Suchergebnisse

El presente documento presenta un análisis sobre la evolución de las finanzas públicas municipales del Valle del Cauca. La información empleada corresponde a la muestra de 21 municipios del departamento, la cual es procesada por el Banco de la República siendo una de las mejores fuentes para dicho tipo de análisis en la región. Se encuentra que hasta el año 2000 el comportamiento del déficit consolidado municipal era altamente pro-cíclico y que solo hasta la llegada de la Ley 617 de 2000, los municipios comenzaron a registrar superávit, siendo este fenómeno el principal impacto de dicha ley. No obstante, la alta dependencia de las transferencias y el alto nivel de los gastos de funcionamiento se constituyen en uno de los elementos críticos de las finanzas públicas de los municipios del Valle. Asimismo, este documento realiza el cálculo de cinco indicadores de evaluación fiscal para cada uno de los 21 municipios estudiados, los cuales fueron analizados a partir de hipótesis que intentan determinar si los decretos efectuados en la ley 617 del 2000, modificó o no estos indicadores. Para probar las hipótesis se empleo la prueba "t" para medias de dos muestras independientes unilaterales, la cual permite concluir si existe diferencias sustanciales entre las medias de dos muestras como consecuencia de la aplicación de un "tratamiento", los decretos de la ley 617.La contribución de este estudio es importante, debido a que demostró que a pesar que la ley 617 del 2000 elimino la tendencia deficitaria experimentada entre los años 1987-2001, registrándose un superávit en los dos años siguientes, la aplicación de la prueba "t" permitió evidenciar que con la entrada de la ley 617 disminuyó en el total del consolidado municipal, la magnitud de la inversión, la dependencia de los recursos propios y la capacidad de ahorro, e incrementó la dependencia de las transferencias y el porcentaje de ingresos corrientes destinados a cubrir los gastos de funcionamiento.

Issue of the University of Scranton student newspaper, The Aquinas. This edition includes a four-page arts feature, The Electric City Review.

What do we know about the links between economic development and corporate governance in emerging markets? Stijn Claessens and Burcin Yurtoglu have sifted through scores of academic studies on various countries, sectors, and business organizations - from state-owned enterprises to publicly listed companies - to determine how corporate governance can influence economic development and well being, and what is needed to promote good practices. The Focus 10 draws on new evidence that has become available since Focus 1: Corporate Governance and Development was published in 2003. While the paper reviews research literature, it is written to be accessible to the nonacademic audience: board members, investors, government regulators, development professionals, and other CG practitioners. Research findings sited in the Focus include: 1) improved corporate governance practices increase firm share prices; 2) operational performance is higher in better corporate governance countries; 3) well governed companies have less volatile stock prices in times of crisis; 4) companies with boards composed of a higher fraction of outsider or independent directors usually have a higher market valuation; 5) improvements in corporate governance quality lead to higher GDP growth, productivity growth, and the increased ratio of investment to GDP; 6) when a country's overall corporate governance and property rights systems are weak, voluntary and market corporate governance mechanisms have limited effectiveness; 7) large, more concentrated ownership can be beneficial, unless there is a disparity of control and cash flow rights; 8) the quality of shareholder protection positively correlates with the development of countries' capital markets; and 9) better corporate governance leads to a better developed financial system. The paper concludes by identifying several main policy and research issues that require further study. For example, more research is needed on family-owned, state-owned or controlled firms that predominate in many sectors and economies. For more publications on IFC Sustainability please visit www.ifc.org/sustainabilitypublications.

