento en que el rey Carlos XVI Gustavo de Suecia entregó, el Premio Nóbel de Literatura 2010 a Mario Vargas Llosa (MVLL) en la Sala de Conciertos de Estocolmo. MVLL en su discurso de agradecimiento en Nueva York, manifestó ante la prensa internacional que el premio era un galardón al idioma español e hizo gala de lo mejor de su erudición en un discurso lleno de emociones y expresó su peruanidad a todo el mundo con un enunciado que quedará perennizado: "EL PERÚ SOY YO". Expresiones de grandeza y agradecimiento a su país, en las que el flamante Premio Nóbel de 74 años sintetizó su profunda peruanidad, y con las cuales llenó de orgullo a los aproximadamente 30 millones de peruanos, sedientos de trascendentales triunfos. Se analiza su origen arequipeño, su entorno familiar, su infancia, niñez y adolescencia en Cochabamba, Piura y Lima; la relación conflictiva con su padre, su adolescencia en el Colegio Militar Leoncio Prado, donde se inició su vocación literaria; dichas experiencias evocadas en su libro autobiográfico "El Pez en el Agua"; luego sus raíces telúricas, su paso por la Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, donde comenzó a publicar sus primeros relatos. Asimismo, se aborda su consagrada vida a favor de la lucha por la libertad, los derechos civiles y los derechos humanos y su incursión en la política peruana. Finalmente, un colofón describiendo al MVLl humano, su profunda sensibilidad, expresión de amor a la libertad, su capacidad creativa inagotable, su pensamiento ideológico, y su perseverancia, para darnos cuenta que estamos frente a un humanista ecuménico.

Статья посвящена исследованию общественно-политических позиций сибирской либеральной и небольшевистской социалистической прессы в период диктатуры адмирала А.В. Колчака, их взаимоотношений с режимом и основных разногласий. На материалах либеральной периодической печати раскрываются различные аспекты ее роли в формировании идеологической и пропагандистской системы колчаковской власти ; The periodical press of Siberia 1918-1919 is one of the sources, which reflect the attitude of different political parties and groups to the regime and policy of A.V. Kolchak. At the same time the attitude of the government of A.V. Kolchak to the press organs of different orientation and their place reflected the position of the White (Guard) dictatorship concerning the parties and groups. In contrast to the Soviet power, the government of A.V. Kolchak permitted independence of the press, but only in the confined frames. These frames were determined legally and politically. Bolshevik newspapers were forbidden, as well as the organs of the left-wing socialistic parties, which confronted the regime (the majority of socialist-revolutionaries andthe Mensheviks), and explicitly monarchic publications. Political spectrum of legal periodicals was represented by two main trends: liberals led by the Constitutional Democrats, who were the principal political support, and moderate socialists (eneses, a part of cooperators, most right-winged groups of socialist-revolutionaries and the Mensheviks), who were in opposition concerning several issues, but loyal to the regime, which, as they thought, was better in comparison with the Bolsheviks. A number of newspapers kept intermediate position reflecting the viewpoint of the moderate oblastniks. The criticism of the government was permitted only in certain frames. Some newspapers were closed because of the harsh and systematic attacks. In the atmosphere of stratocracy the criticism of the supreme ruler, the army command and the army was forbidden. The prohibition of the propaganda of the national remote areas self-determination was typical for the imperial ideology of the White. But discussions were permitted on a wide range of political and social issues. It is easily explained by taking into account the international public opinion and the government's interest in support of the friendly democratic nations of the Allies. Active support of the dictatorship regime, glorification of A.V. Kolchak and tendency to consolidation of the White movement were typical for liberal press. Socialist press often criticized the dictatorial style and methods of the government, isolation from wide social circles and narrowness of social support and wanted to convene the Constituent Assembly as soon as possible. In time of war liberals and socialists united in popularization of the Army of A.V. Kolchak. They also united when struggling against corruption. Liberal newspapers actively supported the government on the national issue. They also supported its position on the main points of 240 social-economic program. On the contrary, socialist press criticized the government for moderation and lack of distinctness of laws and actions on the agrarian issue, asked for more active government's interfering into the economy. At that time its liberal opponents defended classical market principles. Liberal press played an active role in the development and propaganda of the White Movement ideology. Its position changed to the harsh criticism of the regime and demand of its democratization in the environment of A.V. Kolchak army collapse after the surrender of Omsk in November 1919, when it was too late. Comparison of the materials of Siberian periodical press of the times of A.V. Kolchak with other documents allows to disprove the stereotype underestimation of Kolchak as a politician, to trace the pragmatical approach to special problems and public positions of different social layers and political groups, whose interests were reflected in press, their evolution and mutual relations with the regime of military dictatorship, the position and role of the press under the power of Kolchak, to compare them with the position of press under the Soviet power. Under all the restraints the press liberty was wider under the power of Kolchak than in Soviet Russia where the building of the totalitarian system began

