Suchergebnisse

The study of Dostoevsky's project is in line with the search for a single Russian project of civilizational development, i.e. own model of life structure (form of government, value system, etc.), studying the cultural and civilizational charac­teristics of Russia and understanding the foundations of national identity. The ar­ticle reconstructs the project of the development of Russia, presented in the works of Fyodor Dostoevsky, and in this context the problems of the origin of the state, the secularization of the church, relations between morality and poli­tics, the church and the state, state and church court, Russia and the Western countries, the stages of civilizational development are considered, the concepts of vsechelovecheskoe and universal are analyzed; three levels of understanding of the universal in the writings of the writer are revealed. The study opens up the metaphysical foundations of Dostoevsky's project, on the basis of which the writer points out the existence of a universal connection between people, and as­serts the need for the integration of humanity on a new basis in the General Syn­thesis. The article reveals the fundamental values of Russian civilization, which, according to the writer, are brotherhood, universality and vsechelovechnost, in­extricably linked with Orthodoxy. The author traces the development of Dosto­evsky's socio-political and religious-moral ideas in the philosophy of the begin­ning of the 20th century. The socio-philosophical views of Dostoevsky are considered in the context of the ecclesiastical and historiosophical concepts of Aleksey Khomyakov, Vladimir Solovyov, Nikolay Danilevsky, Konstantin Leon­tiev and others. The article concludes about the relevance of the questions posed by Dostoevsky and the solutions proposed by him. It is shown that Dostoevsky's ideas, being rethought and filled with new content, exist in modern public con­sciousness. The writer offers examples of new ways of human-human, human-social interaction, and interaction between social communities. The ultimate goal of his project is the transformation of the individual and society.

We thank the participants in the \Stealth Physics at LHCb" workshop, held in Santiago de Compostela in February 2020 [333], for many fruitful discussions and for triggering many ideas that were developed here. We also thank the LHC Long-Lived Particle community, and the LPCC LHC Long-lived Particle and Dark Matter working groups for fostering and nurturing the interest in the ideas here discussed. We kindly acknowledge Vladimir Gligorov, Stephen Farry and Niels Tuning for kindly reading and providing comments to this document. This work has been supported by MINECO (Spain) through the Ramón y Cajal program RYC-2016- 20073 and by XuntaGAL under the ED431F 2018/01 project. It has also received nancial support from XuntaGAL (Centro singular de investigación de Galicia accreditation 2019-2022), by European Union ERDF, by the \María de Maeztu" Units of Excellence program MDM-2016-0692 and the Spanish Research State Agency, and by the Generalitat Valenciana (Spain) through the plan GenT program (CIDEGENT/2019/068). ; In this paper, we describe the potential of the LHCb experiment to detect Stealth physics. This refers to dynamics beyond the Standard Model that would elude searches that focus on energetic objects or precision measurements of known processes. Stealth signatures include long-lived particles and light resonances that are produced very rarely or together with overwhelming backgrounds. We will discuss why LHCb is equipped to discover this kind of physics at the Large Hadron Collider and provide examples of well-motivated theoretical models that can be probed with great detail at the experiment. ; MINECO (Spain) through the Ram on y Cajal program RYC-2016- 20073 ; XuntaGAL under the ED431F 2018/01 project ; XuntaGAL (Centro singular de investigaci on de Galicia accreditation 2019-2022) ; European Union ERDF ; María de Maeztu" Units of Excellence program MDM-2016-0692 ; Spanish Research State Agency ; Generalitat Valenciana (Spain) through the plan GenT program (CIDEGENT/2019/068)