1. Introduction -- Part I: Global real interest rates, economic and trade growth uncertainty shock effects on the South African economy -- 2. Is BRICS GDP growth a source of shocks or an amplifier of global growth responses? What are the policy implications for South Africa? -- 3. Global economic and policy uncertainty shock effects on the South African economy: Do these reinforce each other? -- 4. Heightened foreign policy uncertainty shocks effects: Transmission via capital flows, credit conditions and business confidence -- 5. In which direction is there a momentum effect in the changes in the spread between the repo rate and federal funds rate? -- 6. How do global real policy rates impact the South African GDP growth and labor market conditions? -- Part II: The Taylor curve, external shocks, labour market conditions and inflation expectations -- 7. The output-gap, nominal wage and consumer price inflation volatility trade-off -- 8. Output and inflation volatility trade-off: Do external shocks and inflation expectations shift the Taylor curve -- 9. Do adverse global trade developments shocks impact the trade-off between the inflation and output volatilities -- 10. Does the labour market conditions shock impact the trade-off between the inflation and output volatilities? -- 11. Output-inflation trade off and the issue of policy ineffectiveness -- 12. Do inflation regimes affect the transmission of nominal demand shocks to the price level? -- 13. What is the nature of the output-employment-unemployment nexus in South Africa? Evidence from various approaches to Okun's Law -- 14. Does the consideration of nominal wage growth imply a high level of inflation inertia or persistence compared to consumer price inflation? -- 15. Wage and consumer price inflation during exchange rate appreciation and depreciation episodes -- 16. Is there a case for nominal GDP growth targeting in South Africa? -- Part III: Policy uncertainty, mining sector charter, exchange rate volatility, commodity price booms and busts, binding minimum wage increases and the mining sector -- 17. How has the intensity of the ability of commodity specific output growth to create jobs evolved? Implications for the mining sector as a "sunrise industry" -- 18. Is export-led growth a necessary but insufficient condition for job creation in the mining sector? Does this mean that there is a strong case for beneficiation? -- 19 The impact of mining commodity price booms and sharp exchange rate depreciation episodes on mining output and employment growth -- 20. The role of the exchange rate on investment growth in the mining sector: Evidence from the balance sheet hypothesis -- 21. The role of the exchange rate volatilities on the mining sector -- 22. The role of policy uncertainty low confidence and the mining charter in the transmission of positive shocks to commodity prices in the mining sector -- 23. What are the mechanisms and channels through which the mining sector adjusted to an increase in the binding minimum wage in 2014? -- Part IV: Accelerated land reform, the agricultural sector and implications for macro-economic policies -- 24. The impact of structural change on the South African economy: Evidence from the structural change indices and McMillan and Rodrick (2011) labour productivity decomposition approach -- 25. Land reform, redistribution and agricultural investment growth: What are the implications for the NDP output and employment targets? -- 26. What is the role of food commodity price booms and busts in the agricultural sector? Implications for monetary policy -- 27. What is the role of trade liberalisation and food commodity price booms in the agricultural sector? Implications for the export-led growth strategy -- 28. Is the agricultural sector sensitive to the exchange rate depreciation and volatility: Evidence from the balance sheet channel -- 29. How are the interest rates and credit supply shocks transmitted to the agricultural sector? -- 30. What is the impact of a binding minimum wage on the agricultural sector? -- 31. Can land reform help reduce poverty and inequality? -- Part V: The transmission of sovereign debt downgrades into the credit markets and the real economy -- 32. What role does business confidence play in transmitting sovereign credit ratings upgrade and downgrades shocks to the real economy? -- 33. Are sovereign credit ratings shock transmitted via economic growth to impact credit growth dynamics? -- 34. Does the cost of government borrowing transmit the sovereign credit downgrade shocks to credit growth? -- Part VI: Capital flow surges, sudden stops and elevated portfolio volatility shocks: what is the nature of their interaction with GDP growth and credit and economic costs? -- 35. What are the economic costs of capital flow waves in South Africa? -- 36. Capital flow surges, sudden stops and elevated portfolio volatility shocks: What is the nature of their interaction with GDP growth and credit? -- 37. Do bank and non-bank capital flows induce sectorial reallocation of credit away from the household sector? -- 38. Do banking and non-banking capital flows induce sectorial reallocation of credit away from companies? -- 39. Do equity and debt inflows matter in the attainment of the price stability mandate? -- 40. Do local investors play a stabilizing role relative to foreign investors after economic shocks -- 41. Do investors' net purchases and capital retrenchment activities impact the monetary policy response to positive inflation shocks?.

