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During the middle decades of the twentieth century, policymakers in the United States grappled for the first time on a national level with the problem of poverty. They did this both at home and abroad, as part of the New Deal, the Cold War, and the Great Society. This dissertation focuses on one particular approach to improving the lives of the poor that was tried in all three of those contexts: community development. Although its particulars varied from place to place, the basic idea of community development was that poverty could be best alleviated not via macroeconomic stimulation or by the replacement of traditional institutions with modern ones but rather by the generation and encouragement of democratic communities in which the poor themselves would design and implement antipoverty schemes. Community developers believed that small-scale works, local knowledge and customs, grassroots participation, and communal solidarity were the key to development. Although that approach played a minor role in the New Deal, it became a major foreign aid strategy—pursued in dozens of third-world countries in the 1950s—and was in the 1960s a major component of the War on Poverty pursued by the Lyndon Johnson administration. The community development movement has been largely forgotten, so the first contribution of this dissertation is to simply document its existence and prominence. Other major contributions: describing the divergence between community development and modernization theory, exposing the extent of communitarianism in U.S. thought and social science in the midcentury decades, offering a new account of the origins of the War on Poverty that stresses the role of overseas development projects in setting models for domestic antipoverty projects, and explaining the failure of community development strategies—a particularly relevant contribution as such strategies have been revived and are today being pursued aggressively by development experts, especially those at the World Bank. Chapters are dedicated to (1) the new interest in communities and small groups in the United States starting in the 1930s, (2) the trajectory of anthropologists and rural sociologists as they left jobs in the New Deal and the Japanese internment camps for those in foreign aid, (3) India's influential community development program, (4) the Philippine community development program and the Philippine adaptation of community development techniques toward counterinsurgency campaigns (including in Vietnam), and (5) the War on Poverty's Community Action Program.

The article aims to identify the myths of political roles that were used by the Committee for the Defence of Democracy (CDD) to create the language image of its creation and to explain the importance of these semantic structures' configuration for the self-creation of political roles, which proved to be an effective incentive for the grassroots mobilization of the opponents of the Law and Justice party. They will be performed with the source analysis, qualitative relational content analysis, and a typology of myths. The secondary objective of the article is to verify the analytical usefulness of the theoretical tool in the form of a typology of myths created by the criterion of political roles. The research examines the theoretical framework that consists of four pairs of ideal types of myths: anthropolatrizing and diabolizing, theophanic and demonizing, divine and devilish mesistes, katechon and antichrist. The use of these theoretical categories to identify and distinguish the discursive creations and self-creations of the social movement has shown that they divide the semantic field of the political role myth in such a way that its ideal types are separable and allow us to recognize the basic semantic constructs of political roles. It has also revealed that the CDD did not use the extreme positive and negative valuation of itself and its political opponents. The movement used theophanic, divine mesistes, and katechon myths to self-legitimize discursively in the political system. It employed demonizing and antichrist myths to delegitimize the ruling political subjects. The image of the movement's creation was the expression of the sense of necessity for the emergence and activities of a good katechon which would stop the antichrist from destroying the democratic system in Poland and contribute to the protection and preservation of its constitutive values. ; Głównymi celami tego artykułu są identyfikacja mitów ról politycznych, które zostały wykorzystane przez Komitet Obrony Demokracji (KOD) do stworzenia językowego obrazu jego powstania, a także wyjaśnienie znaczenia konfiguracji tych struktur semantycznych dla autokreacji ról politycznych, które okazały się efektywnym bodźcem dla oddolnej mobilizacji przeciwników Prawa i Sprawiedliwości. Zostaną one zrealizowane przy wykorzystaniu analizy źródeł, jakościowej relacyjnej analizy zawartości i typologii mitów. Z kolei cel poboczny artykułu stanowi weryfikacja użyteczności analitycznej narzędzia teoretycznego w postaci typologii mitów, których przedmiotem są role polityczne. Testowi poddano siatkę kategorii teoretycznych obejmującą cztery pary typów idealnych mitów: antropolatryzującego i diabolizującego, teofanijnego i demonizującego, boskiego i diabelskiego mesistesu oraz katechonu i antychrysta. Wykorzystanie tych kategorii teoretycznych do zidentyfikowania i rozróżnienia dyskursywnych kreacji oraz autokreacji ruchu społecznego pokazało, że dzielą one pole semantyczne mitu roli politycznej w taki sposób, że jego typy idealne są rozłączne i umożliwiają rozpoznanie podstawowych konstruktów semantycznych ról politycznych. Uwidoczniło również, że KOD zaniechał skrajnie pozytywnego i negatywnego wartościowania siebie i swoich oponentów politycznych. Do dyskursywnej autolegitymizacji w systemie politycznym wykorzystał mity teofanijny, boskiego mesistesu i katechonu. Do delegitymizacji rządzących podmiotów politycznych zastosował mity demonizujący i antychrysta. Obraz powstania ruchu był wyrazem poczucia konieczności powstania i działania dobrego katechonu, który powstrzyma antychrysta przed zniszczeniem systemu demokratycznego w Polsce i przyczyni się do ochrony i zachowania jego konstytutywnych wartości.