The article deals with the views of the largest Russian Slavist Vladimir Ivanovich Lamansky (1833–1914) on the Eastern Question. Both his published works and manuscripts are used as sources. It is noted that Lamansky, on the base of the ideas of Slavophiles, formulated an original civilizational and political-geographical doctrine, which was developed in the concept of Eurasians. It is pointed out that the specific feature of Lamansky's approach was a broad philosophical-historical and global-historical view at the Eastern Question. He showed that the significance of the Oriental Question was not limited to the rivalry with Turkey, liberation of the Southern Slavs, capture of Constantinople, and control over the Straits. According to Lamansky, the Eastern Question is an issue of civilizational rifts in Eastern Europe and Asia Minor that lead to the confrontation of two civilizational worlds: the Germanic-Romanic and the Greco-Slavic or the Middle World. The main boundaries of Greco-Slavic civilisation coincide with the borders of the Russian Empire, but the western boundary of this distinctive world remains unstable. Its definition constitutes the main content of the Eastern Question. The political configuration of the Greco-Slavic civilisation corresponds best to the idea of a unified Christian Empire, allowing for different forms of government on different territories. However, the Russian state, as the largest representative of the Middle World, realized a different type of empire - a Europeanizing state, which does not correspond to its global-historical task. The Eastern Question, therefore, was aquestion issue of mutual relations between the Germanic-Romanic and the Middle Worlds. Lamansky argued that its solution could not be purely military. A favourable resolution of the Eastern Question for the Middle World would be a consequence of its successful internal development.

The article aims to analyze the immigration politics of the Russian Federation from the perspective of the last three decades after the collapse of the Soviet Union. We have considered its importance from the point of view of the domestic and foreign policy of the state. Since 2000, with the beginning of Vladimir Putin's first presidency, we have been observing a significant increase in the importance of the immigration policy of the Russian Federation, which was an important component of the Russian population policy and one of the key instruments to counteract the deepening depopulation of the state. However, the growing popularity of labor migration to the Russian Federation and the low effectiveness of managing migration flows resulted in a massive influx of irregular migrants, which have used some of the Russian political circles to fuel anti-immigration sentiments. Because of this politics, since 2007, we have been observing a gradual departure from the earlier model of immigration policy, open to labor migration from the Commonwealth of Independent States, towards a policy limiting the influx of Muslim migrants from Central Asia. At the same time Russian government have invited Russian-speaking people from the post-Soviet area to settle in Russia. The introduced restrictions allowed the Russian Federation to use the facilitation of access to the Russian labor market as an instrument encouraging the political and economic integration of the post-Soviet states within the structures controlled by the Russian Federation. The increase in the political component of immigration policy did not change the fact that it was thanks to the influx of people from the post-Soviet area that Russia avoided the depopulation that is currently observed in Ukraine. Analyzing the situation of the Russian Federation and its politics towards the post-Soviet region, the realistic paradigm was used as it best reflects the specificity of the region.

The article analyzes the emergence of the so-called red funeral ritual in the 1920s in Soviet Russia as an important component of political everyday life. The first part of the article examines the funeral rituals of representatives of the Bolshevik elite. The second part attempts to characterize the transformation of funeral rites among the "common" population. The analysis undertaken clearly shows the undoubted political and public nature of funeral rituals in early Soviet Russia. Initially, Soviet funeral rituals were powerfully influenced by radical utilitarianism and total nihilistic denial of the religious worldview, intensified by the excesses of the World War, Revolution and Civil War. Nevertheless, nihilism and utilitarianism, the highest expression of which was the idea of cremation, were quickly pushed out by a new funeral ritual, the key elements of which were demonstration and "theatrical ritual" with its music, processions, pretentious speeches and fireworks, in many respects borrowed from military funerals. The main role in the emergence of the red funeral ritual was played by the cult of fallen heroes, which in turn was a guarantee of political immortality of the Bolshevik leaders. As a result, the red funeral became an important element of the alternative Bolshevik culture. The concept of Vladimir Buldakov, who characterized revolutionary funeral rituals as "neo-pagan", is at least controversial. The attempt to make funerals of the Bolshevik elites a model for mass funerals collided with conservative rituals, especially in the countryside. With regard to the 1920s, at best, we can talk about the emergence of a kind of "the effect of dual faith", a specific symbiosis of red and religious funeral rites. Thus, in the 1920s, the process of a new Soviet ritualism development was far from complete, including the Soviet party and state elites, as evidenced by the fluctuations between party asceticism with its utilitarian attitude to ashes and splendid funerals of leaders.

