Suchergebnisse

В статье представлен анализ ментальных моделей, формирующих основу зооморфных графических метафор, появившихся в американской карикатуре в течение периода, начавшегося после биржевого краха на Уолл-стрит в «черный вторник» 29 октября 1929 г. Этот период совпал со временем вступления в должность президента-республиканца Г. Гувера. В 1932 г. его сменил Ф. Д. Рузвельт, который повел страну по пути радикального «нового курса». В исследовании использована методология, применявшаяся в работах по метафорическому моделированию, мультимодальной метафоре и доработанная нами с точки зрения возможности более точного анализа языковых данных. В результате анализа архивных источников мы описали основные переносные значения и культурно обусловленные смыслы, участвующие в создании образов американской карикатуры указанного периода. В статье характеризуются метафоры зооморфной тематики с учетом реалий той поры. В частности, описаны образы быка и медведя, овцы, лошади, коровы, свиньи, осла, крокодила, белки, орла, домашних птиц. В область метафорического переноса значения входили образы рядовых граждан США, биржевых игроков, ставящих на повышение или понижение акций, двух президентов и их администраций, государственных проектов, американской экономики. В заключении рассмотренные карикатуры кратко сопоставляются с современными, отображающими экономический кризис 2008 г. Результаты работы вносят вклад в разработку проблем политической метафорологии. Отдельные итоги будут полезны ученым, занимающимся проблемами лингвокультурологического характера. ; The paper investigates mental models which form a basis for graphic (multimodal) metaphors that were connected with the representation of animals in American editions in the time that is traditionally called the Great Depression. This period began when the Stock Market crashed on October 29, 1929. As is known, that was the time of Herbert Hoover's (Republican) unfortunate presidency. In 1932, Franklin Delano Roosevelt was elected, who immediately started "The New Deal" program. The methods of investigation are formed on the basis of conceptual metaphor theory, multimodal metaphor approach. These methods of study have been further changed in the process of the given research so that linguistic data could be analyzed in a more detailed way. As a result the authors have described transferred meanings, pun, decomposition of set-expressions and analyzed images that are deeply rooted in culture. All these form the basis for satire and irony in political cartoons of the given period. The animalistic images of that period included bulls and bears, lambs (sheep), horses, cows, swine, donkeys, crocodiles, squirrels, eagles (interchangeable with falcons) and domestic fowl. Americans of different social strata, brokers, H. Hoover, F. D. Roosevelt, the Congress, the Administration, state programs, and US economy formed the target metaphoric sphere. The causes of the Depression as seen by the American cartoonists of that period are compared with what is happening today in US cartoon as far as economic reduction is concerned. The results of the research in question contribute to the investigations of political metaphors. Some results may also be of interest for scholars whose professional sphere is linked to cross-cultural and linguo-cultural studies.

Nuestro estudio se centra en la obra dramática de Albert Boadella de los primeros años de la compañía Els Joglars. Esta investigación examina el vínculo entre la obra de Albert Boadella, la posición del artista y las determinaciones sociopolíticas. Durante más de tres décadas, de 1962 a 1997, el teatro de Albert Boadella ha estado influido por la historia y cultural de nuestro país. Los cambios estéticos en sus creaciones se deben, en parte, al contexto social y posición ideológica de los distintos gobiernos que se han sucedido en la Dictadura, Transición y Democracia. Planteamos primeramente la relación entre arte y política. Además tenemos en consideración que la obra artística de Albert Boadella supone no ya un reflejo del mundo, sino su descubrimiento. Profundizar en el conocimiento de su obra supone revelar su propia lectura de la realidad y los instrumentos empleados para tal fin. En la segunda parte de nuestro trabajo analizamos el contexto sociopolítico y la evolución estética de las obras. El análisis de la obra atiende a aspectos crítico-creativos, temáticos, históricos y económicos. La metodología empleada es la suma de dos tipos de análisis social: economicista más idealista. La conclusión a la que llegamos sobre este director de escena es que existe una correspondencia entre artista-sociedad-poder y estilo-tema-estética en su obra dramática. Our study is dealing with the dramatic works of Albert Boadella in the early years of Els Joglars company.The investigation is examining the link between Albert Boadella's works, the views of the artist and his sociopolitical believes. For more than three decades, from 1962 to 1997, Albert Boadella theater has been directly influenced by the history and culture of our country. The artistic changes in his creations have partly to do with the social context and ideological position of the different governments that have followed one another from the dictatorship and transition to democracy. Firstly, we must examine the relation between art and politics. Also we should take into account the fact that his works not only reflect what's happening in the world but the way he sees it. Studying his works in detail highlights his concept of reality and his way of conveying it. In the second part of the study, we analyze the sociopolitical context and the artistic development of his works. Analyzing his works delves into a variety of aspects including creative- criticism, themes, history and the economy of the time. The methodology he has used is the sum up of two kinds of analysis: from the perspective of an economist and an idealist of life. We come to the conclusion that there is a direct link between the artist-the society- politics and the style- theme- art when we look at Albert Boadella' s works.