The article aims to identify the myths of political roles that were used by the Committee for the Defence of Democracy (CDD) to create the language image of its creation and to explain the importance of these semantic structures' configuration for the self-creation of political roles, which proved to be an effective incentive for the grassroots mobilization of the opponents of the Law and Justice party. They will be performed with the source analysis, qualitative relational content analysis, and a typology of myths. The secondary objective of the article is to verify the analytical usefulness of the theoretical tool in the form of a typology of myths created by the criterion of political roles. The research examines the theoretical framework that consists of four pairs of ideal types of myths: anthropolatrizing and diabolizing, theophanic and demonizing, divine and devilish mesistes, katechon and antichrist. The use of these theoretical categories to identify and distinguish the discursive creations and self-creations of the social movement has shown that they divide the semantic field of the political role myth in such a way that its ideal types are separable and allow us to recognize the basic semantic constructs of political roles. It has also revealed that the CDD did not use the extreme positive and negative valuation of itself and its political opponents. The movement used theophanic, divine mesistes, and katechon myths to self-legitimize discursively in the political system. It employed demonizing and antichrist myths to delegitimize the ruling political subjects. The image of the movement's creation was the expression of the sense of necessity for the emergence and activities of a good katechon which would stop the antichrist from destroying the democratic system in Poland and contribute to the protection and preservation of its constitutive values. ; Głównymi celami tego artykułu są identyfikacja mitów ról politycznych, które zostały wykorzystane przez Komitet Obrony Demokracji (KOD) do stworzenia językowego obrazu jego powstania, a także wyjaśnienie znaczenia konfiguracji tych struktur semantycznych dla autokreacji ról politycznych, które okazały się efektywnym bodźcem dla oddolnej mobilizacji przeciwników Prawa i Sprawiedliwości. Zostaną one zrealizowane przy wykorzystaniu analizy źródeł, jakościowej relacyjnej analizy zawartości i typologii mitów. Z kolei cel poboczny artykułu stanowi weryfikacja użyteczności analitycznej narzędzia teoretycznego w postaci typologii mitów, których przedmiotem są role polityczne. Testowi poddano siatkę kategorii teoretycznych obejmującą cztery pary typów idealnych mitów: antropolatryzującego i diabolizującego, teofanijnego i demonizującego, boskiego i diabelskiego mesistesu oraz katechonu i antychrysta. Wykorzystanie tych kategorii teoretycznych do zidentyfikowania i rozróżnienia dyskursywnych kreacji oraz autokreacji ruchu społecznego pokazało, że dzielą one pole semantyczne mitu roli politycznej w taki sposób, że jego typy idealne są rozłączne i umożliwiają rozpoznanie podstawowych konstruktów semantycznych ról politycznych. Uwidoczniło również, że KOD zaniechał skrajnie pozytywnego i negatywnego wartościowania siebie i swoich oponentów politycznych. Do dyskursywnej autolegitymizacji w systemie politycznym wykorzystał mity teofanijny, boskiego mesistesu i katechonu. Do delegitymizacji rządzących podmiotów politycznych zastosował mity demonizujący i antychrysta. Obraz powstania ruchu był wyrazem poczucia konieczności powstania i działania dobrego katechonu, który powstrzyma antychrysta przed zniszczeniem systemu demokratycznego w Polsce i przyczyni się do ochrony i zachowania jego konstytutywnych wartości.

In 2014, the university reform law N ° 30220 was approved by the Congress of the Republic of Peru; in a convulsed context of opposition to the new supra-institutional parameters, which the university power groups believed, violated their autonomy. The Villarrealino student movement, with its limitations and tensions, assumed leadership in the capital during this period. Under a structure of liberalization of the educational market and demobilization inherited from the nineties, we ask ourselves: what scope and limitations did the collective action of the student movement in Villarreal present during the years 2013 to 2016? The objective of this article then will be to approximate and determine it. For this work we apply participant research and retrospective systematization of the facts as research methods; in order to reconstruct the experience and guide interventions of the movement. For this we have analyzed written and oral sources of the students and graduates involved. On the other hand, this is an essay to analyze the nuances between the various theoretical approaches of social movements, as eventually contradictory paths, applied to this case and focused on immersing oneself in the political subjectivity of those who seek change. This process of gradual conquests of the students should serve to redirect their efforts towards the university government with the same tenacity that they have destined for the grassroots organization with the ultimate aim of breaking the hegemony of the hidden party interests made visible in times of crisis; promoting legislative initiatives and providing them with mechanisms of greater democratic scope. ; En 2014, la ley de reforma universitaria N° 30220 era aprobada por el Congreso de la República de Perú; en un contexto convulsionado de oposición a los nuevos parámetros suprainstitucionales, que los grupos de poder universitarios creían, vulneraban su autonomía. El movimiento estudiantil villarrealino, con sus limitaciones y tensiones, asume el liderazgo en la capital durante este periodo. Bajo una estructura de liberalización del mercado educativo y desmovilización heredada de los años noventa es que nos preguntamos ¿Qué alcances y limitaciones presentó la acción colectiva del movimiento estudiantil en Villarreal durante los años 2013 al 2016? El objetivo de este artículo entonces será aproximarnos y determinarlo. Para este trabajo aplicamos la investigación participante y la sistematización retrospectiva de los hechos como métodos de investigación; con el fin de reconstruir la experiencia y orientar intervenciones del movimiento. Para ello hemos analizado fuentes escritas y orales de los estudiantes y egresados involucrados. Por otro lado, este es un ensayo por analizar los matices entre los diversos enfoques teóricos de los movimientos sociales, como vías eventualmente contradictorias, aplicada a este caso y enfocado en sumergirse en la subjetividad política de quienes buscan el cambio. Este proceso de conquistas paulatinas de los estudiantes debieran servir para redirigir sus esfuerzos hacia el gobierno universitario con la misma tenacidad que han destinado para la organización de base con el fin último de quebrar la hegemonía de los intereses partidarios ocultos visibilizados en tiempo de crisis; promoviendo iniciativas legislativas y dotándolas de mecanismos de mayor alcance democrático. ; Em 2014, a lei de reforma universitária nº 30220 foi aprovada pelo Congresso da República do Peru; em um contexto convulsivo de oposição aos novos parâmetros supra-institucionais, que os grupos de poder universitário acreditavam, violaram sua autonomia. O movimento estudantil Villarreal, com suas limitações e tensões, assumiu a liderança na capital durante este período. Sob uma estrutura de liberalização e desmobilização do mercado educacional herdada dos anos 90, nos perguntamos que escopo e limitações a ação coletiva do movimento estudantil em Villarreal apresentou durante os anos 2013 a 2016? O objetivo deste artigo será, então, abordar e determinar isto. Para este trabalho, aplicamos a pesquisa participativa e a sistematização retrospectiva dos fatos como métodos de pesquisa; a fim de reconstruir a experiência e orientar as intervenções do movimento. Para este fim, analisamos fontes escritas e orais dos estudantes e graduados envolvidos. Por outro lado, este é um ensaio para analisar as nuances entre as diversas abordagens teóricas dos movimentos sociais, como caminhos eventualmente contraditórios, aplicados a este caso e centrados na imersão na subjetividade política daqueles que buscam a mudança. Este processo de conquistas graduais dos estudantes deve servir para redirecionar seus esforços para o governo universitário com a mesma tenacidade que dedicaram à organização de base com o objetivo final de quebrar a hegemonia de interesses partidários ocultos tornados visíveis em tempos de crise; promover iniciativas legislativas e dotá-los de mecanismos de maior alcance democrático.