This article considers the issue of the continuity and discontinuity of the historical process within the legacy of the Russian philosophers of the first half of the twentieth century. Its main task is to reconstruct their understanding of the category of discontinuity in relation to social sciences and the humanities in the works of N.V. Bugaev, V.G. Alekseev, P.A. Florensky, V.F. Ern, and L.P. Karsavin. This task is accomplished by carrying out a comparative historical study of the works of these philosophers in the context of their mutual influence and of how the given topics are developed. The research, which was conducted mainly on the existing historiography of the Moscow School of Philosophy and Mathematics, identifies a number of lacunae regarding the category of continuity/discontinuity. While this issue was first raised by Nikolai Bugaev and Vissarion Alekseev, it was Pavel Florensky who suggested a solution to the problem by applying the theory of discontinuous functions used in arithmology to the historical process. Florensky's efforts were initially fruitless, however, and it was not until after 1905 that he succeeded in doing so. It has been proven that Vladimir Ern radicalized Florensky's thoughts and made significant progress in understanding the topic of discontinuity within the historical process and the progress of mankind. Considerable attention is also paid to the reasons for the repressions enacted against the Moscow school during the Soviet period. Finally, Lev Karsavin's relationship with this line of study of discontinuity in Russian philosophy is clarified and the place of Karsavin's early and late works in the study of the category of continuity and discontinuity in the history of mankind is also considered. The conclusion of this article deals with the relevance of this legacy of Russian philosophers in contemporary epistemology and the methodology of history.

Enerji, insanlık tarihi boyunca insan yaşamı için hep önemli bir olgu olagelmiştir. Tarihte çeşitli dönemlerde çeşitli amaçlarla kullanılan çeşitli kaynaklardan elde edilen enerjiye olan ihtiyaç ise hep baki kalmıştır. Bu anlamda, enerji ihtiyacının maksimize olduğu moment ise sanayi devrimi ve sonrasında gün be gün gelişen ve tüm dünya sathına yayılan kapitalizmin ortaya çıkış sürecidir. Kapitalizmin özünü oluşturan meta zincirinin tamamlanması için elzem olan enerjiye duyulan gereksinim böylece basitçe gündelik yaşam ihtiyacından çıkıp tümden sistemin temel gereksinimlerinden biri haline gelmiştir. Günümüzde enerji kaynaklarına sahip olmak ise hem ulusal bazda hem de uluslararası bazda ekonomik ve siyasal anlamda önemli bir güce sahip olma anlamına da gelmektedir. Dünya üzerinde bu güce sahip olan ve çeşitli mecralarda bu gücün ekonomik ve politik veçhelerini dinamik bir biçimde kullanan ülkelerin başında Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ve Rusya Federasyonu gelmektedir. Bu iki ana ülkenin enerji üzerinden kurdukları işbirlikleri aynı zamanda ekonomik ve siyasal ittifakların da anahtarını vermektedir. Rusya'nın, Sovyetler Birliği'nden kalan ağır sanayi altyapısının yanısıra zengin yeraltı kaynaklarından elde ettiği bu gücü hem ulusal hem de uluslararası bağlamda aldığı her kararın, attığı her adımın dâhilinde görmek mümkündür. Bu hususta, Vladimir Putin'in başkanlık koltuğuna oturduğu 2000 yılı ve sonrasında özellikle enerji sektörü gözetilerek yapılan devletleştirme politikaları sonucunda bir devlet şirketi haline gelen ve her geçen gün dâhilinde barındırdığı sektörleri ve şirketleri arttırarak dünyanın önde gelen şirketlerinden birisi Gazprom'dur ve hem Rus coğrafyasındaki hem eski Sovyet coğrafyadaki hem de Avrupa ve Uzakdoğu coğrafyalarındaki hem de dünyanın geri kalanındaki etki alanı ekonomik olduğu kadar siyasal kararları ve müdahaleleri de içermektedir. Bu çalışma ile, Gazprom'un bu nitelikleri üzerinden Rusya için ulusal ve uluslararası bağlamda yeri ve öneminin ekonomik ve politik veçheleri irdelenmeye çalışılacaktır. Bu nedenle, ilk önce SSCB ve Boris Yeltsin dönemleri üzerinden bir tarihsel incelemeye gidilecek, ardından da ulusal ve uluslararası bazda Gazprom'un öneminin ekonomi-politik bir analizi yapılmaya çalışılacaktır.