The article deals with the source base of the one of main concepts in modern international relations – the concept of powers by J. Nye. The history of international relations mostly connected with the military power and economic inflence. That changed after World War II. The researchers and experts all over the world began to study culture and cultural ties as a method of inflence in the sphere of foreign affairs. It appeared to be as powerful as «hard power» methods. In the end of 90s in XX century J. Nye developed the concept of «soft power» that combined the cultural inflence, public diplomacy, the power of NGOs and so on. The researcher based his concept on the works of H. Morgenthau, H. Arendt A. Gramsci. So it is important to study the works of these experts to understand the concept of power and its role in modern leaders' politics. It is also important, because the new concept of J. Nye «smart power» combines the methods of both – «soft» and some of «hard power». ; В статье рассматривается ключевая база одного из основных понятий в современных международных отношениях - понятия «силы» Дж. Ная. История международных отношений в основном связана с военной мощью и экономическим влиянием. Все изменилось после Второй мировой войны. Исследователи и эксперты во всем мире стали изучать культуру и культурные связи как метод влияния в сфере международных отношений. Этот метод оказались столь же мощными, как и методы «жесткой силы». В конце 90-х годов XX века в Дж. Най разработал концепцию «мягкой силы», которая объединила культурное влияние, публичную дипломатию, власть НПО и т. д. Исследователь основывал свою концепцию на работах Г. Моргентау, Х. Арендт и А. Грамши. Поэтому важно изучить работы этих специалистов, чтобы понять концепцию власти и ее роль в политике современных лидеров. Это также важно, потому что новая концепция «умной силы» Дж. Ная сочетает в себе методы как «мягкие» так и некоторые из «жесткой силы» ; У статті розглядається джерельна база одного з основних понять в сучасних міжнародних відносинах – поняття «сили» Дж. Ная. Історія міжнародних відносин в основному пов'язана з військовою міццю і економічним впливом. Все змінилося після Другої світової війни. Дослідники і експерти в усьому світі стали вивчати культуру та культурні зв'язки як метод впливу в сфері міжнародних відносин. Ці метод виявилися настільки ж потужними, як і методи «жорсткої сили». В кінці 90-х років XX століття в Дж. Най розробив концепцію «м'якої сили», яка об'єднала культурний вплив, публічну дипломатія, владу НУО і так далі. Дослідник основував свою концепцію на роботах Г. Моргентау, Х. Арендт та А. Грамші. Тому важливо вивчити роботи цих фахівців, щоб зрозуміти концепцію влади і її роль в політиці сучасних лідерів. Це також важливо, тому що нова концепція «розумної сили» Дж. Ная поєднує в собі методи як «м'які» так і деякі з «жорсткої сили»

Corporate social responsibility is a concept where companies voluntarily set guidelines on how to conduct responsible business and how to meet the growing requirements of external stakeholders. Having business operations internationally in multiple regions, multinational companies are subject to more stakeholder pressure than companies that are active in only one market. Responsibilities that are expected to be considered by companies by stakeholders are usually described to be interrelated and include economic, legal, ethical, philanthropic and environmental aspects. This thesis aims to add the internal view of the company to the existing theoretical body of work that mostly consists of reactive solutions to external stakeholder pressure. To gain insight as to how the internal CSR environment differs from the existing theoretical framework, empirical data was acquired by holding semi-structured interviews to three employees that work in CSR related tasks in UPM, the case company chosen for this thesis. The interview data was then analyzed in an effort to provide an oversight into the internal views and values towards CSR within the case company. This study found out that the internal view to CSR in the case company revolves heavily around the interconnected layers of economic, environmental and social responsibilities. By conducting dialogue with various stakeholder groups that have different expectations related to CSR, the case company is able to pursue the optimal position between legal requirements, the stakeholder expectation and the possibilities of the company to meet those expectations. Furthermore, findings show that industry plays a heavy part in what CSR is conducted by a company and that the integration of CSR into corporate strategy is a fundamental part of creating a corporate culture where responsibility is not a separate entity from the business. Additionally, many CSR issues are global in nature and overcoming those requires a tremendous amount of effort from a growing network of companies and stakeholders, whose aim it should be to create requirements to responsibility that do not vary heavily between regions. By using CSR, a company can increase their advantages and reduce their challenges arising from being a multinational company. Integrating CSR into business strategy creates internal advantages. Active stakeholder interaction improves and broadens the networks the company is a part of. Also, conducting responsible business reduces the external pressure the companies are subjected to. The findings of this study could be used to show that further research in the field of CSR needs to be put into the integration of responsibility and business functions, the relationships between a company and its stakeholder groups. The latter especially from the perspective that stakeholder expectations and company possibilities are unlikely to completely match and an optimal solution can be achieved regardless. Lastly, research can be directed towards the growing amount of global issues and the responsibilities placed on them by governments and other regulatory bodies with enforcement capabilities.