In 2014, the university reform law N ° 30220 was approved by the Congress of the Republic of Peru; in a convulsed context of opposition to the new supra-institutional parameters, which the university power groups believed, violated their autonomy. The Villarrealino student movement, with its limitations and tensions, assumed leadership in the capital during this period. Under a structure of liberalization of the educational market and demobilization inherited from the nineties, we ask ourselves: what scope and limitations did the collective action of the student movement in Villarreal present during the years 2013 to 2016? The objective of this article then will be to approximate and determine it. For this work we apply participant research and retrospective systematization of the facts as research methods; in order to reconstruct the experience and guide interventions of the movement. For this we have analyzed written and oral sources of the students and graduates involved. On the other hand, this is an essay to analyze the nuances between the various theoretical approaches of social movements, as eventually contradictory paths, applied to this case and focused on immersing oneself in the political subjectivity of those who seek change. This process of gradual conquests of the students should serve to redirect their efforts towards the university government with the same tenacity that they have destined for the grassroots organization with the ultimate aim of breaking the hegemony of the hidden party interests made visible in times of crisis; promoting legislative initiatives and providing them with mechanisms of greater democratic scope. ; En 2014, la ley de reforma universitaria N° 30220 era aprobada por el Congreso de la República de Perú; en un contexto convulsionado de oposición a los nuevos parámetros suprainstitucionales, que los grupos de poder universitarios creían, vulneraban su autonomía. El movimiento estudiantil villarrealino, con sus limitaciones y tensiones, asume el liderazgo en la capital durante este periodo. Bajo una estructura de liberalización del mercado educativo y desmovilización heredada de los años noventa es que nos preguntamos ¿Qué alcances y limitaciones presentó la acción colectiva del movimiento estudiantil en Villarreal durante los años 2013 al 2016? El objetivo de este artículo entonces será aproximarnos y determinarlo. Para este trabajo aplicamos la investigación participante y la sistematización retrospectiva de los hechos como métodos de investigación; con el fin de reconstruir la experiencia y orientar intervenciones del movimiento. Para ello hemos analizado fuentes escritas y orales de los estudiantes y egresados involucrados. Por otro lado, este es un ensayo por analizar los matices entre los diversos enfoques teóricos de los movimientos sociales, como vías eventualmente contradictorias, aplicada a este caso y enfocado en sumergirse en la subjetividad política de quienes buscan el cambio. Este proceso de conquistas paulatinas de los estudiantes debieran servir para redirigir sus esfuerzos hacia el gobierno universitario con la misma tenacidad que han destinado para la organización de base con el fin último de quebrar la hegemonía de los intereses partidarios ocultos visibilizados en tiempo de crisis; promoviendo iniciativas legislativas y dotándolas de mecanismos de mayor alcance democrático. ; Em 2014, a lei de reforma universitária nº 30220 foi aprovada pelo Congresso da República do Peru; em um contexto convulsivo de oposição aos novos parâmetros supra-institucionais, que os grupos de poder universitário acreditavam, violaram sua autonomia. O movimento estudantil Villarreal, com suas limitações e tensões, assumiu a liderança na capital durante este período. Sob uma estrutura de liberalização e desmobilização do mercado educacional herdada dos anos 90, nos perguntamos que escopo e limitações a ação coletiva do movimento estudantil em Villarreal apresentou durante os anos 2013 a 2016? O objetivo deste artigo será, então, abordar e determinar isto. Para este trabalho, aplicamos a pesquisa participativa e a sistematização retrospectiva dos fatos como métodos de pesquisa; a fim de reconstruir a experiência e orientar as intervenções do movimento. Para este fim, analisamos fontes escritas e orais dos estudantes e graduados envolvidos. Por outro lado, este é um ensaio para analisar as nuances entre as diversas abordagens teóricas dos movimentos sociais, como caminhos eventualmente contraditórios, aplicados a este caso e centrados na imersão na subjetividade política daqueles que buscam a mudança. Este processo de conquistas graduais dos estudantes deve servir para redirecionar seus esforços para o governo universitário com a mesma tenacidade que dedicaram à organização de base com o objetivo final de quebrar a hegemonia de interesses partidários ocultos tornados visíveis em tempos de crise; promover iniciativas legislativas e dotá-los de mecanismos de maior alcance democrático.

In the last two decades, international delegitimization of Israel has become a new mode of operation for those denying Israel's right to exist. It encompasses a wide range of civil-society and grassroots organizations. The campaign attempts to imitate the logic of the struggle against the South African apartheid regime - hence to undermine Israel's inter­national legitimacy in a manner that would lead to its isolation and even­tually cause it to collapse. In its current phase, the campaign functions as a long-term effort to grad­ually change the discourse and mindset of Israel's critics in the West. Its main goal is to mainstream delegitimization - hence to reposition anti-Zionism from the radical margins into the mainstream of Western liberal-progressive circles, with specific emphasis on critics of Israel's policies. A key strategy to mainstream delegitimization is to blur the differences between criticism of Israeli policy and challenges to Israel's basic legiti­macy. This includes efforts to turn items of the delegitimization agenda into an integral part of the political debate about Israel. As a result, many critics of Israel's policies end up supporting efforts that are led by the delegitimization campaign. The discussion in the West on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is gradually developing into a dichotomous encounter between supporting Israel and its policies unquestioningly or supporting anti-Zionism. The international delegitimization campaign negates two core principles of European foreign policy. First, it stands in direct contradiction to Europe's core commitment to Israel's right to exist. Second, it promotes rejectionism in Palestinian society as an alternative paradigm to the long-standing European approach of negotiated solution with Israel. The key to confronting delegitimization while providing latitude for criti­cism is the application of constructive differentiation between criticism of Israel and delegitimization. Critics of Israel should apply responsibility in discourse and action by addressing both their associative context and organizational affiliations with these campaigns of criticism. European civil-society and political actors should differentiate between different types of critics and adjust their engagement policy accordingly. (author's abstract)