Статья посвящена анализу эволюции общественно-политических позиций правого крыла кадетской партии в Сибири в период революции и Гражданской войны. На материалах публицистической деятельности идеолога правых сибирских кадетов В.А. Жардецкого раскрываются причины и последовательные этапы их поворота от либерального демократизма к идее национальной авторитарной диктатуры ; The periodical press of Siberia in 1918-1919 is one of the sources, which reflect the attitude of different political parties and groups to the regime and policy of A.V. Kolchak. At the same time the attitude of the government of A.V. Kolchak to the press organs of different orientation and their place reflected the position of the White (Guard) dictatorship concerning the parties and flows. In contrast to the Soviet power, the government of A.V. Kolchak permitted independence of the press, but only in the confined frames. These frames were determined legally and politically. Bolshevik newspapers were forbidden, organs of the left-wing socialistic parties, which confronted the regime (the majority of socialist-revolutionaries and the Mensheviks), so were the explicitly monarchic publications. The political spectrum of legal periodicals was represented by two main trends: liberals led by the Constitutional Democrats, who were the principal political support; and moderate socialists (enes, the part of cooperators, the most right-winged groups of socialist-revolutionaries and the Mensheviks), who were in opposition concerning several issues, but loyal to the regime, which, as they thought, was better in comparison with the Bolsheviks. A number of newspapers kept intermediate position reflecting the viewpoint of the moderate oblastniks. Criticism of the government was permitted only in certain frames. Some newspapers were closed because of the harsh and systematic attacks. In the atmosphere of stratocracy the criticism of the supreme ruler, army command and army was forbidden. The prohibition of the propaganda of the national remote areas self-determination was typical for the imperial ideology of the White. But the discussions were permitted on a wide range of political and social issues. It is easily explained by taking into account the international public opinion and interest of the government in the support of the friendly democratic nations of the Allies. Active support of the dictatorship regime, glorification of A.V. Kolchak and tendency to consolidation of the White movement were typical for liberal press. Socialistic press often criticized the dictatorial style and methods of the government, isolation from wide social circles and narrowness of social support and wanted to convene the Constituent Assembly as soon as possible. In time of war liberals and socialists united in popularisation of the Army of A.V. Kolchak. They also united in struggling against corruption. Liberal newspapers supported actively the government on the national issue. They also supported its position on the main points of the social-economic program. On the contrary, socialistic press criticized the government for moderation and lack of distinctness of laws and actions on the agrarian issue, asked for more active interfering of the government with the economy. At that time its liberal opponents defended the classical market principles. Liberal press played an active role in development and propaganda of the White Movement ideology. Its position changed to harsh criticism of the regime and demand of its democratisation in the environment of A.V. Kolchak's army collapse after the fall of Omsk in November 1919, when it was too late. Comparison of the materials of Siberian periodical press of the times of A.V. Kolchak with other documents allows to disprove the stereotype underestimation of Kolchak as a politician, to trace the pragmatical approach to the special problems and the public positions of different social layers and political groups, whose interests were reflected in the press, their evolution and mutual relations with the regime of military dictatorship, the position and role of the press under the power of Kolchak, to compare them with the position of the press under the Soviet rule. Under all the restraints the press liberty was wider under the power of Kolchak than in Soviet Russia where the building of the totalitarian system began