The culture of reglating behavior in the defense of human life is as ancient as social interaction itself. Both are necessarily mutually related in order to achieve coexistence, security, and justice, according to the covenants established in each society. In the modern State, the Universal Declaration of the Rights of Man, and the Citizen led to institutionalizing public force to achieve these objectives. In the western world, this operates from the principle of "monopoly of legitimate physical violence" postulated by Weber. This is the political device for the distribution and conservation of power.However, the great transformation, "during the second half of the twentieth century, involving the global economic markets and the system of nation states through daily life and the psychological dynamic of families and individuals," according to David Garland (2005, p. 141) generated a shift in the matters handled by the State, including people's security, tranquility, care for their assets, and elements in the environment that make life possible.In Colombia, the force of law and order predominantly focuses its attention on high-impact crime, and very little on citizen conflicts affecting coexistence. Meanwhile, private surveillance and security have skyrocketed in caring for the integrity and assets of private citizens, through mechanisms and means such as firearms, which had formerly been forthe exclusive use of the members of forces of law and order.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/rpsp.v4i1.1576 ; La cultura del control de los comportamientos en defensa de la vida es tan antigua como la interacción social. Las dos guardan una necesaria relación para lograr la convivencia, la seguridad y la justicia, según los pactos establecidos en cada sociedad. En el Estado moderno la Declaración Universal de los Derechos del Hombre y del Ciudadano motivó la institucionalización de la fuerza pública para el logro de tales objetivos, que para el mundo occidental opera desde el postulado del "monopolio de la violencia física legítima" planteada por Weber y que es el dispositivo político para la distribución y conservación del poder.Pero, las grandes transformaciones "en la segunda mitad del siglo XX, desde los mercados económicos globales y el sistema de los Estados nacionales hasta la vida cotidiana y la dinámica psicológica de las familias y los individuos", según David Garland (2005, p. 141) generó el cambio en los asuntos a cargo del Estado entre ellos la seguridad de las personas, su tranquilidad, el cuidado de sus bienes y de los elementos del entorno que hacen posible la vida.En Colombia, la fuerza pública concentra la atención, predominantemente, en los delitos de alto impacto y muy poco en los conflictos ciudadanos que afectan la convivencia. Mientras tanto, la vigilancia y la seguridad privada crecen vertiginosamente para cuidar la integridad y los bienes de los particulares, a través de mecanismos y medios como las armas, antes de uso exclusivo de los miembros de la seguridad pública.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/rpsp.v4i1.1576

Статья исследует влияние государственной кампании о запрете «пропаганды гомосексуализма» на публичные проявления гомосексуальности. На основе 77 проблемно-ориентированных интервью с представителями ЛГБТ мы реконструируем три наиболее популярных поведенческих реакции (игнорирование, принятие и протест) и объясняем причины их выбора. Мы показываем, что те из респондентов, которые до кампании демонстрировали гомосексуальные отношения на публике, продолжили это делать, несмотря на давление со стороны официальной политики. Кампания заставила ЛГБТ переопределить свою жизненную стратегию в терминах политической борьбы, а не субкультурной идентичности. Респонденты призывают к расширению повестки дня ЛГБТ-движения до «общегражданской» и защите прав всех дискриминируемых групп. Они не отмечают значительного усиления повседневной гомофобии: те группы, на которые была направлена государственная кампания, склонны к дискриминации ЛГБТ до ее начала, а группы, которые занимали нейтральную позицию, получили больше информации о проблемах ЛГБТ. В результате респонденты зафиксировали рост сочувствия к себе в ближайшем социальном окружении. ; The paper explores the response of the LGBT community to the expanding homophobic campaign in Russia. Contrary to state intentions and the expectations of LGBT activists, everyday practices within the LGBT community have not dramatically changed. The majority of our respondents perceive the campaign as a political instrument used to achieve consolidation of votes within the electorate. On the basis of 77 in-depth interviews within the Russian LGBT community, we identifed three main types of reaction to the newly introduced homophobic laws and explain the factors driving these choices. These choices include: "exit" (indifference to the policy); "loyalty" (acceptance of the rules of game) and "voice" (protesting in response). Rather than being determined by social or economic status, the particular type of reaction is prescribed by the level of an individual's integration to an existing LGBT network and the degree of personal independence they enjoy from agents such as the state, partners or parents. Less well-informed respondents, especially those who have grown up in a relatively hostile environment, have not changed their public sexual practices. According to the respondents'descriptions, they learned to behave in a socially acceptable way. This "exit" pattern of behavior is preferred by those respondents who are about 30 years old and have a constant partner. These respondents are resolving their property and family issues without being "visible" to the state. Around a fifth of our respondents considered it necessary to respond actively to government interference in their private life and force the government hear their voice. Integration within everyday institutional environments and political awareness also help respondents to make a distinction between the state's homophobic rhetoric and the general level of homophobia in Russian society. Respondents describe Russian society as largely indifferent rather than actively homophobic. They are sure that being "other" predominantly means to be invisible or to frame your otherness as political choice. Thus, the impact of state homophobia on actual sexual practices in intolerant cultures could be limited by social indifference.