When President Biden was still candidate Biden, he rarely minced words when talking about Saudi Arabia. On the campaign trail, he once promised to force the Saudis to "pay the price and make them in fact the pariah that they are."That promise fell flat once Biden took office. After first suspending sales of certain weapons to Saudi Arabia, Biden has since gone out of his way to court Riyadh and continue America's close relationship with the kingdom. Reports suggest that, despite continued allegations of Saudi human rights abuses, the White House wants to give Saudi Arabia security guarantees and even nuclear technology in order to encourage the kingdom to normalize relations with Israel.A non-partisan coalition is now pushing for a change in course. In a letter to the Senate, more than 40 advocacy and research organizations urged lawmakers to "call a vote on the U.S. relationship with the government of Saudi Arabia" and force the reckoning that Biden promised on the campaign trail almost four years ago.In the short-term, the letter calls on the Senate to block a pending weapons sale to Saudi Arabia. The State Department notified Congress of the proposed deal on December 4, leaving only a few days to pass a joint resolution of disapproval before the holidays.The notification comes just a few months after the State Department allowed a $500 million deal to supply spare parts for a range of American military equipment, including some weapons that Saudi border guards used to kill "at least hundreds" of Ethiopian civilians attempting to cross the Yemeni-Saudi border, according to a blockbuster report from Human Rights Watch."These arms sales are like a continuation of that fist bump that was heard around the world," said Isaac Evans-Frantz of Action Corps, which led the effort to organize the letter. "This is the fist bump, but with weapons."Signatories to the letter also include Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN), Just Foreign Policy, the Libertarian Institute, Tigray Human Rights Forum, Veterans for Peace, the Yemeni Alliance Committee, the Yemen Relief and Reconstruction Foundation, and the Quincy Institute, which publishes RS.The effort comes at a moment of crisis for U.S. policy in the Middle East. Two months after Hamas' unprecedented attack on Israel, the Biden administration has come to be seen as a primary facilitator of Tel Aviv's brutal war in Gaza, which has left nearly 20,000 Palestinians dead and countless more injured. The Houthis — the Yemeni militant group that has largely won its war with Saudi Arabia — have further complicated the situation by attacking merchant ships linked to Israel in the Red Sea. The group says these attacks would stop if Israel agreed to a ceasefire and allowed humanitarian aid into Gaza, but the U.S. is now reportedly considering a military response that would risk reigniting the conflict in Yemen or even sparking a broader war."Biden is really spending his term engaged in Middle Eastern wars," said Jehan Hakim of the Yemeni Alliance Committee. The U.S. must "end its complicity" in these conflicts and "prioritize diplomacy over military action," Hakim argued.As the letter notes, Congress could force Biden to change course by passing a "Section 502B" resolution, a reference to the law that makes it illegal for the U.S. to give weapons to serial human rights violators.If passed, a resolution would mandate the State Department to submit a report on human rights abuses in Saudi Arabia within a month. Depending on the results, lawmakers could vote to block or restrict arms sales to the kingdom."It's very important for Congress to apply U.S. laws when it comes to war," said Aisha Jumaan of Yemen Relief and Reconstruction Foundation. "It just really doesn't make any sense that we break the laws that we put in our books."Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) has already introduced a similar 502B bill targeting Israel, which has faced significant accusations of human rights violations and war crimes during its campaign in Gaza.The letter's final suggestion is to force a vote on a Yemen war powers resolution, which could stop the Biden administration from directly entering a war with the Houthis. A similar effort passed the House and Senate in 2019 but failed to overcome a veto from President Donald Trump.As Jumaan noted, any rekindling of hostilities in Yemen could have disastrous consequences for the country, which only recently reopened a key port and airport in the north and west. At least 17 million of Yemen's 33 million residents are food insecure, according to the United Nations.By pushing Biden to stand up to Saudi Arabia, the Senate could help rebuild some of the credibility that the U.S. has lost in the Global South by standing so closely at Israel's side during its brutal war in Gaza."These are underutilized tools," said Evans-Frantz. "The U.S. is rapidly losing all shreds of credibility when it calls for human rights. This is a moment where senators can stand up."

It's the electronic equivalent of laying down asphalt
on parish roads right before an election: after three years of assurances this
was around the corner, Bossier Parish finally is getting around to creating facilities
to broadcast professionally its jury meetings – a day late and a dollar short
of needed transparency.

For years, to broadcast proceedings the
nine-figure annual revenue Bossier Parish has done so by slapping down on a
table a device that tries to capture the entire panorama of twelve jurors by
video and streaming it by Facebook Live. With little technical improvement, the
arrangement continues until this day. Audio often is terrible that requires guesswork
as to who speaks and there's no opportunity to view presentations or vote
tabulations.