En pleno proceso de corrimiento de la frontera productiva y emergente disputa por el uso y apropiación de los recursos, la intervención de distintos sujetos sociales en el oeste de La Pampa está redefiniendo las prácticas productivas-reproductivas de los crianceros campesinos y, en consecuencia, la construcción social del espacio. Desde la finalización de las campañas militares contra las sociedades indígenas diferentes agentes, mediante el ejercicio de poder, construyeron determinadas representaciones territoriales y pusieron en acción prácticas tendientes a articular el oeste pampeano con la economía nacional. Sin embargo la escasa valorización de este espacio posibilitó el desarrollo de cierta autonomía en las formas de organización socio-productivas y simbólicas. Ante la expansión de la frontera ganadera, el impuso hidrocarburífero en la región y creciente presencia de nuevas lógicas territoriales crecen las confrontaciones por el desigual acceso a los recursos naturales, por la apropiación del espacio y la construcción de territorialidades. En este marco, el artículo focaliza la mirada en la organización interna de los asentamientos rurales y en los usos sociales de los espacios a través del tiempo, en dos áreas del "extremo" oeste: La Humada y Chos Malal. De este modo se pretende establecer cómo se organizaron diacrónicamente los espacios doméstico, peridoméstico y monte y qué sentidos expresan los sujetos en torno a los espacios de vida y lugares en tiempos de expansión de la frontera productiva. El nuevo campo social generado producto del avance del capitalismo sobre las unidades campesinas se expresa, no sólo en las modificaciones en las formas de manejo del ganado, organización de la producción y construcción social del espacio, sino también en las formas de sociabilidad y estrategias de resistencia colectivas. Este proceso, que se está gestando en la región, tiene un desarrollo similar en otros espacios donde el avance productivo se ha generado con anterioridad o a un ritmo más acelerado. Para la realización de la investigación se articulan diferentes estrategias de metodología cualitativa que combinan el estudio de caso con historias de vida, entrevistas en profundidad y análisis de fuentes documentales. ; In full process redshift the productive border and pop-up dispute over the use and appropriation of resources, the intervention of different social subjects in the West of La Pampa is redefining productivas-reproductivas practices crianceros farmers and, consequently, the social construction of space. Since the end of the military campaigns against agents, different indigenous societies through the exercise of power, built certain territorial representations and put into action practices tending to articulate the pampean West with the national economy. However little appreciation of this space made possible the development of certain forms of organizing socio-productive and symbolic autonomy. Before the expansion of the livestock border, the imposed hydrocarbon region and increasing presence of new territorial logics grow confrontations by unequal access to natural resources, the appropriation of space and the construction of territorialidades. In this context, article focused on the internal organisation of rural settlements and social uses of spaces of time, in two areas of the West "end" look: La Humada and Chos Malal. This mode is intended to establish how organized spaces home, peridomestic and mount and what senses expressed subjects into life and places spaces in times of expansion of the production frontier. The new social field generated product of capitalism on the peasant drives progress is expressed, not only changes in forms of livestock, management organization of production and social construction of space, but also in forms of sociability and collective resistance strategies. This process, which is brewing in the region, has a similar development in other spaces where productive progress has occurred before or at a faster pace. Different qualitative methodology strategies that combine the study case with life stories, in-depth interviews and analysis of documentary sources are articulated for the conduct of research.

En pleno proceso de corrimiento de la frontera productiva y emergente disputa por el uso y apropiación de los recursos, la intervención de distintos sujetos sociales en el oeste de La Pampa está redefiniendo las prácticas productivas-reproductivas de los crianceros campesinos y, en consecuencia, la construcción social del espacio. Desde la finalización de las campañas militares contra las sociedades indígenas diferentes agentes, mediante el ejercicio de poder, construyeron determinadas representaciones territoriales y pusieron en acción prácticas tendientes a articular el oeste pampeano con la economía nacional. Sin embargo la escasa valorización de este espacio posibilitó el desarrollo de cierta autonomía en las formas de organización socio-productivas y simbólicas. Ante la expansión de la frontera ganadera, el impuso hidrocarburífero en la región y creciente presencia de nuevas lógicas territoriales crecen las confrontaciones por el desigual acceso a los recursos naturales, por la apropiación del espacio y la construcción de territorialidades. En este marco, el artículo focaliza la mirada en la organización interna de los asentamientos rurales y en los usos sociales de los espacios a través del tiempo, en dos áreas del "extremo" oeste: La Humada y Chos Malal. De este modo se pretende establecer cómo se organizaron diacrónicamente los espacios doméstico, peridoméstico y monte y qué sentidos expresan los sujetos en torno a los espacios de vida y lugares en tiempos de expansión de la frontera productiva. El nuevo campo social generado producto del avance del capitalismo sobre las unidades campesinas se expresa, no sólo en las modificaciones en las formas de manejo del ganado, organización de la producción y construcción social del espacio, sino también en las formas de sociabilidad