After the global financial crisis in 2008, youths across the world are among the hardest hit social groups, suffering from unemployment and social vulnerability. Riots or protests flared across countries such as the U.K., the U.S., Spain, et cetera. In Hong Kong, the "post-80s" and "post-80s generation" have become buzzwords used to designate the new generation since the anti high-speed rail movement and Choi Yuen Village protests in 2010. Leaving political agendas or positions aside, the generational labels have gained currency in public discourse since the protests. In connection to the debates, sociologist Lui Tai-lok and writer Chan Koon-chung argue that there is an outstanding generational hegemony in post-1997 Hong Kong, through which baby-boomers dominate their successive generations in different ways. How is this hegemony manifested in Hong Kong cinema from the Hong Kong New Wave to the present? This thesis aims to demonstrate how generational hegemony operates together with the so-called masculinity crises represented on Hong Kong screens, through which men with subordinate masculinity, women, youngsters, children, sexual and other minorities are otherized and marginalized in post-1997 Hong Kong cinema. In addition, it explores how the younger generations of Hong Kong filmmakers, especially the post-baby boomers, post-70s and post-80s generations, agree with or differ from their predecessors in renewing or rejecting the generational hegemony in imaging Hong Kong around and after the 10th anniversary of the handover through their precarious emergence. The introductory chapter first discusses the predominance of generational hegemony in post-1997 Hong Kong, tracing it back to the historical formation of Hong Kong society, identity and cinema. Having reinterpreted Hong Kong New Wave classics from a non-baby-boomer perspective, it then stresses the gender and generational specificity of most previous discourses on Hong Kong society, its culture and most importantly its cinema, using The Longest Summer as a representative crystallization of generational and masculine hegemony. Chapter 1 moves on to the post-handover and post-SARS era, using Breaking News and PTU directed by the auteur Johnnie To and his team Milkyway Image to explicate the synergic relation between auteurism, localism, masculinism and generational exceptionalism. Chapter 2 then locates the local and transnational presence of the post-70s and post-80s generations in Hong Kong cinema, illustrating the filmic rapport between them and the baby-boomers with the aid of industrial information and textual analyses of Exodus and Nightfall. Chapter 3 finally makes a case for generational difference by comparing After this Our Exile with High Noon and Glamorous Youth, which all deal with father-son relations in the context of the 10th anniversary of the handover. The three films would be analyzed through the lens of the modern/postmodern divide, the mainland connections, the politics of mundaneness and the representations of queerness. ; published_or_final_version ; Comparative Literature ; Master ; Master of Philosophy

Since 1986, the Gitksan Government Commission (GGC), located in Hazelton, British Columbia, has been providing technical, advisory and support services to their four member Bands (Gitanmaax, Gitanyow, Kispiox, and Sik-e-dakh). They have recently completed the planning phase of an extensive, community-based Comprehensive Community Planning (CCP) project, and are now embarking on its implementation. The practicum requirement, for the University of British Columbia's Indigenous Community Planning (ICP) program (at the School of Community and Regional Planning), provides a unique opportunity for Graduate students to gain hands-on experience with an Indigenous community that is engaged in a planning process. In Fall 2012, we (Lesley Campbell and Kate Kittredge) were invited to support the GGC, both on and off-site over a seven-month period, in their CCP implementation work. Once the GGC identified their implementation priorities, we dove right into the practicum partnership with Sandra Harris, our talented practicum partner. Through the development of the Learning Agreement, we collaboratively defined the objectives, deliverables, scope, principles, and ethics that would guide our work. Our partnership was grounded in a methodology inspired by collaborative planning theory, and was reflective of the GGC's culturally based approach to planning. Together we embarked on 4 Pillars of Planning Action: 1) Practicum Preparation, Intercommunity/Interagency Cooperation and Support; 2) Housing: Community Awareness Raising and Education Initiative; 3) CORE Binders, an Information Management System, Cover Pages, and Indicator Proposal and Work Plan; and 4) Final Presentations. Based on the changing needs of the communities, we regularly adapted timelines and deliverables. The materials we created with them (such as the housing brochures and the Gitksan Indicator Project proposal) will continue to be adapted by them and, will support their 'Next Steps' as they continue with their CCP implementation work, and its ongoing evaluation and monitoring. The GGC is a unique and effective leader. Our practicum with them provided many learning opportunities. For example, we witnessed the centrality of relationships as the GGC continuously adapted to community needs, built capacity, and fostered partnerships among the four member communities. We observed how Gitksan culture and values guide dialogue and support challenging decision-making (specifically around housing arrears), the importance of using a strengths-based approach to ICP, and some comparative differences between mainstream and Indigenous planning. We also experienced the challenges and rewards of working with external partners, and as part of a student team. Supporting the GGC in their CCP implementation provided the opportunity to offer our facilitation, writing and analytical skills while learning about the complexity of ICP, on-Reserve, in a Northern Canadian context. The richness of our practicum experience has helped shape us as emerging Indigenous Community Planners. ; Applied Science, Faculty of ; Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of ; Unreviewed ; Graduate