Was bringt Menschen dazu, sich einer gesundheitsemanzipatorischen Basisbewegung anzuschließen, die sich mit Machstrukturen im Staat und im Gesundheitswesen konfrontieren muss? Welche Konflikte begleiten die Betroffenen und welche sind die Momente, die zu systemkritischem Empowerment verhelfen? Die lateinamerikanische Mamá Cultiva Bewegung und die Fundación Daya in Chile betreuen PatientInnen und Eltern schwer kranker Kinder, indem sie ihnen Unterstützung zur Selbstherstellung und Anwendung der Cannabismedizin bieten. In dieser Arbeit werden das Wirken und die Herausforderungen der Organisationen und der betroffenen Menschen in einer Dichten Beschreibung zu menschenrechtlichen und care-ethischen Themen in Bezug gesetzt. Feldforschungen, Interviews mit Betroffenen, ÄrztInnen und TherapeutInnen sowie Literaturrecherchen in globalen Datenbanken und vor Ort in Uruguay, Chile und Ecuador bilden die Grundlage für die Forschungsarbeit. Die aktuelle Medizin und das so organisierte Gesundheitswesen sind historisch von einem gewaltvollen Weg des Ausschlusses abweichender Wissensformen geprägt. Die Geschichte zur Cannabispflanze, die die Menschheit seit Jahrtausenden mit ihren medizinischen Eigenschaften begleitet, ist nur ein Beispiel, wie stark ökonomische und politische Machtverhältnisse Gesundheitsfragen bestimmen. Diese epistemische Gewalt in der hegemonialen Medizin, die auf dem obsoleten mechanischen Menschenbild beruht, impliziert eine Reihe von Gewaltformen, die durch diese monokulturelle und mechanische Sichtweise von Gesundheit, Krankheit, Heilung und dem Sterben bedingt sind. Diese Gewalt erfahren auch Betroffene und Mitwirkende der beforschen Organisationen. Eine der Folgen sind konfliktbesetzte Arzt-Patienten-Beziehungen, die in der Ausbildung mit neuen Ansätzen zum Ärztlichen Humanismus verbessert werden können. Das Menschenrecht auf Gesundheit und weitere menschenrechtliche Grundlagen untermauern die Notwendigkeit der Transformation der Medizin hin zu einer Integrativen Medizin, in der die herrschende konventionelle Medizin, sowie alternative, komplementäre und traditionelle Medizinen gleichwertig miteinander den Hilfesuchenden zur Verfügung stehen und die den Menschen in seiner Ganzheit wahrnimmt. Eine Care-Revolution, die auf den Werten der Solidarität und des Mitgefühls beruht, in der Entscheidungen immer unter Miteinbeziehung der Betroffenen gefällt werden, ist auch für das Gesundheitssystem unumgänglich, wenn wir die Menschenrechte als Grundlage für unser Handeln und Zusammenleben ernst nehmen. ; What makes people join an emancipatory grassroots health movement that has to confront public power structures in the State and the health system? What conflicts do people face and what are the supporting moments that help to achieve system-critical empowerment? The Latin American Mamá Cultiva movement and the Fundación Daya in Chile care for patients and parents of seriously ill children by offering them support for self-production and use of cannabis medicine. This research project investigates the work and challenges of organisations and concerned people and relates these topics to human rights and care ethics issues in a Thick Description. Field research, interviews with involved people, medical doctors, and therapists as well as literature research in global databases and in Uruguay, Chile and Ecuador are the basis for this research work. Current prevailing medicine and the health care system has historically been marked by a violent path of exclusion of divergent forms of knowledge. The history of the cannabis plant, which has accompanied humanity for thousands of years with its medical properties, is just one example of how strongly economic and political power relations determine health issues. This epistemic violence in hegemonic medicine, which is based on the obsolete vision of humans as a machine, implies a variety of forms of violence caused by this monocultural and mechanical view of health, illness, healing and dying. People involved as well as contributors of the researched organisations are suffering these kinds of violence. One of the consequences is a conflictual doctor-patient relationship, which can be improved in trainings with new approaches to medical humanism. The human right to health and other human rights demand transformation of actual medicine towards an Integrative Medicine in which the current conventional medicine, as well as alternative, complementary, and traditional medicine, are equally available to those seeking help and which perceives people in their entirety. A Care-Revolution based on the values of solidarity and compassion, in which decision-making always involves those who are affected, is also inevitable for the health system if we take human rights seriously as the basis for acting and living together. ; Arbeit an der Bibliothek noch nicht eingelangt - Daten nicht geprüft ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Masterarbeit Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz 2022

In this dissertation, I analyze understandings and employment of the idea that 'the personal is political' and how it appears in feminist politico-theoretical thought and activism in the period from the late 1960s until the middle of 1990s. My focus is primarily on the uses of personal stories in activism at the intersections of politics and legal discourse. The period in question is characterized by an evolving global feminist movement that gradually turned towards the framework of human rights. I explore two events that took place on either side of the human rights turn. These events are two international People's Tribunals and their respective theoretical and historical contexts. The two tribunals were outspoken feminist initiatives, one held in Brussels in 1976 and the other in Vienna in 1993. They were organized by different actors at different historical moments who nevertheless identified themselves as being participants in a common international or global women's movement. Their common denominator was both the choice of the form of a people's tribunal and their aim of transcending national borders. Yet, their frameworks and language differ significantly. The first tribunal, Crimes against Women, held in Brussels in 1976, was planned as a radical feminist grassroots event, an upfront and critical response in opposition to the United Nations Conference on Women held in Mexico in 1975. In Brussels, feminist consciousness raising was fused with the method of a people's tribunal to contribute to the creation of a transnational feminist political subject. Testimonies included personal stories of oppression and sexual violence, and they were meant to educate and motivate the women themselves in their struggle. There were no judges involved in the 'trial' procedures because the organizers and participants claimed that women had had enough of being judged by a patriarchal society. The event was for women only and no media were allowed to attend. Inspired by the tribunal in Brussels, the Vienna Tribunal on Women's Human Rights, however, was planned in relation to the UN's Conference on Human Rights in 1993, with the conceptual framework "Women's Rights are Human Rights." Testimonies were now directed outwardly, and strategically-selected judges commented and promised to offer support for the campaign to include gender-based violence in the human rights framework. My analytical focus is on three interrelated and overarching threads. Firstly, I identify ideas about politics found in the tribunal texts and the theoretical contexts that I place them in. Secondly, I trace the genealogy of violence against women as an international political issue. This converges with the history of transnational feminist activism, the rise of the human rights discourse and the search for common denominators. Thirdly, I look at the affective dimensions of the personal story as a political mobilizer. I argue that they change significantly according to historical, institutional and theoretical (ideological) context. Although the strategy of using personal testimonies might at first sight seem to be the greatest similarity that links the two events, the 'method' underwent some significant changes. I argue that the focus in Brussels was on creating a 'counter-public', to cultivate the participant's own political emotions, notably righteous anger and to forge transnational feminist consciousness and solidarity, whereas, in Vienna, the framework had a more strategic character, as the individual stories were aimed at personalizing the political and motivating the empathy or compassion of an audience.