As a result, at the start of the Jury's meeting
last week local web site operator Wes Merriott of Sobo Live made it an offer. Perhaps more known
for his biting remarks during public commentary periods of the Bossier City
Council, Merriott at the Jury's interval for public comments offered his technical
services to improve the live stream capacity at no charge.

Despite the price, it was an offer the Jury could
refuse. At the meeting's end during time set aside for juror comments, Republican
Juror Julianna
Parks revealed a sandbagging of Merriott. She had a parish functionary explain
that an appropriation of $850,000 had been made to upgrade transmission facilities
in 26th District courtrooms and the Jury chambers, with the
courtrooms having priority.

Of course, citizens
might have missed that because of what was called a transmission error occurring
for the meeting last December dealing with the budget that led to no audio/visual
streaming or archiving. And the minutes, produced after the fact sometimes
weeks later, of that meeting only have the barest documentation of what the
budget looks like, unlike every other major governmental body in the region
which posts online much more detailed budgeting documentation, before meeting
on it.

Regardless, by the end of the month the Jury
should vote to move the project forward and its information and technology folks
felt possibly the entire project for the chamber would be complete by the end
of the year – that is, right after juror elections for the next four years. Merriott
for his trouble was given the promise of a chat about transmission quality.

Naturally, all of this should have happened years
ago. Almost three years ago I contacted the parish's public information officer
Pat Culverhouse about the very issues Merriott had said had been brought to his
attention. The reply I received then was that improvements were in the offing and
to be patient. So, this has been known for a long time yet the parish made no
targeted effort for improvement until two years had passed.

Parks tried to prompt IT staff to explain away the
delay as a product of supply chain difficulties. But that strains credulity
that this would knock things back by three years; certainly, starting when the
Wuhan coronavirus pandemic descended to show the inadequacy of the current
setup would have resolved the problem long ago.

In truth, greater transparency through clearer
meeting presentation and therefore archiving wasn't desired by Parks or jurors
generally until they realized it would become a campaign issue – and conveniently
decided to tackle that only on the year of elections in a way making the
solution available after elections. And the Jury still, unlike every other
major government body in the region that posts this on the web, seems to have
no plans to provide prior to meetings any documentation of agenda items other
than item titles and summaries, except for maps for certain zoning decisions.
That information is vital for citizens to understand issues and formulate input
on items before the Jury acts upon these.

This is just another game by incumbent jurors – all
of whom but one are running for reelection (and in that instance the incumbent qualified
but then withdrew and has his brother running instead) – to trick the public
into believing they respond and are accountable to citizens primarily when
actually they are more motivated to preserve maximal ability to fulfill their
insider needs first. Otherwise, the Jury wouldn't be tolerating the con game it lets
its Parish Administrator Butch Ford play to evade
state law about where he actually resides and is eligible to vote, or illegally
placing its own on the parish's Library Board of Control, nor would it have
taken so long to usher off the Cypress Black Bayou Recreation and Water Conservation
District's Board of
Commissioners its designee Robert Berry for illegally serving in two
officers until legal judgments dictated it do so (Berry now is challenging for
a spot on the Jury).

At least improving meeting transmission is minimal
progress that needs immediate follow-through by putting thorough documentation
of each meeting agenda item online when the agenda is published. But it still has
to rectify other things as well and has a long way to go to win back the
confidence of the citizenry, which may require wholesale changes through elections
this fall.

A stroke of good luck for Louisiana taxpayers, the strike
by writers and actors of motion picture and television productions can be
leveraged even more for the state's citizens to avoid the bad consequences of
its poorly-conceived Motion Picture Investors Tax Credit.

First writers, then actors began the strike
starting over three months ago. This brought largely to a halt an already
slowing production of movies and series, whether shown in theaters, on broadcast
television, cable television, streaming over the Internet, or in podcast form,
although some films in progress actor members have been allowed to complete. Anticipation
of a strike as early as late last year had prompted ratcheting down production,
so as not to have things interrupted if a strike occurred. To work with a network
or major studio (which comprise most of the business; for example, the top ten
studios in movie box office receipts for last
year collected seven-eighths of all revenues), writers and actors must be a
member of their respective unions.