The fast changes in today's society require to think over the education that is forming children and youth. The warlike conflicts, hunger, inequality, injustice, among many other socioeconomic phenomena only show the change in the scale of values and the supremacy of violence as a response to the conflict. In the Colombian social and political framework, this change is not only necessary but urgent. This change starts with understanding peace as something else than the end of armed conflict, identifying other types of violence that kill silently more people than the same bullets do. This article is part of the Project of Reflection around building peace and citizenship presented by the Center for Studies in Education of the University of Santo Tomas, Bucaramanga to the lectures of Andres Bello Integration - Association of Universities of Latin America and the Caribbean for Integration (AUALCPI). The aim of this article is to point out the need to understand the violence in its complexity by recognizing the contributions of Joan Galtung in studies on violence and peace and making a commitment to peace education as the most suitable way to promote a real change in the process to build otherness. The challenge in our country is to start from education and specifically from school to train supportive, critical but non-violent individuals, and thus contribute to the existence of a culture of peace. ; Los acelerados cambios de la sociedad actual requieren el replanteamiento de la educación con la que se están formando niños, niñas y jóvenes. Los conflictos bélicos, el hambre, la desigualdad, la injusticia, entre otros muchos fenómenos socioeconómicos, solo muestran la alteración en la escala de valores y la primacía de la violencia como respuesta al conflicto. En el marco social y político colombiano este cambio es no solo necesario, sino apremiante. Este cambio empieza por entender la paz como mucho más que el fin del conflicto armado, identificando otras violencias que silenciosamente matan más personas que las mismas balas. Este artículo hace parte de la reflexión alrededor del proyecto Cátedra construcción de paz y ciudadanía presentado por el Centro de Estudios en Educación de la Universidad Santo Tomás - Seccional Bucaramanga a la convocatoria de Cátedras de Integración Andrés Bello – Asociación de Universidades de América Látina y el Caribe para la Integración (AUALCPI) y tiene como objetivo llamar la atención sobre la necesidad de entender la violencia en su complejidad, reconociendo los aportes de Joan Galtung en los estudios sobre violencia y paz y haciendo una apuesta por la educación para la paz como el camino más adecuado para generar cambios verdaderos en la forma en que se construyen la otredad. El reto en nuestro país, es empezar desde la educación y específicamente desde la escuela a formar individuos solidarios, críticos y no violentos y de esta forma contribuir a la existencia de una cultura de paz.

Рассматривается политика Москвы и Брюсселя на Балтике с момента выдвижения Европейским союзом его стратегии в регионе Балтийского моря в июне 2009 г. Для повышения эффективности российской политики в Балтийском регионе Москве необходимо не только развивать двусторонние отношения со странами, входящими в него, но и наладить диалог с ключевым «игроком» — Евросоюзом. * Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет. 199034, Россия, Санкт-Петербург, Университетская набережная, 7—9. Поступила в редакцию 16.09.2013 г. doi:10.5922/2074-9848-2013-4-4 © Сергунин А. А., 2013 По результатам исследования дана характеристика российских национальных интересов в регионе в экономической, военно-политической и гуманитарных областях. Описаны структура, содержание и основные направления реализации балтийской стратегии ЕС в 2009—2013 гг., а также прослежена ее эволюция от почти полного игнорирования российских интересов в регионе до попыток налаживания сотрудничества в сферах, представляющих общий интерес для Брюсселя и Москвы (энергетика, транспортная инфраструктура, экология, наука, образование и культура). Дана оценка итогов российского председательства в Совете государств Балтийского моря (2012—2013 гг.). Отмечается, что России, несмотря на привлекательную программу председательства и отдельные достижения в ходе ее реализации, все же не удалось повлиять на формирование региональной «повестки дня» и использовать СГБМ как эффективную платформу для координации своей балтийской стратегии с аналогичной стратегией ЕС. Проанализированы причины нынешней «пробуксовки» российско-европейского диалога по балтийской проблематике. Выдвинуты предложения по активизации российско-европейского сотрудничества в Балтийском регионе. ; This article examines policies of Moscow and Brussels in the Baltics since the launch of the European Union's Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region in June 2009. An increase in the efficiency of Russia's policy in the region requires not only the development of bilateral relations with the region's countries but also a dialogue with the European Union, the key player in the Baltic. The author identifies Russian economic, military, political, and humanitarian interests in the region, and describes the structure, content, and main areas of the implementation of the EU Baltic strategy in 2009—2013. The article examines the evolution of the Strategy, which initially ignored Russian national interests in the region, yet eventually resulted in cooperative efforts in the areas of common interest such as energy, transport infrastructure, environment, research, education and culture. The results of the Russian presidency of the Council of the Baltic Sea States (2012—2013) are evaluated. It is noted that, despite an appealing presidency strategy and certain achievements in its implementation, Russia was unable to draw up a regional agenda and use the CBSS as an efficient platform for harmonizing its Baltic strategy with that of the EU. The causes of the current deadlock in EU — Russian relations regarding the Baltic are analyzed. The author formulates policy recommendations on fostering Russian-European cooperation in the Baltic Sea region. These recommendations range from the suggestion of joint revisions of mutual conceptual perceptions and strategic goals pursued by the EU and Russia in the Baltic Sea region to more practical measures in the institutional, administrative, and financial fields.