In this dissertation, I analyze understandings and employment of the idea that 'the personal is political' and how it appears in feminist politico-theoretical thought and activism in the period from the late 1960s until the middle of 1990s. My focus is primarily on the uses of personal stories in activism at the intersections of politics and legal discourse. The period in question is characterized by an evolving global feminist movement that gradually turned towards the framework of human rights. I explore two events that took place on either side of the human rights turn. These events are two international People's Tribunals and their respective theoretical and historical contexts. The two tribunals were outspoken feminist initiatives, one held in Brussels in 1976 and the other in Vienna in 1993. They were organized by different actors at different historical moments who nevertheless identified themselves as being participants in a common international or global women's movement. Their common denominator was both the choice of the form of a people's tribunal and their aim of transcending national borders. Yet, their frameworks and language differ significantly. The first tribunal, Crimes against Women, held in Brussels in 1976, was planned as a radical feminist grassroots event, an upfront and critical response in opposition to the United Nations Conference on Women held in Mexico in 1975. In Brussels, feminist consciousness raising was fused with the method of a people's tribunal to contribute to the creation of a transnational feminist political subject. Testimonies included personal stories of oppression and sexual violence, and they were meant to educate and motivate the women themselves in their struggle. There were no judges involved in the 'trial' procedures because the organizers and participants claimed that women had had enough of being judged by a patriarchal society. The event was for women only and no media were allowed to attend. Inspired by the tribunal in Brussels, the Vienna Tribunal on Women's Human Rights, however, was planned in relation to the UN's Conference on Human Rights in 1993, with the conceptual framework "Women's Rights are Human Rights." Testimonies were now directed outwardly, and strategically-selected judges commented and promised to offer support for the campaign to include gender-based violence in the human rights framework. My analytical focus is on three interrelated and overarching threads. Firstly, I identify ideas about politics found in the tribunal texts and the theoretical contexts that I place them in. Secondly, I trace the genealogy of violence against women as an international political issue. This converges with the history of transnational feminist activism, the rise of the human rights discourse and the search for common denominators. Thirdly, I look at the affective dimensions of the personal story as a political mobilizer. I argue that they change significantly according to historical, institutional and theoretical (ideological) context. Although the strategy of using personal testimonies might at first sight seem to be the greatest similarity that links the two events, the 'method' underwent some significant changes. I argue that the focus in Brussels was on creating a 'counter-public', to cultivate the participant's own political emotions, notably righteous anger and to forge transnational feminist consciousness and solidarity, whereas, in Vienna, the framework had a more strategic character, as the individual stories were aimed at personalizing the political and motivating the empathy or compassion of an audience.

El presente trabajo presenta algunas reflexiones (desde una perspectiva sociológica centrada en el cuerpo y las emociones) sobre la vivencialidad corporal y emocional de jóvenes de sectores populares afectados por diversas formas de represión policial y segregación urbana en la ciudad de Villa María (provincia de Córdoba, Argentina). En una primera parte se describen las principales características de la temática vinculada al binomio seguridad/inseguridad en nuestro país al hacer especial foco en la provincia de Córdoba y la ciudad de Villa María. Posteriormente, se resumen las nociones de cuerpo piel, cuerpo movimiento y cuerpo imagen, a fin de explicar su productividad para comprender (a través de la lectura de datos recogidos en entrevistas con jóvenes de sectores populares víctimas de represión policial) las marcas corporales que se vinculan con la posibilidad de circular en ciertos espacios, las estructuras sociales y las políticas públicas de seguridad/represión. Los datos son presentados en un recorte que permite entender el modo en que determinadas formas de represión y políticas judiciales/policiales afectan las biografías de los jóvenes y su relación con los entornos (cada vez más hostiles) en los que se desenvuelven. Finalmente, se sostiene que las políticas de seguridad intensifican la desconfianza sobre el otro de clase, especialmente el joven-varón y pobre, alrededor de una configuración corporal donde la construcción de una imagen para el otro; la estigmatización y la sensibilidad represiva; y las imposibilidades de movimiento se arraigan en condiciones estructurales encarnadas y prácticas de represión que para los jóvenes son cotidianas. ; This paper aims to present some thoughts (from a sociological perspective centered on the body and emotions) of the experiencing of the body and emotions of young popular sectors affected by forms of police repression and urban segregation in the Villa Maria city (province Córdoba, Argentina). The first part describes the main features of the security/insecurity issue in our country, with particular focus on the Cordoba province and the Villa Maria city. Subsequently we summarize notions of «body-skin», «body-image» and «body-movement», explaining their productivity to understand (through the reading of data collected in interviews with grassroots young victims of police repression) the body marks that are linked with the possibility of circulating in certain spaces, social structures and state politics of security/repression. The data are presented in a cut that allows us to understand how certain forms of political repression and judicial practices affect the biographies of young people and their relationship with (increasingly hostile) environments in which they live. Finally, it is argued that security policies intensify the distrust on the «Other of class» (especially the young- male-poor) in connection with one process where the construction of an image to another; stigma and repressive sensitivity, and the impossibilities of movement; are rooted in structural conditions and repressive practices that the young-male-poor live every day. ; Fil: Aimar, Lucas Alberto. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudio Sobre Cultura y Sociedad; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba; Argentina ; Fil: Peano, Alejandra del Valle. Grupo de Estudios sobre Subjetividades y Conflictos; Argentina