The article is based on content and discourse analysis of the addresses of the President of the Russian Federation to the Federal Assembly dated 12/01/2016, 03/01/2018, 02/20/2019, 01/15/2020. The aim of research is to analyze the concept of identity in the framework of Presidential Addresses and changes in the concepts of identity in dynamics. The general tendencies of considering the term "identity" in the framework of determining the identity of the Russian Federation are derived. The special relationship between the identity of the Russian Federation and the integration of the Russian Federation into integration spaces is considered. The Vladimir Putin's statements regarding the integration of the Russian Federation into the Eurasian Economic Union are evaluated, since the Russian Federation identity, in the opinion of the President, is inextricably linked with the formation of the "Eurasian identity of the Russian Federation", which in turn determines the direct relationship between the identity of the Russian Federation and the integration of the Russian Federation into the Eurasian Economic Union. The article defines the subjective factor of the Russian President, which reflects the personal nature of the President's orders and proposals. The dynamics of changes in the formation of the Russian Federation identity is reflected according to the addresses of the President of the Russian Federation to the Federal Assembly, and also on the basis of the dynamics of changes in the identity of the Russian Federation, the general process orientation of developing the Russian Federation identity is reflected. The article characterizes the permanent nature of the formation of the identity of Russia. Now, the identity of Russia is perceived as a special construct that reflects the special position of the Russian Federation, both in historical development and in the international arena.

This contribution intends to critically rethink the secular prejudice that opposes the unlimited practice of forgiveness in Christianity, against the Jewish reservation of an indiscriminate absolution of guilt. In fact, the phenomenology of forgiving and the ritual practices in the two religions appear to be much more complex, both adverse to placing evil and forgiveness on the same level. In fact, this relationship, surprisingly placing in an indiscriminate succession of wickedness and forgetfulness, only opens up the abyss between the absolute of the law of mercy and the absolute of evil freedom. And again: between the unheard-of power of forgiveness and the profound lacerations inflicted by evil, indicating that forgetting and indifference, moral amnesia and easy forgiveness on behalf of third parties risk, even today, anesthetizing the guilt and deresponsible the guilty. This question, which crosses personal conscience and also the social, ethical-juridical and political dimension (how can we not think of the heartfelt appeals of Vladimir Jankèlèvitch, in the aftermath of the feared prescription of Nazi crimes in Perdonner?) Was enriched in 900 by numerous reflections, among which, those of Emil Fackenheim and Riccardo Di Segni on one side, of Lytta Basset and Paul Ricoeur on the other.The deepening of the relationship between evil, repentance, forgiveness and atonement can thus become a fruitful terrain for dialogue, able to provide the tools of an ethics of reparation, corresponding to the Restaurative Justice, proper to criminal law. Reconverting the offense and the harm inflicted through the repair of the damage caused, can represent a possible path of common clarification on the subject of forgiveness, capable of correcting some indiscriminate misunderstandings and certain secular misunderstandings between the two religions. ; Questo contributo intende ripensare criticamente il pregiudizio secolare che contrappone l'illimitata pratica del perdono nel cristianesimo, contro la riserva ebraica di una ...