The fast changes in today's society require to think over the education that is forming children and youth. The warlike conflicts, hunger, inequality, injustice, among many other socioeconomic phenomena only show the change in the scale of values and the supremacy of violence as a response to the conflict. In the Colombian social and political framework, this change is not only necessary but urgent. This change starts with understanding peace as something else than the end of armed conflict, identifying other types of violence that kill silently more people than the same bullets do. This article is part of the Project of Reflection around building peace and citizenship presented by the Center for Studies in Education of the University of Santo Tomas, Bucaramanga to the lectures of Andres Bello Integration - Association of Universities of Latin America and the Caribbean for Integration (AUALCPI). The aim of this article is to point out the need to understand the violence in its complexity by recognizing the contributions of Joan Galtung in studies on violence and peace and making a commitment to peace education as the most suitable way to promote a real change in the process to build otherness. The challenge in our country is to start from education and specifically from school to train supportive, critical but non-violent individuals, and thus contribute to the existence of a culture of peace. ; Los acelerados cambios de la sociedad actual requieren el replanteamiento de la educación con la que se están formando niños, niñas y jóvenes. Los conflictos bélicos, el hambre, la desigualdad, la injusticia, entre otros muchos fenómenos socioeconómicos, solo muestran la alteración en la escala de valores y la primacía de la violencia como respuesta al conflicto. En el marco social y político colombiano este cambio es no solo necesario, sino apremiante. Este cambio empieza por entender la paz como mucho más que el fin del conflicto armado, identificando otras violencias que silenciosamente matan más personas que las mismas balas. Este artículo hace parte de la reflexión alrededor del proyecto Cátedra construcción de paz y ciudadanía presentado por el Centro de Estudios en Educación de la Universidad Santo Tomás - Seccional Bucaramanga a la convocatoria de Cátedras de Integración Andrés Bello – Asociación de Universidades de América Látina y el Caribe para la Integración (AUALCPI) y tiene como objetivo llamar la atención sobre la necesidad de entender la violencia en su complejidad, reconociendo los aportes de Joan Galtung en los estudios sobre violencia y paz y haciendo una apuesta por la educación para la paz como el camino más adecuado para generar cambios verdaderos en la forma en que se construyen la otredad. El reto en nuestro país, es empezar desde la educación y específicamente desde la escuela a formar individuos solidarios, críticos y no violentos y de esta forma contribuir a la existencia de una cultura de paz.

In den 1860er Jahren entstand in den USA eine religiös motivierte Abstinenzbewegung, die in Europa um medizinische Argumente erweitert wurde. Gegen Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts bildeten sich in Deutschland Lebensreformbewegungen, die nach neuen Formen u.a. bei Bildung, Kleidung, Ernährung und Kultur suchten. An der Wende vom 19. zum 20. Jahrhundert entstand die deutsche bürgerliche Jugendbewegung, die Elemente der Abstinenz- und der Lebensreformbewegung in sich aufnahm.1920 wurde in Österreich der Abstinenzverein "Deutsche Gemeinschaft für alkoholfreie Kultur" gegründet, der sich auf Elemente der Jugendbewegung berief und sich auf "deutsch-arischer Grundlage stehend" verstand. In der Debatte gegen den Alkoholismus waren Begriffe wie "Heimat", "Vaterland", "Volk" Fahnenwörter, die zur Bekräftigung der Vereinsziele verwendet wurden.Ein wichtiger Teil der Vereinsarbeit war die Jugendarbeit, mit der eine dauerhafte Nähe zur Jugendbewegung gezeigt werden sollte. Mit Wirtschaftskrise und zunehmender politischer Radikalisierung Ende der 1920er Jahre trat ein militanterer Zug in die "Gemeinschaft" ein. Etwa ab 1929 ist eine Annäherung an eine radikale deutsch-nationale Ideologie und die Politikfelder der NSDAP erkennbar. Begriffe wie "Kämpfer", "Kraft" und "Sieg" bestimmten den Diskurs. Zugleich verringerte sich die Zahl der Mitglieder, die Vereinsarbeit wurde ab 1934 fast völlig eingestellt. Zwischen 1938 und 1941 wurden fast alle Ortsgruppen behördlich aufge-löst oder in deutsche Zentralorganisationen in Berlin übergeleitet.Als Quellenmaterial dienten vor allem die Vereinszeitschrift aus den Jahren 1923 bis 1934, Flugblätter und Werbematerial sowie Akten der örtlichen Vereinsbehörden. Die detail-lierte Untersuchung der Vereinsgeschichte endet 1934; einzelne Nachträge (Behördenakten, Archivmaterial) erstrecken sich auf den Zeitraum 1935 bis 1956. ; Between Youth Movement and Temperance Movement.Roots ? common ground ? differentiation ? development illustrated by the example of the history of the ?Deutsche Gemeinschaft für alkoholfreie Kultur?In the 1860ies a temperance movement was born in the United States. Originally based on religious motives, it was expanded by a health perspective in Europe. Simultaneously, lifestyle reform movements occurred in Germany in the following decades, seeking new forms of education, clothing, nutrition and culture. At the turn of the century, the German civil youth movement grew from both currents.The Austrian temperance movement "Deutsche Gemeinschaft für alkoholfreie Kultur" was founded in 1920. It referred to elements of the youth movement and regarded itself as "based on a German-Aryan foundation". Key terms such as "home country", "fatherland" and "folk" emphasised the association objectives and were introduced into the debate against alcoholism. A major part of the activities of the association was youth work, demonstrating a constant closeness to the youth movement. With the emergence of the economic crisis and the rise of political radicalism at the end of the 1920ies the ?Gemeinschaft? became increasingly militant. Around 1929 it showed a discernible convergence to the German- nationalist ideology and the political concepts of the NSDAP. Terms such as "warrior", "power" and "victory" dominated the discourse. Simultaneously, membership numbers decreased until the association abandoned its work completely in 1934. Between the years of 1938 und 1941 almost all local groups were disbanded by the authorities or incorporated into central German organisations in Berlin.Main sources are the club newspaper 1923 ? 1934, promotion material and flyers as well as documents of the local authorities. The detailed description of the history of the association ends in 1934, whereas single addenda (administrative files, archive material) date from the years 1935 ? 1956. ; vorgelegt von Hermann Soyka ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2013 ; (VLID)234311