y estrategias de resistencia colectivas. Este proceso, que se está gestando en la región, tiene un desarrollo similar en otros espacios donde el avance productivo se ha generado con anterioridad o a un ritmo más acelerado. Para la realización de la investigación se articulan diferentes estrategias de metodología cualitativa que combinan el estudio de caso con historias de vida, entrevistas en profundidad y análisis de fuentes documentales. ; In full process redshift the productive border and pop-up dispute over the use and appropriation of resources, the intervention of different social subjects in the West of La Pampa is redefining productivas-reproductivas practices crianceros farmers and, consequently, the social construction of space. Since the end of the military campaigns against agents, different indigenous societies through the exercise of power, built certain territorial representations and put into action practices tending to articulate the pampean West with the national economy. However little appreciation of this space made possible the development of certain forms of organizing socio-productive and symbolic autonomy. Before the expansion of the livestock border, the imposed hydrocarbon region and increasing presence of new territorial logics grow confrontations by unequal access to natural resources, the appropriation of space and the construction of territorialidades. In this context, article focused on the internal organisation of rural settlements and social uses of spaces of time, in two areas of the West "end" look: La Humada and Chos Malal. This mode is intended to establish how organized spaces home, peridomestic and mount and what senses expressed subjects into life and places spaces in times of expansion of the production frontier. The new social field generated product of capitalism on the peasant drives progress is expressed, not only changes in forms of livestock, management organization of production and social construction of space, but also in forms of sociability and collective resistance strategies. This process, which is brewing in the region, has a similar development in other spaces where productive progress has occurred before or at a faster pace. Different qualitative methodology strategies that combine the study case with life stories, in-depth interviews and analysis of documentary sources are articulated for the conduct of research. ; Centro de Estudios Históricos Rurales

En este artículo analizaremos la trayectoria de un grupo de agricultores que fundó en el interior de la provincia de Misiones el Movimiento Agrario Misionero (MAM). Al principio, igual que en las demás provincias del Nordeste, los agricultores participaron juntos en las movilizaciones de protesta y fueron apoyados por el obispo católico del lugar. Los dirigentes se vincularon tempranamente con los líderes de la Tendencia de nivel nacional-creada por Montoneros- y de la capital provincial, y construyeron un discurso adonde afirmaban que el MAM debía representar, tanto a los medianos y pequeños propietarios como a la "clase trabajadora" del sector rural, lo que generó un creciente malestar entre sus filas. Con la llegada del peronismo al poder, se abrió otra etapa adonde quedaron expuestas las diferencias al interior del Movimiento. En 1974 se produjeron dos grandes rupturas: a principios de ese año, un grupo de agricultores formó la Asociación Misionera de Agricultores (AMA) y a mediados, otro sector decidió expulsar a los agricultores que integraban la conducción del MAM. Los expulsados formaron las Ligas Agrarias Misioneras (LAM) y en el medio de la escalada de la violencia armada y el pase a la clandestinidad de Montoneros, crearon junto a los dirigentes capitalinos, el Partido Descamisado primero y el Partido Auténtico después. Participaron de las elecciones de abril de 1975, ganaron dos bancas y en la Cámara Legislativa siguieron defendiendo los intereses de los "obreros rurales" y la instauración de la "patria socialista". Esta historia se vio violentamente interrumpida con la llegada del golpe militar del 24 de marzo de 1976, cuando los militantes del MAM, las LAM y del Partido Auténtico fueron el blanco de la represión en la provincia, aunque ésta se había iniciado unos meses antes. ; In this article we will analyze the trajectory of a group of agriculturists who founded inside the province of Misiones the Movimiento Agrario Misionero (MAM). Just as in the other provinces of the Northeast, the agriculturists participated together in the mobilizations of protest and were supported by the catholic bishop of the place. The leaders tied early to the leaders of the Tendencia of national level and the provincial capital and constructed a speech where they as much affirmed that the MAM had to represent, to the middle and small proprietors like and the "working-class" of the rural sector, which generated an increasing malaise. With the arrival of the peronismo to the government, another stage was opened where they were exposed the differences to the interior of the Movement. In 1974 two great ruptures happen: at the beginning of that year, a group of agriculturists formed the Asociación Misionera de Agricultores (AMA) and after, another sector decided to expel the agriculturists who integrated the conduction of the MAM. The expelled ones formed Ligas Agrarias Misioneras (LAM) and in means of the scaling of the armed violence and goes to the clandestinely