The main issue in both cases is revenue-sharing. The
rapid growth in streaming particularly has exposed that prior compensation
models didn't account for this, leading members to demand a greater share of
the pie from that. Both also want more control over the use of artificial intelligence
in story writing and actor likenesses. Writers additionally want retainer pay
for stretches that they don't work.

These fall under a much larger theme: an industry
used to centralization of economic control through cooperation of management
and labor has lost that control because, simply, the economics have changed so
that far more people at far reduced costs can create profitably content. Old
producers and unions have come to loggerheads because the decentralization trend
has more forcefully affected the fortunes of the latter.

But the unions involved – both extremely top heavy
with the vast majority of earnings going to a handful of members in each – also
by their actions have impacted other people who work in the industry and in
much greater numbers. Audio-visual content production requires a slew of
behind-the-scenes labor, almost exclusively contract in nature. Shutting down
production also shuts down at least part of the livelihood of many individuals,
as most work part-time, but for some its entirety.

That
has hit Louisiana disproportionately hard, given its generous taxpayer
subsidization of film and television production to the tune typically of $150
million annually which artificially has boosted this activity and created a kind
of workfare for people who want to work around the movie business. Nobody
should kid themselves that in absence of the credit that business would be no
more than a fraction of what it is, or that the credit is a net money-maker for
taxpayers, as study after study has shown (the latest,
most optimistic shows it returns 23 cents on the dollar while costing $13,300
for each job "created").

Thus, the slowdown will help Louisianans save
money, as fewer productions will occur and fewer credits dispensed. But the overall
theme that triggered the strike now has a chance to insert itself into policy-makers'
consciousness, which it apparently didn't this past legislative session when with
only some beneficial changes the tax credit foolishly was renewed.

And, the idea
to accomplish this reform to keep up with the times actually came years ago
from Republican Lt. Gov. Billy Nungesser,
running for reelection this fall. He suggested that part of any contract with
an entity qualifying for the credits contain a clause that, if the production
made a certain amount in revenues, the state take a cut.

This can be designed to capture streaming revenues,
and in a way to help local producers; the overwhelming majority of credit
dollars go to out-of-state entities. The law could be changed to charge gross
revenues to the parent corporation or other entity in a tiered system. For
example, there would be no tax reimbursement for a production that in a decade
after release doesn't collect $1 million, but then from there to $10 million one
percent is charged, two percent up to $20 million, and so on every $10 million
until reaching $100 million and beyond where it becomes a fixed 10 percent.
This shields smaller producers such as those in-state as an incentive to grow,
ensures that creative accounting doesn't hide revenues, and reasonably accounts
for present and future streaming.

As currently constructed, the film tax credit is nothing
more than a jobs program for a favored political constituency that wastes
taxpayer dollars and distorts the economy into a preferred direction picked by
government. Ironically, people in the spillover industries that have benefited
from this now suffer precisely because of it and its vulnerability to what
happens in Hollywood. Had the reimbursement idea been in place, it would have been
less buffeted by Hollywood developments because it would have helped stimulate
an indigenous film industry outside of the current labor dispute. The new
Legislature next year needs to make this modification.