This paper looks at issues in Information Technology (IT) outsourcing in public sector local government in the UK, to determine how successful they have been and to establish any best practice. This is important because, whilst outsourcing has become a significant issue in the restructuring of organisations and is increasingly used within both the private and public sectors, there has been a lack of research into IT outsourcing in the public sector and particularly within local government. This paper provides an in-depth study into how outsourcing is managed in local councils and how successful it has been; especially considering its sometimes controversial nature and the mixed press results it receives. This paper focuses in particular on an analysis of the risks of IT outsourcing and the management of the outsourcing contract. The research shows that a thorough risk assessment must be completed before an outsourcing contract is agreed. Local government tends to adopt a very cautious approach to outsourcing based on risk minimisation. Hidden costs are one of the greatest risks when outsourcing. Hidden costs occur in selection, managing the contract, and making changes to the contract, all of which can offset any cost savings identified at the start of the outsourcing contract. The research shows that local councils recognise the importance of the contract and that it has the largest single impact on the success or failure of the outsourcing agreement. Having a well written contract is necessary to minimise the risks posed by outsourcing. However, the local government bodies recognised that it is impossible to cover every detail in the contract, particularly where needs are fluctuating, and that an element of trust is required to manage the contract successfully. The research suggests that contracts need to be strict enough to motivate the provider but should be realistic and achievable so that they do not inhibit the development of a working relationship. The paper also addresses issues in the selection of outsourcing providers and more recent developments since the new UK government's austerity programme The study concludes that, whilst councils recognise that both the contract and trust are important to ensure that outsourcing is successful, the culture of risk aversion in the public sector tends to lead to a 'play it safe' mentality resulting in an overemphasis on the contract. This can lead to a short-term focus that could make it difficult for the council and the provider to work together to meet long-term goals. The councils were generally skeptical of developing partnerships; however, the research reveals that councils who focused predominantly on the contract were less successful than those who developed partnerships with their providers. The authors therefore recommend that, in order to achieve greater success, councils should develop partnerships and focus on best value and long-term strategic goals when outsourcing IT.