Punaisen sävyt: Sosialismin poliittisen kielen evoluutio 1800-luvulta vuoden 1918 sisällissotaan Väitöskirja tutkii suomalaista sosialismia poliittisena kielenä 1800-luvulta vuoden 1918 sisällissotaan saakka. Sosialistisia liikkeitä syntyi kaikkialle Eurooppaan tänä aikajaksona, mutta Suomen suuriruhtinaskunnan sosialistinen puolue kohosi maailman suurimmaksi. Tutkimuksen tavoitteena on tutkia tämän voimakkaan poliittisen kielen sisäistä rikkautta. Tutkimuskysymykset keskittyvät sosialismin ideologiseen evoluutioon kolmella eri tasolla: (1) kuinka sosialismi muuttuu pitkällä aikavälillä, (2) mikä yhdistää ja erottaa työväenliikkeen johdon ja kentän sosialismia ja (3) miten sosialismi kytkeytyy muihin moderneihin poliittisiin kieliin Suomessa? Kysymyksiin vastataan lähi- ja etälukemalla sekä painettuja että käsinkirjoitettuja työväenlehtiä eri puolelta Suomea. Valinnoilla halusin laajentaa aatehistorian lähteitä laadullisesti huippuajattelijoista ruohonjuuritason toimijoihin ja määrällisesti niin suuriin aineistoihin, että niitä on mahdotonta ottaa haltuun historiantutkimuksen perinteisillä menetelmillä. Työssä esitellään yksinkertaisia laskennallisia menetelmiä korpuslingvistiikasta (suhteelliset sanafrekvenssit aikaa myöten, kollokaatiot ja avainsanat), jotka rikastuttavat laadullista analyysia. Painettujen lehtien analyysi paljasti, että sosialismin perustarina pysyi samanlaisena, vaikka käsitteellinen profiili muuttui huomattavasti ajan mittaan. Sosialismin pysyvä tarina jakoi ihmiset kahteen kollektiivisingulaarin talouden pohjalta ("köyhälistö" ja "porvaristo"), maksimoi kurjuuden tapahtumaympäristössä ja selitti päähenkilöiden ja ympäristön välisen suhteen yksiulotteisen kausaliteetin avulla: "järjestelmä" aiheutti kaikki negatiiviset tapahtumat. Sosialismin kieli ei kuitenkaan ollut omalakinen kokonaisuus vaan muuttui myös vuorovaikutuksessa yhteiskunnan kanssa. Työväenlehdistön alkuvaiheessa 1890-luvun puolivälissä liberalismin kaanonista lainatut käsitteet ohjasivat poliittista ajattelua ("tasa-arvoisuus", "äänioikeus", "kansalainen"), kun taas 1900-luvun vaihteessa huomio suuntautui konservatiivisen kielen haltuunottoon ("uskonto", "isänmaa"), sillä voimakkaimmat hyökkäykset sosialismia vastaan hyödynsivät kristillisiä ja nationalistisia käsitteitä. Vuoden 1905 suurlakko teki sosialismin poliittisesta kielestä käsitteellisesti itsenäisemmän suhteessa sen kilpailijoihin. Vallankumousaika 1917–1918 ei tuonut uusia käsitteitä sosialismin kieleen vaan lähinnä voimisti sen äärimmäisiä piirteitä. Aggressio vastustajia kohtaan oli ollut lehdistössä näkyvää viimeistään suurlakosta alkaen, pettymys uudistettuun mutta toimimattomaan parlamentaariseen demokratiaan yleistyi jo eduskunnan ensi vuosina ja ajatus siitä, että nimenomaan keinottelu oli pääsyy köyhälistön kurjuuteen, vakiintui ensimmäisen maailmansodan aikana. Sosialismin diakroninen muutos oli helpompi hahmottaa painetussa sanassa kuin käsinkirjoitetuissa lehdissä. Työväenliikkeen huipun sisäiset kiistat eivät herättäneet suuria aatteellisia intohimoja politiikan ruohonjuuritasolla. Työläiset loivat omilla kirjoituksillaan sosialismin kielen, joka sopi paikallisiin olosuhteisiin. Kyse ei ollut kuitenkaan siitä, että työväenliikkeen kenttä ja johto olisivat muodostaneet kaksi erilaista ja toisistaan irrallista ideologista maailmaa, kuten on joskus esitetty aiemmassa tutkimuksessa. Jako tunteellisen kentän ja valistuneen johdon välillä näyttää epäuskottavalta käsinkirjoitettujen lehtien perusteella, sillä vaikka niissä ilmenevä poliittinen viha voi vaikuttaa pinnalta katsoen "autenttiselta", tarkempi analyysi paljasti, että työläiset käsitteellistivät vihaansa kopioimalla viestejä suoraan painetusta sanasta. Vertailussa ideologisiin kilpailijoihinsa sosialismi, mukaan lukien sen kenttätason variantit, sijoittuu Suomen modernien poliittisten kielten puuhun. Sosialismin tarjoamat kausaaliset selitykset voidaan lukea konservatiivisen kristillisyyden vastakohtana, sillä ne pyrkivät laajentamaan ihmisjärjellä ymmärrettävää maailmaa jumalaisen mysteerin kustannuksella. Sosialismin kieltä voidaan ajatella myös 1800-luvun nationalistisen projektin jatkeena siinä mielessä, että fennomaanit olivat opettaneet rahvasta kuvittelemaan suomalaisia kansalaisia ja vieraita sortajia paikallisyhteisöjen ulkopuolella. Pitkällä aikavälillä politiikan alkeiden opetus kostautui, sillä sosialistit pystyivät hyödyntämään fennomaanista käsitejärjestelmää pienin muutoksin: esimerkiksi muuttamalla kansallisen tietoisuuden luokkatietoisuudeksi, kielellisen sorron taloudelliseksi sorroksi ja suomenkielisen kansan enemmistön työtätekevän kansan enemmistöksi. Aikakäsitykseltään sosialismi muistutti liberalismia horjumattomassa uskossaan edistykseen, mutta sosialistinen temporaliteetti erosi kilpailijastaan määrittelemällä odotetun ja havaitun maailman välisen suhteen uusiksi: mitä suuremmat odotukset tulevaisuuteen kohdistettiin, sitä kriittisemmiksi havainnot "nykyisestä järjestelmästä" muodostuivat. Sosialismin kielen voimakas kausaliteetti, spatiaalisen mielikuvituksen laajentaminen ja temporaliteetin kiihdyttäminen tekevätkin siitä kenties kaikkein "moderneimman" poliittisen kielen Suomen suuriruhtinaskunnassa ennen sisällissotaa. Tutkimus on osoittanut, että modernien poliittisten kielten laajuuden ja syvyyden ymmärtäminen vaatii lähilukemisen rinnalle myös makroskooppisia menetelmiä, jotka ohjaavat tutkijan katseen ainutlaatuisesta yleiseen ja poikkeuksellisesta toistuvaan. ; The thesis studies the political language of Finnish socialism from the nineteenth century until the Civil War of 1918. Socialist movements sprang up throughout Europe during this phase, but the largest socialist party emerged in the Grand Duchy of Finland. The research objective is to understand the ideological complexity of the most powerful political language of its era. The main research questions focus on the evolutionary characteristics of socialism: (1) how does it change over time (2) what are the ideological similarities and differences between the top and the bottom of the labour movement and (3) how does socialism relate to other political languages of Finnish modernity? The questions are answered by reading handwritten and printed newspapers manually and computationally. The selected sources extend the scope of the history of ideas qualitatively from the elite thinkers to the common people and quantitatively to datasets so vast that they elude mere human cognition. Methodologically, the thesis introduces simple computational tools from corpus linguistics (word frequencies over time, collocations and keyness analysis) to a field traditionally