of Montoneros, created the Partido Descamisado the first and Partido Auténtico later. They participated in the elections of April of 1975, they gained two charges in the Legislative, and they continued defending the interests of the "rural workers" and the restoration of the "patria socialista". This history violently saw interrupted with the arrival of the military coup of the 24 of March of 1976, when the militants of the MAM, LAM and of the Partido Auténtico they were the center of the repression in the province. We try to show, from the microanalysis, how one went organizing and consolidating from 1972, this group of originating local militants of the provincial capital and the interior, that it tried to fit to the MAM in the Tendencia and was losing supports. Still after the expulsion, we will see how they continued considering the "vanguard" of the "agriculturists" and of the "rural working-class". All this in a climate where the cupola of Montoneros ordered goes to the clandestinely and privileged the armed warfare. In sum, we will try to rescue the complexity that surrounded these groups and that were characteristic of those years. ; Centro de Estudios Históricos Rurales

Radio communications using very broad frequency bands (UWB) have been developed rapidly since the early 2000s. This technique has advantages that made it attractive in many civil and military applications. The aim of this thesis is to design and characterize miniature Ultra Wide Band antennas in the time domain for the lower part of the frequency band (0.1-2 GHz). First, a new UWB antenna has been designed: the folded wire monopole antenna. This very simple and small size structure has naturally high bandwidth and quasi-omnidirectional radiation pattern over its entire band of operation. We develop an analytical model describing fast and accurate behavior of this antenna which enabled us to understand the role of different parameters of the antenna. There is excellent agreement between the results obtained by this model and those obtained by numerical simulation. With this analytical model, we can optimize the performance of the folded wire monopole for the low frequencies in two different ways: by thickening the diameter of radiating wires or by adding stubs. Both new antennas have been characterized and they have the same radiation characteristics, but a different matching. Typically, UWB antennas are characterized in the frequency domain (radiation pattern and antenna matching). However, a more adequate approach might be preferred: Ultra Wideband antennas can be described in the time-domain. We have introduced new descriptors which are used to quantify the distortion introduced by the antenna: fidelity function and time-domain gain. Time and frequency domain measurements have been performed. Measurements on the different versions of the folded wire antenna showed a good agreement with the simulations in terms of both frequency and time domain characterization. Finally, we have developed a very effective time domain technique measurement by using time domain reflectometry. This method gives very good results in terms of radiated pulses and antenna matching ; Les communications radio utilisant des très larges bandes de fréquences (ULB) se sont rapidement développées depuis le début des années 2000. Cette technique présente des avantages qui l'ont rendue attractive dans un grand nombre d'applications civiles et militaires. L'objectif de cette thèse était de concevoir, de réaliser et de caractériser en régime impulsionnel des antennes Ultra Large Bande miniatures, dans la partie basse du spectre (0.1-2 GHz). Dans un premier temps, une nouvelle structure d'antenne ULB a été conçue: l'antenne filaire repliée. Cette structure très simple et de petite taille, possède naturellement une large bande passante ainsi qu'un diagramme de rayonnement quasi omnidirectionnel sur toute sa bande de fonctionnement. Nous avons développé un modèle analytique rapide et précis décrivant le comportement de cette antenne, ce qui nous a permis de comprendre le rôle des différents paramètres de l'antenne. Il y a un excellent accord entre les résultats obtenus par ce modèle et ceux obtenus par simulation numérique. Grâce à ce modèle analytique, nous avons pu optimiser les performances du monopole filaire replié vers les basses fréquences et ce, par deux méthodes : épaississement des brins rayonnants et ajout de tronçons de lignes. Les deux nouvelles antennes ainsi obtenues ont été caractérisées; elles présentent les mêmes caractéristiques de rayonnement, mais une adaptation différente. Les outils usuels de caractérisation des antennes dans le domaine fréquentiel (adaptation, diagramme de rayonnement) étant mal adaptés à une étude en mode impulsionnel, nous avons introduit de nouveaux descripteurs qui permettent de quantifier la distorsion introduite par l'antenne: Fonction de fidélité et gain temporel. Une campagne de mesures utilisant un banc impulsionnel et un banc de mesures fréquentiel a été réalisée. Les mesures effectuées sur les différentes versions de l'antenne filaire repliée ont montré un bon accord avec les simulations tant au niveau de la caractérisation fréquentielle que temporelle. Enfin, nous avons mis au point une technique de mesure temporelle très efficace en utilisant la réflectométrie temporelle. Cette méthode donne de très bons résultats en termes d'impulsions rayonnées et d'adaptation.