The leadership crisis is an interesting thing to discuss in the current era, where everyone wants to gain power and is upheld by the people under him. However, the power that has been obtained is not the least bit misused properly, a person should rule and lead his people. Social issues regarding corruption, oppression of the little people, arbitrary tax increases, dishonesty from the leaders themselves, are certainly very close to our ears about the political and social conditions that exist in Indonesia. The Robin of Sherewood performance from the KataK Theater, directed and written by Venantinus Vladimir Ivan, raised this with satires in the form of dialogue that was brought up during the performance which took place at the Jakarta Arts Building on 11-13 May 2018. The political communication of protest is reflected in this performance, how Loxely and the rest of Robin are a reflection of those who dare to cast a voice of truth. To further analyze the Robin of Sherewood performance from the KataK Theater, researchers used critical discourse analysis developed by Norman Fairclough. In his analysis, Fairclough divides discourse analysis into three major aspects, namely: Microstructure Analysis (Text), Mesostructural Analysis (Performance Production), Macrostructural Analysis (Situational, Institutional, Social) (Eriyanto, 2018: 286). This research uses qualitative research methods, supported by a critical paradigm and also a critical tradition. The results of this study indicate that it has been shown how a theater performance can reflect, entertain and educate the audience regarding the political communication of protest contained therein through dialogues that are reflected in each act. Criticism of the authorities, conveying what feels right, and defending the oppressed people are continuous with the current political conditions in Indonesia. All these aspects are packaged neatly and attractively.

The Russian exiled philosophers Alexander Kozhevnikov (Alexandre Kozhève) and Nikolay Lossky, who had to leave Russia in the 1920s, gave paradoxical interpretations of Hegel's work: Kozhève treated Hegel as an atheist whereas Lossky interpreted him as an intuitivist. Both philosophers have influenced the development of Western European philosophy and contemporary understanding of Hegel's texts. The history of Russian philosophy would be poorer if we forget that Kozhevnikov acquired recognition as a French philosopher Kozhève only at a mature age. A strong influence on Kozhève's treatment of Christianity was exerted by Vladimir Soloviev's philosophy, to which he devoted his first dissertation under the guidance of Karl Jaspers. His attention to the Christian understanding of love as an endless power over the finite manifestations of spirit, which was expounded upon/revealed in his course of lectures on Hegel, enjoyed great popularity in France and influenced the formation of eminent philosophers. Hegel's atheism in Kozhève's interpretation is not a denial of religion, since religion and philosophy have common interests applied to eternal themes; they differ only in methods of the cognition of the Absolute. The logic of the anthropological interpretation of Hegel led Kozhève to the rationalization of religion by elevating philosophy over it. Hegel's atheistic anthropology turned his study into a summary of religious evolution, with theology eventually ousted by anthropology. Nikolay Lossky, who had written a book on intuitivism before the revolution, in his creative work abroad extended his notion of intuitivism by calling Hegel an extreme intuitivist. He based this conclusion on Hegel's upholding of the principle of the identity of thinking and being, that is following the logic of an object in cognition. The possibility to eliminate the contradiction between knowledge and being, about which Hegel wrote, is interpreted by Lossky as intuitivism and even empiricism.

The paper presents a coherent analysis of the famous poem by Alexander Blok «A Girl Was Singing in a Church Choir...» in an extensive historical and cultural context. Much attention is paid to the poetics of color, the colorative «white», which is characterized by semantic tension and brings the reader into the ontological space of the text. In the poem, the image of the girl is associated with white color and light, which shows that the heroine belongs to the higher, heavenly world and is opposed to «everyone» from the temple, which is in darkness. The play of light and shadow acquires a sacred nature and makes it possible to raise the question of the apophatic tradition, the appearance of «evening light» and «unfading light». The image of the heroine is also viewed from the perspective of the teaching on Sophia by Vladimir Solovyov, whose legacy was addressed by the poet. Blok draws parallels with the Russian folklore tradition, analyzing the last stanza, the image of a crying child. The appeal to folklore is fruitful, since Blok was well acquainted with oral folk art, as evidenced by the fact that he was the author of the article «Poetry of Conspiracies and Spells», written in the same period as the object of the current study, the poem «A Girl Was Singing in a Church Choir...». However, the authors of this paper interpret folklore not narrowly, but include in its field rituals, ceremonies, and pre-genre formations. The work is based on a holistic analysis of the artistic text using structural-typological, comparative, and systematic-comprehensive (culturological) research methods. These methods allow highlighting the ontological dimension in the poem, revising the views on the images of the girl and the child that have established in literary studies, avoiding unambiguousness in interpretation.