dominated by qualitative approaches. The analysis of digitized labour newspapers showed that the macro-narrative of socialism remained relatively stable, whereas its conceptual profile changed considerably over time. The socialist narrative divided the population into two collective singulars based on economics, maximized the misery in the narrative setting and explained the relation between the characters and the setting with one-dimensional causality: it was the "system" that dictated the flow of events. The political language of socialism was not autonomous but evolved in accordance with its complex societal environment. The first phase in the mid-1890s was dominated by many conceptual loans from European liberalism, whereas the turn of the twentieth century shifted the focus towards the conservative canon. The General Strike of 1905 made the political language of socialism more independent in relation to its competitors. Nothing fundamentally new was invented during the revolutionary era of 1917–1918, which highlighted the extreme features of Finnish socialism such as aggression towards political opponents present since the General Strike, disappointment with the reformed but dysfunctional parliament and the idea of profiteering as the primary cause of the proletarian misery publicized during the First World War. Based on the handwritten newspapers, diachronic evolution was not as clear at the grassroots of the labour movement, and ideological disputes that were considered important at the top of the labour movement had little relevance. The working people contributing to the papers constructed a political language of socialism suitable for their local environment. Nevertheless, careful close readings indicated that the stark contrast between enlightened socialism at the top and emotional socialism at the bottom of the labour movement is a product of scholarly imagination: many grassroots conceptualizations of political hatred that may appear superficially "authentic" were actually copied from the printed word. Comparing the political language of socialism to its ideological rivals brought to light that Finnish socialism, including its rank-and-file adaptation, formed one branch in the great tree of modern political languages. Its obsessive causality can be read as the opposite of conservative Christianity, for it sought to extend the realm of the known at the expense of the divine mystery. Its spatial expansion of proletarian imagination can be seen as a continuation of the nationalist project from the nineteenth century, for the Fennoman nationalists had taught the common people to imagine fellow citizens and oppressors outside the local community. From the conceptual perspective, the nationalist introduction to politics backfired in the long term; the conceptual system of Fennoman nationalism could be mobilized in the service of socialism with slight modifications, e.g. changing national awareness to class consciousness, linguistic oppression to economic oppression and the majority of the Finnish-speaking people to the majority of the working people. Socialism resembled liberalism in its unquestioning faith in progress, but the socialist temporality redefined the relation between the expected and the observed: the higher the expectations of the future were loaded, the more critical the observations on the nature of the contemporary reality became. Its excessive causality, spatiality and temporality perhaps make socialism the most "modern" variant of Finnish modernity. Shades of Red has shown that in order to tame the breadth and depth inherent in any modern political language, macroscopic approaches that shift the scholarly focus from the isolated to the general and from the extraordinary to the repeated are needed.

Chapter 1: New Directions in Kashmir Studies: Unsettling State Power, Military Violence, and Border Regimes Across Kashmir -- Part I: The Princely State and the End of Empire -- Chapter 2: Locating Jammu and Kashmir -- Chapter 3: Locating Azad Kashmir -- Chapter 4: Locating Gilgit-Baltistan -- Part II: Unequal Sovereignties and Contestations for Power Across Kashmir -- Chapter 5: Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan: Politics of Power Sharing and Status Quo -- Chapter 6: Power, Parties and Politics in the Liminal Spaces of Gilgit-Baltistan -- Chapter 7: Peoples' Struggle for Participatory Governance in Gilgit-Baltistan -- Chapter 8: "Democracy": Making Sense of Grassroots Politics in Kashmir -- Chapter 9: From Incorporation to Elimination: Interlocution as an Apparatus of Occupation in Kashmir -- Part III: Kashmir in Transnational Context and International Law from Below -- Chapter 10: International Law and the Kashmir Dispute: A Critical Reflection -- Chapter 11: Critical Interventions: Human Rights and International Justice in Kashmir -- Chapter 12: Creating Archives of Memory: The Landscapes of Human Rights Documentation in Kashmir -- Chapter 13: Grieving Kashmir: Counter-memory, Accountability and A People's Tribunal -- Chapter 14: British Kashmiri Workers: Solidarity Networks and Dreams for "Home" and Freedom -- Part IV: Islam, Embodiment, and the Politics of the Human -- Chapter 15: Looking Beyond "Human": Animal and the Kashmiri Resistance Movement -- Chapter 16: The Logics of Counterinsurgency Education and Resistance in Thirdspace -- Chapter 17: On Kashmiri Men: Disappearance, Nonbeing, Islam -- Chapter 18: Intrusion into the Intimate: Home and the Gendered Anatomy of Crackdowns in Kashmir -- Chapter 19: "Men Had Turned Brutes": Refugees, Recovery, and Rehabilitation Processes in the State of Jammu and Kashmir, 1947-1952 -- Part V: Belonging, Borders, and Contested Sovereignties -- Chapter 20: Humanitarian Internationalism and Funding Relief for Refugees from Jammu and Kashmir in Pakistan, 1947-1951 -- Chapter 21: Sectarianism or Separatism: Iran, Pakistan and the Dynamics of Shia Politics in Kashmir -- Chapter 22: The Blank Space between Nationalisms: Locating the Kashmiri Pandits in Liberal and Hindu Nationalist Politics in Relation to Kashmir and India -- Chapter 23: Making State Space: The Symbolic Reorganization of Borders in the Kashmir Borderland -- Chapter 24: Peace for Kashmir? The (Non-) Politics of "Civilian Peacebuilding" across the Line of Control -- Chapter 25: Ecumenical Voices: Deterritorializing Kashmir -- Part VI: Technology, Power, and Transformative Landscapes -- Chapter 26: Women, Roads and Development: Infrastructures of State-Making in Gilgit-Baltistan -- Chapter 27: The Economic Mal-Development of Jammu and Kashmir: Uncovering the Myth of Lagging Behind -- Chapter 28: An Ecopoetics of Refusal: Crisis Epistemologies and Environmental Violence in Pakistan-administered Kashmir -- Chapter 29: Chinese Infrastructure and the Pakistani Military State in Gilgit Baltistan. .