Transformation is an intrinsic characteristic of the city. Today, cities around the globe experience the consequences of an urban revolution. While some conurbations undergo processes of deindustrialization, others, mostly in developing countries, are still experiencing the phases of industrialization in the form of an explosive urbanization. The negative effects of urban sprawl are mostly palpable in the destruction of environments, the unnecessary use of resources and an increase of social segregation. Urban sprawl is also linked to the deterioration of centers and to an inefficient distribution of land uses. Sustainable urban development implies a more environmental and social handling of urban land. An effective strategy to counteract urban sprawl is the implementation of inner urban development by means of conversion, which is understood as a reutilization of brownfields or suboptimally used urban sites by introducing new land uses. Frequent examples of potentially convertible sites are former industrial and military areas, as well as infrastructural sites such as railways and ports. Many European cities have faced the challenge of turning urban development more sustainable. Stuttgart has demonstrated how inner development is a feasible task when planners are equipped with adequate instruments for implementation. Stuttgart has revitalized innumerable areas which had suffered the effects of postindustrialization and the end of Cold War. The city has become an international paradigm of sustainable development. In the last two decades, Bogotá has experienced a revolution in terms of urban planning. However, the city has still not realized the importance of stopping urban sprawl. A true sustainable development can only be attained by systematically identifying conversion areas and by managing and promoting their development. Until now, Bogotá has very few examples of conversion projects in spite of its enormous potential for inner development. Cities must rethink their development strategies and look for paradigms in order to face the ever more complex urban problems. The present work intends to prove that Bogotá not only meets the conditions for implementing conversion measures, but that it also has the legal platform to rethink traditional methods of urban planning. In an investor-oriented city like Bogotá, urban conversion constitutes an instrument for the reduction of demand for new urban land. Conversion also constitutes a chance of improving spatial and social quality. It becomes an opportunity to generate social inclusion by assigning central areas for the development of socially and functionally mixed spaces. In this context, the approach to inner development in Bogotá has a strong social component. Improving urban quality of life requires new visions. In a rapidly urbanizing world, decision-makers need to develop strategies to make our natural habitat (which is the city) more livable. This work intends to contribute to this objective. ; Ein inhärentes Merkmal der Stadt ist Transformation. Städte weltweit erfahren heutzutage die Auswirkungen einer urbanen Revolution. Während einige Städte Prozesse der Deindustrialisierung durchleben, erleben andere, meistens in Entwicklungsländern, Phasen der Industrialisierung in Form von einer raschen Urbanisierung. Dabei werden natürliche Ökosysteme vernichtet, wertvolle Ressourcen verbraucht und soziale Segregation gesteigert. Zudem trägt die Verstädterung der "grünen Wiese" zum Zerfall der Stadtkerne und zu einer ineffizienten Verteilung der Flächennutzung bei. Eine nachhaltige Stadtentwicklung verlangt einen umweltfreundlichen und sozialgerechten Umgang mit urbanen Flächen. Eine der effektivsten Strategien, um dem grenzenlosen Wachstum der Städte entgegenzuwirken, ist die Implementierung von Innenentwicklung durch die Konversion von Bauflächen. Konversion versteht sich als die gezielte Umnutzung von Brach- und untergenutzten Flächen. Häufige Beispiele von Konversionsflächen sind ehemalige Industrie-, Bahn- und Militärgelände sowie Häfen. Viele europäische Städte zielen bereits mit Entschlossenheit auf urbane Konversion. Stuttgart beweist, dass Innenentwicklung möglich ist, wenn notwendige Instrumente zur Implementierung vorhanden sind. Diese Stadt hat unzählbare Flächen konvertiert und sich dadurch als ein internationales Modell der Nachhaltigkeit etabliert. Bogotá erlebt in den letzten Jahren eine städteplanerische Revolution. Dennoch hat die Stadt noch nicht begriffen, wie notwendig es ist, die Urbanisierung von ländlichem Umland zu stoppen. Obwohl die Stadt eine enorme Anzahl an potentialen Konversionsflächen besitzt, gibt es bisher sehr wenige Konversionsprojekte. Eine