Prolonged, repeated or very intense noise exposure can damage human health. To reduce any dangerous effects of noise on human health, policies and restrictions are enshrined in national law and legislative regulations. In the Czech Republic, this issue is subject to the Ministry of Health. In other states it can be the Ministry of Health or more often the Ministry of the Environment. The protection of human health against noise and vibration is enshrined in Act No. 258/2000 Coll., on Protection of Public Health, specifically in §§ 30-34 of this Act. Other restrictions are described in Act No. 309/2006 Coll., which regulates other requirements for safety and health protection at work in labour relations and on ensuring safety and health protection in activities or the provision of services outside of labour relations. Furthermore, hygienic limits for workplaces, protected indoor areas of buildings and protected outdoor areas are set in the new Regulation of the Government of the Czech Republic, No. 272/2011 Coll. as amended. This Regulation also sets limits for construction noise. They set limitations in so-called outdoor protected areas and the so-called outdoor protected areas of buildings. The hygienic limit of the equivalent sound pressure level A for noise from construction activities is set here by adding a correction of 5dB or 15dB according to the type of protected space to the basic value of the equivalent sound pressure level A 50dB. This limit must be adhered to. For buildings nearby, the term "protected facades" is used, i.e. "protected façades" include the nearest buildings that are inhabited and their occupants could be exposed to noise for a long period of time. We can measure the intensity of noise in these places if we have a "sound level meter". Predicting the intensity of noise and its longevity for future construction is more challenging. The computational evaluation of the noise load of the outdoor area of the monitored territory is based on the recommended theoretical acoustic relations for the transmission of sound from stationary noise sources according to ČSN ISO 9613/1-2. One of the possibilities of calculating the intensity of noise is the application of software programmes used for determining traffic noise, which, in contrast to construction noise, is handled very carefully and predicted in detail during the construction of transport infrastructure. Because here are the values and methodologies for the calculation of noise indicators set correctly and in detail, it is possible to use them also, provided that we work well with the background and input data. The calculation indicators are the values of the equivalent sound pressure level falling in front of the façade, on which we determine various measuring points. If the noise sources and acoustically significant elements are entered correctly, we obtain both correct values and also the possibility of displaying a map of the area with colour isophone bands, which expresses the level of noise in the construction site and its surroundings. ; Dlouhodobé, opakované nebo velmi intenzivní vystavení hluku může poškodit lidské zdraví. Aby se omezily nebezpečné účinky hluku na lidské zdraví, jsou v národních zákonech a legislativních předpisech zakotveny zásady a omezení. V České republice je tato problematika podřízena Ministerstvu zdravotnictví. V jiných státech to může být ministerstvo zdravotnictví nebo častěji ministerstvo životního prostředí. Ochrana lidského zdraví před hlukem a vibracemi je zakotvena v zákoně č. 258/2000 Sb., o ochraně veřejného zdraví, konkrétně v §§ 30-34 tohoto zákona. Další omezení popisuje zákon č. 309/2006 Sb., kterým se upravují další požadavky bezpečnosti a ochrany zdraví při práci v pracovněprávních vztazích a o zajištění bezpečnosti a ochrany zdraví při činnostech nebo poskytování služeb mimo pracovněprávní vztahy. Dále jsou hygienické limity pro pracoviště, chráněné vnitřní prostory budov a chráněné venkovní prostory stanoveny v novém nařízení vlády ČR č. 272/2011 Sb. v platném znění. Toto nařízení rovněž stanoví limity pro hluk ve stavebnictví. Stanovují omezení v tzv. venkovních chráněných územích a tzv. venkovních chráněných územích staveb. Hygienický limit ekvivalentní hladiny akustického tlaku A pro hluk ze stavební činnosti je zde stanoven tak, že k základní hodnotě ekvivalentní hladiny akustického tlaku A 50dB se připočte korekce 5dB nebo 15dB dle typu chráněného prostoru. Tento limit je nutné dodržet. Pro budovy v okolí se používá termín "chráněné fasády", tedy "chráněné fasády" zahrnují nejbližší budovy, které jsou obydleny a jejich obyvatelé by mohli být dlouhodobě vystaveni hluku. Intenzitu hluku v těchto místech můžeme změřit, pokud máme "zvukoměr". Predikce intenzity hluku a jeho životnosti pro budoucí výstavbu je náročnější. Výpočtové hodnocení hlukové zátěže venkovního prostoru sledovaného území vychází z doporučených teoretických akustických vztahů pro přenos zvuku ze stacionárních zdrojů hluku dle ČSN ISO 9613/1-2. Jednou z možností výpočtu intenzity hluku je aplikace softwarových programů používaných pro stanovení hluku z dopravy, s nímž je na rozdíl od hluku stavebního při výstavbě dopravní infrastruktury nakládáno velmi opatrně a detailně predikováno. Protože zde jsou správně a detailně nastaveny hodnoty a metodiky výpočtu hlukových indikátorů, je možné je také použít, pokud dobře pracujeme s podklady a vstupními daty.