1. Introduction: Mapping the Global Sports Sphere (Joseph Maguire, Katie Liston and Mark Falcous) -- 2. Globalization and Sport: Reflections and Projections (Alan Tomlinson) -- 3. 'Weaponizing' the Commodity Chain: Sport Anthropology and Globalization (Alan Klein) -- 4. Getting to the Uber-Sport Assemblage (David L. Andrews) -- 5. Sport, Globalization and the Modern World: Zones of Prestige and Established-Outsider Relations (Joseph Maguire) -- 6. The Challenges of Sport and Globalization (David Rowe) -- 7. Globalization or Coloniality? Delinking from the Roving Colonialism of Sport Mega-Events (Heather Sykes) -- 8. China, Sport and Globalization (Susan Brownell) -- 9. Globalization, Ideology, and Sport (Michael D. Giardina, Tarlan Chahardovali and Joshua L. Newman) -- 10. Globalization, Sport and Gender Relations (Katie Liston and Joseph Maguire) -- 11. Transnational Perspectives on Sport, Globalization and Migration (Sine Agergaard) -- 12. Globalization and the Economics of Sport Business (Hans Westerbeek) -- 13. Economic Globalization of the Sports Industry (Wladimir Andreff) -- 14. Financial Fair Play: Problematization in men's professional football (Stephen Morrow) -- 15. Global Mediasport: Contexts, Texts, Effects (Mark Falcous) -- 16. Greening and Cleaning World Football: The Environment, Clientelism And Media Failure (Toby Miller) -- 17. Mediating Contested Narratives of the Globalization of Sport: the case of surfing (Douglas Booth) -- 18. Gianni Infantino and using 'the power of football' to make a troubled globalized world 'a more peaceful place'? (Peter J. Beck) -- 19. Origin and Global Spread of the German Form of Physical Culture: Gymnastics and Turnen (Annette R. Hofmann and Michael Krüger) -- 20. Diasporas in Sport: Networks, Nostalgia and the Nuances of Dwelling (Janelle Joseph) -- 21. Militarized Civic Ritual: Pentagon, Police, and U.S. Professional Football (Kimberly S. Schimmel) -- 22. Globalized Sport and Development from a Commonwealth Perspective (Cora Burnett) -- 23. Voices from the South: Emerging Sport and Development Trends on the Global Policy Agenda (Marion Keim and Christo De Coning) -- 24. Levelling the Playing Field: Investing in Grassroots Sports as the Best Bet for Sustainable Development (Ben Sanders and Jay Coakley) -- 25. The Role of Sport in Refugee Settlement: Definitions, Knowledge Gaps and Future Directions (Ramón Spaaij, Jora Broerse, Sarah Oxford and Carla Luguetti) -- 26. The Paradox of Sport for Development: Evangelism and a Call for Evidence (Fred Coalter) -- 27. Revisiting Sport-for-Development through Rights, Capabilities and Global Citizenship (Simon Darnell, Tavis Smith and Catherine Houston) -- 28. Sport Governance, Democracy and Globalization (Lucie Thibault) -- 29. Ethical Governance and the Olympic Movement (Bruce Kidd) -- 30. Sport, Globalization and Democracy (Grant Jarvie).

Kirsten Forkert talks to Kevin Blowe, campaigns coordinator of Netpol A Starmer-led government is unlikely to deviate from the mainstream-constructed consensus on policing Netpol - the Network for Police Monitoring ‐ is a coalition of organisations that liaise together
on monitoring police activities. Cases it has been involved in include those of Ian Tomlinson and Jean Charles de Menezes. As DPP, Keir Starmer confirmed CPS decisions not to prosecute the police officers concerned in these deaths. Such actions, together with other positions he has adopted,
tell us that Starmer doesn't understand the massive imbalance in power between the individual and the state: when he was in a position to adjudicate on where that balance lies, he always came down on the side of the state. He has little understanding of social movements, seeing change
as happening within committee meetings ‐ as involving discussions amongst people with real power. Labour's criticisms of the Police, Crime, Sentencing, and Courts Act, and the Public Order Act have also been tepid. All this means that a Starmer-led government is unlikely to deviate
from the mainstream-constructed consensus on policing. It is likely to continue to give the police whatever they say they need to deal with a given situation. There may be noises made about the importance of human rights, and, possibly, there will be fewer attacks on judges when there are
legal challenges, and less resort to culture-war rhetoric; and at least Labour won't abolish the Human Rights Act, which means that there will still be a basis for challenging actions that contravene it. But an incoming Labour government is unlikely to provide a greater degree of protection
to people who are vulnerable to overreaching state power. Dealing with policing in communities over many years has not been about asking grand questions about what happens during elections: it has been about finding processes for survival ‐ helping people to develop a sense of power,
the confidence to complain and to organise, to push back against local councillors who are not prepared to challenge the police commander in their area. This often stops people in particular areas from experiencing the same level of oppressive policing as they would without local opposition.
This is why local Copwatch groups are so important. After the election, regardless of who wins, there is still going to be an absolutely essential role for people who do this grassroots work: that???s where you are going to be able to make a difference.

AbstractFrom the end of the 1960s until the outbreak of the Civil War (1975), Lebanon experienced a phase of relatively sustained industrial expansion. Albeit the "boom" did not modify significantly Lebanon's tertiarized economic structure, it was anyway sufficient to create the structural conditions for the emergence of a new militant working-class able to become one of the most relevant contentious actors of its time. This new working class was made primarily of very young and recently urbanized unemployed of rural origin, brutally injected in a crude and hyper-exploitative productive cycle where formal labor unions were, for the most part, absent or scarcely effective. The input for their grassroots, transgressive organization into factory-based Workers' Committees came from the Organization for Communist Action in Lebanon (OACL), i.e. the most important force of the so-called Lebanese New Left, within the framework of a broader process of militant penetration of the "revolutionary classes" produced by the contradictions of Lebanese capitalism. This created the precondition for the Committees to affirm themselves not only as the radical avant-garde of the Lebanese labor movement but also as an integral part of a broader process of contestation of the existing status quo by the subaltern groups emerged from - or activated by - the structural and cultural changes that the country was experiencing. By retrieving the forgotten history of the Workers' Committees, the article wants to examine the forms and the trajectories whereby such a new working class became an integral part of this process. In particular, by adopting a Gramscian methodology, the article will first expose the structural changes in the Lebanese industrial sector in the examined period and their labor implications. Then, it will focus on the dynamics which superseded the Committees' birth and affirmation, reserving particular attention to the role played by the OACL. Finally, it will conclude by examining the impact of their agency on the political developments that the country was experiencing. The paper contends that the emergence and the affirmation of counter-hegemonical and transformative working-class activism on the eve of the Civil War, along with representing a direct by-product of structural stresses and constraints, was significantly debtor also of the new ideological and militant infrastructures that the emergence of an Arab New Left had contributed to popularize and deploy. The paper wants also to intervene in the historiographical debate on the Lebanese Civil War, stressing the importance of both subaltern actors and class phenomena in its outbreak, which have generally been widely disregarded by the dominant understandings of the conflict.