wahre nachhaltige Stadtentwicklung in Bogotá ist nur möglich, wenn die Potenziale systematisch identifiziert und genutzt werden. Die Ziele einer sozialen und umweltbedingten Nachhaltigkeit können anhand eines effizienten Managements urbaner Flächen erreicht werden. Städte müssen ihre Entwicklungsstrategien überdenken und nach Paradigmen suchen, um traditionelle Planungsmethoden in Erwägung zu ziehen. In einer investororientierten Stadt wie Bogotá ist Konversion ein wichtiges Instrument zur Reduzierung der Flächeninanspruchnahme. Zudem ist sie eine Chance zur Verbesserung der räumlichen und sozialen Qualität der Stadt. Darüber hinaus bietet urbane Konversion eine einmalige Gelegenheit, soziale Inklusion in innenstädtischen Bereichen zu fördern, denen sozial und funktional gemischte Flächen zugewiesen werden. In diesem Kontext wäre der der Ansatz einer Innentwicklung in Bogotá durch seine starke soziale Komponente anders als in vielen europäischen Städten. Die Verbesserung der Lebensqualität in unseren Städten verlangt neue Visionen und deren Realisierung. In einer schnell urbanisierenden Welt müssen Entscheidungsträger Strategien entwickeln, um unser Habitat (die Stadt) lebenswerter zu machen. Diese Arbeit soll dazu beitragen, dieses Ziel zu erreichen.

RESUMEN: El final del segundo mandato del presidente Bill Clinton supuso un cambio importante en la estrategia de los EE.UU. hacia el conflicto armado colombiano. Washington dejó de apoyar el proceso de paz, y pasó a tener un enfoque más belicista, que culminó con la aprobación por parte del Congreso de un paquete de ayuda de 1.300 millones de dólares con un alto componente militar en el presupuesto suplementario del 2000, como apoyo al Plan Colombia de Andrés Pastrana y a la región andina.En la primera parte del presente texto se analizan los cambios y continuidades acontecidos en la política exterior de los EE.UU. hacia América Latina tras el final de la Guerra Fría y la evolución de las relaciones bilaterales entre Colombia y los EE.UU. En la segunda se exponen los motivos que llevaron a Clinton a incluir el asunto en su agenda política y a solicitar la ayuda al Congreso, y qué instituciones, grupos y personalidades jugaron un papel significativo en el diseño y en la aprobación del paquete de ayuda. Se argumenta que la apertura de la ventana para semejante cambio fue el fruto de la confluencia en el tiempo del recrudecimiento de los problemas de Colombia, de los cambios en la opinión pública estadounidense en vísperas de un cambio de Administración y de las campañas de los grupos de interés. Estos aspectos fueron aprovechados por determinados emprendedores políticos para hacer valer sus soluciones. Se concluye que la aprobación de la ayuda evidencia dos aspectos fundamentales: 1) el interés de los EE.UU. por acabar con grupos insurgentes desestabilizadores para sus intereses y cómo estas intenciones se encubren bajo «la guerra contra las drogas»; 2) los intereses políticos domésticos siguen condicionando las estrategias antinarcóticos en los países productores y pese al fracaso de las acciones centradas en el lado de la oferta, la clase política estadounidense persiste en culpar a Colombia del fuerte consumo de drogas en los EE.UU., para evitar así afrontar responsabilidades políticas.ABSTRACT: An important change in the U.S. strategy towards the Colombian armed conflict took place at the end of president's Clinton second tenure. Washington ended its support to the peace process and shifted its policy to a militaristic approach that culminated in the approval of an aid package worth $1.300 million with a strong military component in the 2000 supplemental budget to back Andres Pastrana's Plan Colombia and the Andean Region.In the first part of the article and in order to understand the environment in which the aid was granted, the paper analyses the changes and continuities in U.S. foreign policy towards Latin America in the aftermath of the Cold War as well as the evolution of U.S.- Colombian bilateral relations. In the second part, I point out the reasons behind Clinton's inclusion of this issue in his political agenda and his request to Congress. I also explore the role that institutions, groups and individuals played in the design and the approval of the aid package. I argue that the opening of a window opportunity for such a change was the result of the worsening of Colombian problems, changes in U.S. public opinion on the eve of a change of Administration and interest group campaigns. Some political entrepreneurs took advantage of these events to push for their solutions.I conclude that the approval of the aid package shows two relevant factors: 1) U.S. interest in undermining insurgent groups seem as destabilizing for their interests and how these policies are presented as «drug war» initiatives; 2) domestic political interests still determine anti-narcotic strategies in producer countries in spite of the lack of success of anti-drug initiatives on the supply side and U.S. politicians persist on blaming Colombia for the high drug consumption in the U.S. to avoid confronting domestic political responsibilities