En 2016, el gobierno Colombiano del presidente Juan Manuel Santos alcanzó un acuerdo de paz con el mayor grupo guerrillero del país, las FARC-EP. Una parte importante de las negociaciones, que duraron cuatro años (2012-2016), fue la creación de un mecanismo de Justicia Transicional para investigar y juzgar a los miembros de las FARC-EP, así como a los miembros de la Fuerza Pública y a terceros que participaron en el conflicto armado. El nombre de esta jurisdicción es Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (JEP). Desde su entrada en vigor en 2017, ha habido mucho discurso público sobre esta institución, incluyendo el debate en los medios de comunicación colombianos. Los medios de comunicación en línea e impresos colombianos, en particular, pueden tener un impacto en la población, enmarcar y dar forma a ciertos discursos a través de su información. Esto, a su vez, significa que ciertos tipos de reportajes pueden tener un impacto en la percepción de ciertos temas – como instituciones específicas – y pueden alimentar y mitigar un conflicto. Por ello, el sociólogo noruego Johan Galtung creó el concepto de Periodismo de Paz, con el que los periodistas pueden contribuir positivamente al desarrollo de cualquier conflicto o guerra. Por lo tanto, en esta tesis se determinará en qué medida cuatro de los periódicos en línea colombianos más significativos logran incorporar el concepto de Periodismo de Paz en sus informaciones y así contribuir a la paz en el país. Además, el objetivo de la investigación que aquí se presenta es responder cómo estos periódicos representan y enmarcan la JEP a lo largo del año 2019. Para responder a estas preguntas se utiliza el análisis de contenido de orientación cualitativa según Philipp Mayring. Se analizan 47 artículos de los cuatro periódicos El Colombiano, El Espectador, El País Cali y El Tiempo en cuatro periodos diferentes del año 2019 con respecto a los encuadres que se utilizaron en el cubrimiento mediático específico. Además, en un segundo paso del análisis, se utilizaron las características del Periodismo de Paz establecidas por Galtung como categorías formadas deductivamente dentro de la investigación. En general, puede decirse que los periódicos con un trasfondo político más liberal retratan con más fuerza al PJ como una institución pacificadora, imparcial y que cumple la ley. Los medios online, más bien conservadores, utilizan marcos con connotaciones negativas con más frecuencia que sus competidores, pero citan cada vez más a terceros, como el partido gobernante Centro Democrático. Por otra parte, en cuanto a las características del Periodismo de Paz, se observa que los periódicos más liberales consiguen incorporar este criterio más que los conservadores, aunque hay que señalar que también cumplen parcialmente los requisitos de Galtung. ; In 2016, the Colombian government under President Juan Manuel Santos reached a peace agreement with the country's largest guerrilla group, the FARC-EP. A big part of the negotiations, which lasted about four years (2012-2016), was the creation of a Transitional Justice mechanism to investigate and judge members of the FARC-EP as well as members of the Public Forces and third parties who participated in the armed conflict. The name of this jurisdiction is Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (JEP). Since its entry into force in 2017, there has been much public discourse about this institution, including the debate in the Colombian media. The Colombian online and print media in particular can have an impact on the population and frame and shape certain discourses through their reporting. This, in turn, means that certain types of reporting can have an impact on the perception of certain issues – such as specific institutions – and can fuel and mitigate a conflict. This is why the Norwegian sociologist Johan Galtung created the concept of Peace Journalism, which journalists can use to contribute positively to the development of any conflict or war. Therefore, it will be determined in this thesis to what extent four of the most significant Colombian online newspapers manage to incorporate the concept of Peace Journalism into their reporting and thus contribute to peace in the country. Moreover, the aim of the research presented here is to answer how these newspapers represent and frame the JEP throughout the year of 2019. To answer these questions the qualitative oriented content analysis according to Philipp Mayring is used. 47 articles of the four newspapers El Colombiano, El Espectador, El País Cali and El Tiempo are analyzed in four different periods of the year 2019 with regard to the frames that were used in the specific media coverage. In addition, in a second step of the analysis, the characteristics of Peace Journalism established by Galtung were used as deductively formed categories within the investigation. Overall, it can be said that the newspapers with the more politically liberal background portray JEP more strongly as a peace-bringing institution that is impartial and follows the law. The rather conservative online media outlets utilize frames with negative connotations more often than their competitors, but they increasingly cite third parties, such as the ruling party Centro Democrático. Furthermore, with regard to the characteristics of Peace Journalism, it can be seen that the more liberal newspapers manage to incorporate this criteria more than the conservative ones, although it must be noted that they also only partially meet Galtung's requirements.