Afro-Atlantic Dialogues: Anthropology in the Diaspora, edited by Kevin A. Yelvington (reviewed by Aisha Khan)Central Africans, Atlantic Creoles, and the Foundation of the Americas, 1585-1660, by Linda M. Heywood & John K. Thornton (reviewed by James H. Sweet)An Eye for the Tropics: Tourism, Photography, and Framing the Caribbean Picturesque, by Krista A. Thompson (reviewed by Carl Thompson)Taíno Indian Myth and Practice: The Arrival of the Stranger King, by William F. Keegan (reviewed by Frederick H. Smith) Historic Cities of the Americas: An Illustrated Encyclopedia, by David F. Marley (reviewed by Richard L. Kagan) Arming Slaves: From Classical Times to the Modern Age, edited by Christopher Leslie Brown & Philip D. Morgan (reviewed by James Sidbury)Sweet Negotiations: Sugar, Slavery, and Plantation Agriculture in Early Barbados, by Russell R. Menard (reviewed by Kenneth Morgan)Jamaica in 1850 or, The Effects of Sixteen Years of Freedom on a Slave Colony, by John Bigelow (reviewed by Jean Besson) Moral Capital: Foundations of British Abolitionism, by Christopher Leslie Brown (reviewed by Cassandra Pybus) Caribbean Journeys: An Ethnography of Migration and Home in Three Family Networks, by Karen Fog Olwig (reviewed by George Gmelch) Afro-Caribbean Immigrants and the Politics of Incorporation: Ethnicity, Exception, or Exit, by Reuel R. Rogers (reviewed by Kevin Birth) Puerto Rican Arrival in New York: Narratives of the Migration, 1920-1950, edited by Juan Flores (reviewed by Wilson A. Valentín-Escobar)The Conquest of History: Spanish Colonialism and National Histories in the Nineteenth Century, by Christopher Schmidt-Nowara (reviewed by Aline Helg)Gender and Slave Emancipation in the Atlantic World, edited by Pamela Scully & Diana Paton (reviewed by Bernard Moitt) Gender and Democracy in Cuba, by Ilja A. Luciak (reviewed by Florence E. Babb) The "New Man" in Cuba: Culture and Identity in the Revolution, by Ana Serra (reviewed by Jorge Duany) Lydia Cabrera and the Construction of an Afro-Cuban Cultural Identity, by Edna M. Rodríguez-Mangual (reviewed by Brian Brazeal) Worldview, the Orichas, and Santeria: Africa to Cuba and Beyond, by Mercedes Cros Sandoval (reviewed by Elizabeth Pérez)The 1812 Aponte Rebellion in Cuba and the Struggle against Atlantic Slavery, by Matt D. Childs (reviewed by Manuel Barcia) Caliban and the Yankees: Trinidad and the United States Occupation, by Harvey R. Neptune (reviewed by Selwyn Ryan) Claims to Memory: Beyond Slavery and Emancipation in the French Caribbean, by Catherine A. Reinhardt (reviewed by Dominique Taffin) The Grand Slave Emporium, Cape Coast Castle and the British Slave Trade, by William St. Clair (reviewed by Ray A. Kea) History of the Caribbean, by Frank Moya Pons (reviewed by Olwyn M. Blouet) Out of the Crowded Vagueness: A History of the Islands of St Kitts, Nevis & Anguilla, by Brian Dyde (reviewed by Karen Fog Olwig) Scoping the Amazon: Image, Icon, Ethnography, by Stephen Nugent (reviewed by Neil L. Whitehead)

O Ensino Médio no Brasil, nas décadas passadas, concentrava-se nas capitais estaduais e era acessível apenas a uma parte restrita da população. Nos anos 90, o decréscimo da reprovação e do abandono no Ensino Fundamental levou a uma expressiva expansão do Ensino Médio. Segundo os dados censitários, a democratização desse nível de ensino se faz lentamente e parece afetar, de modo negativo, o desempenho dos estudantes socialmente desprivilegiados, ou seja, apesar da significativa expansão do acesso, as oportunidades de escolarização proporcionadas tendem a ser desiguais. O Ensino Médio ainda é urbano e concentrado nas capitais estaduais, em detrimento dos outros Municípios das Regiões Metropolitanas e Microrregiões das Capitais. As populações não brancas apresentam taxas de participação e níveis de realização mais baixos, apesar do controle das variáveis renda familiar per capita e do nível de escolaridade do pai. Quanto aos portadores de necessidades especiais, esses estão subrepresentados e em grande parte segregados. Por seu lado, as mulheres têm alcançado participação crescente na matrícula e no nível médio de escolaridade, o que é amplamente devido ao menor custo de oportunidade. Sua realização educacional, em média, é superior à dos rapazes, o que confirma a literatura segundo a qual a cultura escolar é mais compatível com os padrões da socialização feminina. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Ensino Médio, Brasil, democratização, gênero, grupos étnicos. DEMOCRATIZATION OF SECONDARY EDUCATION - past and present Secondary education in Brazil was concentrated in state capital cities and accessible to limited social groups in the past decades. In the 90's the decrease of repetition and drop out rates in primary schools led to high expansion of secondary education gross and net enrolment rates. According to census data, democratization of this level of education is slow and seems to affect negatively the performance of socially underprivileged students, i. e., despite the increased access, the quality of educational opportunities are unequal. In the end of that decade secondary education was still concentrated in state capital cities and in urban areas in general, excluding the periphery of metropolitan areas. The enrolment rates and the school achievement of non-white populations are substantially lower, even when per capita family and income and father's level of schooling are controlled. Handicapped youths are largely underrepresented and in substantial proportion segregated. However, women have had increasing participation in enrolment and average level of schooling, as a result of lower opportunity cost in relation to men. The young women's school achievement is in average higher, confirming findings of the literature, concerning the compatibility between school culture and female socialization patterns. Therefore, progress in democratization has been slow and does not favor all the social groups. Furthermore, expansion seems to affect negatively achievement, particularly of lower SES students. KEYWORDS: Average teaching, Brazil, equity, gender, ethnic groups. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br