Sixteen years after the Sochi agreements an uneasy truce between Georgia and South Ossetia gave way to renewed violence in August 2008. The protracted peace process with lengthy and futile negotiations led to few agreements between the conflicting sides, which were often faulted at the implementation phase. Material and human costs of a failed peace process were huge: hundreds of civilian deaths, thousands of wounded, tens of thousands of people displaced, and millions of Euros spent on rehabilitation projects by local and international actors vanished within days. With millions of aid money poured into Georgia for conflict prevention purposes prior to 2008, it is only legitimate to ask whether aid could make things worse and contribute to renewed violence, or to a lack of the sides' interest in peaceful conflict settlement. Much has been written on political, geopolitical and military aspects of the Georgian-South Ossetian conflict and failed peace settlement that led to renewed hostilities in 2008. This article, however, looks at how aid (intentionally or unintentionally) contributed to dividing lines in the Georgian-South Ossetian conflict and strengthened competing spoilers in the settlement process. It argues that economic rehabilitation projects, supported by competing actors, in the conflict zone fed into the dividing lines between the local Georgian and Ossetian communities, and the international community failed to bridge the widening gaps between them. With the ceasefire signed in the early 1990s and stalled peace talks, many observers have branded the Georgian-South Ossetian conflict as frozen. However, the August 2008 conflict between Russia and Georgia over South Ossetia once again demonstrated the importance of the consolidation of conflict settlement and necessity to deal with threats to peacebuilding. Although the negotiation process has been halted since 2006, it would be a mistake to call the Georgian-Ossetian conflict a frozen one. Despite low level of violence and frequent security incidents in the conflict zone, the ceasefire largely held until the summer of 2004, when Tbilisi's anti-smuggling operation in the conflict zone led to dozens of casualties and stopped short of the real warfare. Since then Tbilisi has been trying to alter the status quo in the negotiations and peacekeeping formats, which it, not without merits, saw as disadvantageous. These efforts intensified with the Georgian leadership backing up an "alternative" de facto government of Dmitri Sanakoev in South Ossetia in November 2006. Tbilisi provided Sanakoev, who controlled Georgian enclaves in South Ossetia, with strong financial and political support, putting him in charge of a temporary administration established in May 2007. Attempts were made to include Sanakoev in the established negotiations processes. Moscow's interventions, however, increased with strong political and financial backing of Tskhinvali and its de facto president Eduard Kokoity. Both Tskhinvali and Moscow were against any changes of the negotiation and peacekeeping formats, and their insistence on maintaining them and Tbilisi's refusal to put up with the existing status quo led to the deterioration of the situation and complete freezing of the talks. With Moscow and Tbilisi investing in different projects, the two communities (Georgian and Ossetian) also became physically divided. The mutual infrastructural dependency, which the sides were able to more or less maintain despite the conflict in the early 1990s, was gradually disappearing with the sides further separating from each other. Tbilisi and Moscow invested heavily in separate infrastructure and economic projects, and international aid failed to bridge the increasing gap. All international efforts to maintain peace were unsuccessful, and the deteriorating security situation on the ground grew into a full-fledged war in August 2008. Failure to bridge the divide and address the "spoilers," that actively thought to undermine the conflict settlement through a variety of means or at least had no interest in long-term peace, brought the renewed warfare and loss of significant human and capital recourses invested in the conflict settlement.