Problem setting. Globalization in spite of its obvious advantages for the development of human civilization constantly polarizes the world system. Existing contradictions between states and even regions with different civilization traditions at the beginning of the XXI century actualized their choosing of asymmetric response strategies to the actual challenges of globalization and security threats. Such strategies are often aimed at generating and strengthening the space of uncertainty and risk-landscapes in the opponent countries. World experience shows that the components of such asymmetric approaches in foreign policy are the reproduction of so-called "hybrid threats" and fomenting "hybrid wars", which become a constant source of political risks for the object of such "hybrid" impact.In this connection, the necessity to analyze the whole range of risks and, of course, political and related critical vulnerabilities becomes very important for modern states in order to ensure resistance to hybrid and other threats of globalization, as well as to ensure integration of the process of governing such risks into the structure of public strategic planning and crisis management, in particular. In the case of Ukraine, all this actualizes the scientific reflection of the hybrid threats impact of in the context of finding optimal ways to develop risk-oriented public administration.Recent research and publications analysis. The study of hybrid wars and threats, in particular regarding Ukraine, is now the focus of many specialists around the world. In particular, among foreign scientists this problem is studied by P. Cullen, K. Giles, E. Reichborn, M. Snegovay, N. Wegge. In Ukraine, such specialists as M. Gonchar, V. Gorbulin, S. Dyachenko, S. Zhuk, A. Zvarych, A. Ishchuk, E. Magda, Y. Tishchenko, A. Chubik, and R. Shutov devote their works to this issue mainly from the point of view of the maintenance of national security.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The problem of existing connection of hybrid warfare phenomena and hybrid threats with the state of state management of political and other national risks in Ukraine has not actually been raised, which causes the necessity to reveal the influence of these risk-forming factors of globalization for the modern Ukrainian state and proving that their actualization became a consequence of the government's neglect of risk management activities.Paper main body. The author emphasizes a methodological approach to assessment of hybrid threats, according to which the latter are the result of the aggressor's focus on specific vulnerabilities of the target system, as well as its ability to synchronize a wide range of its capabilities that are adapted to these vulnerabilities.The article substantiates that hybrid threats and hybrid warfare cannot be recognized without taking into account the assessment of political and other risks.The author highlights Ukraine's internal vulnerabilities in political, social, economic, information and military areas. These are: the constant competition of political elites for the power resources of the state while maintaining the clan-oligarchic model of political relations; the weak role of strategic planning of public policy and the low level of strategic communications and coordination of government actors; low efficiency of the main legislative body; deprofessionalization of public service; resource-intensive industry and unreformed energy system; weak macroeconomic indicators and high level of foreign debt; underdeveloped cyber-security system; corrupt law enforcement agencies; imbalanced national security system; social and moral crisis of Ukrainian society.The paper also identifies and describes the main political risk factors that were specifically created by Russia in Ukraine. They are: systematic informational and psychological impact on the Ukrainian society by anti-Ukrainian and pro-Russian narratives; support of pro-Russian groups of influence both in the Ukrainian politics and establishment, and in the marginalized segment of society; construction of foreign policy circumstances that put into question Ukraine's ability to systematically respond to the threats of national security.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The conducted research allowed proving that inefficiency and actual absence of any activity in managing political and other national risks at the governmentally level during the whole period of its independence became one of the main sources of Ukraine's critical vulnerabilities along with the possibility for the aggressor to strengthen their action. The differentiation of political risk factors that formed the critical vulnerabilities of the Ukrainian state into the ones that are inherent to Ukraine and those that were generated by the aggressor was justified.The author considers the analysis of other political risks of globalization, in particular, the integration of the national economy into the world economy system as a perspective direction for further research. ; Актуалізовано необхідність наукового осмислення ризикогенного впливу глобалізації у контексті пошуку оптимальних шляхів розбудови ризик-орієнтованого державного управління в Україні. Проаналізовано вплив таких ризикоутворюючих чинників глобалізації для сучасної України, як гібридні війни та гібридні загрози. Доведено, що неефективність і фактична відсутність діяльності з управління політичними та національними ризиками на державному рівні за весь період незалежності України стали одним із основних джерел критичних вразливостей Української держави поряд із спроможністю зовнішнього агресора підсилювати їх дію. Обґрунтування диференціацію політичних ризикогенних чинників, що формували критичні вразливості держави, на такі, що іманентно властиві Україні, і такі, що були навмисно створені Росією.