This article introduces five terracotta figurines acquired in Egypt by Vladimir S. Golenishchev and N. G. Ter-Mikaelyan and currently preserved at the Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts. Three statuettes depict the child god Harpocrates with the attributes of royal power; two figurines demonstrate the identification of Harpocrates with the Greek god Eros. Most of the objects can be dated mainly to the Roman times, one is to be dated to the late Ptolemaic period. The places of finding or manufacturing of figurines are mostly unknown; however, according to a number of specific features, these could be towns of the Fayum Oasis, the Delta, and in one case — probably, Edfu. Terracotta figurines of Harpocrates with royal regalia are rare, especially in comparison with the wide-spread occurrence of terracottaе with Harpocrates holding a pot or cornucopia; all these data bring his functions as patron of fertility and defender of health to the fore. The presence of royal attributes seems to be a kind of secondary, partly decorative elements that only enhance the most popular aspects of terracotta images of Harpocrates. The type of figurines depicting Harpocrates sitting on a throne with the crown of the god Amun reproduces the iconography of small bronze sculpture. In other types of terracotta the royal attributes most frequently found are the double crown and — rarely — a nemes-headdress; the crown is usually surrounded by lotus buds, a favorite motive of Harpocrates' iconography. The childish image of Harpocrates in the time of interaction between Eastern and Western cultures led to a natural synthesis of images of the child gods of Egyptian and Graeco-Roman worlds — Harpocrates and Eros. Apparently, such terracottaе, which had more Hellenistic than Egyptian features, were in demand by the population of different towns in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt.

The aim of the article is to analyze the image of economic emigration from Ukraine to Poland created by pro-Kremlin media after 2014. It shows how Russian propaganda changed during the 20th century, what function it had from the tsarist period, through the years of the Soviet Union, to contemporary times. Its significance in the period after the decomposition of the union state was presented, and in particular the changes that it underwent since Vladimir Putin's first presidency. There were shown ideological changes, which more or less influenced the public discourse, and thus also the media coverage. The functions of the Russian propaganda after the escalation of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and the way of presenting mass labour migration from Ukraine to Poland are presented, both in the context of creating a specific narrative about the current internal and foreign situation of Ukraine after the Dignity Revolution, as well as against the background of Polish-Ukrainian relations and migration processes taking place in Poland. It was shown which aspects of mass migration were most often presented by pro-Kremlin information platforms, in which context and how a specific propaganda discourse was constructed. An important element is the analysis of changes observed in the message of the state-controlled Russian media concerning the mass migration of Ukrainians to Poland and the analysis of the origins, scale, significance and consequences of this migration. More extensive research leads to the conclusion that the media controlled by the Kremlin authorities can skilfully construct the message by adapting it to the addressee. In Polish language information services, the information addressed to the recipient is much more detailed and prepared in such a way as to build an aversion between the host society and Ukrainian economic immigrants. While preparing the article, we used the analysis of data found with elements of a comparative analysis.

This paper shows the results of sociological classics citation analysis in the journal Sociologija for the period 1997–2017. As a starting point of the research, we used the paper by vladimir vuletić and Aljoša Mimica Where Has the Third Classic Disappeared? The Citation Analysis of Marx's, Webers's and Durkheim's Works in the Journal Sociologija from 1959 to 1996. This paper will represent the basis concerning the use of analysis citation methods in order to achieve data comparability within two time periods. The main goal of the paper is to identify classics citation trends in the past twenty years. to be more precise, we will try to address the issues of whether the aforementioned period represents merely an extrapolation of trends that have already been identified in the above-mentioned paper or whether there are new practices and patterns when citing Marx, Weber and Durkheim. Political and social changes have been rather dramatic and all-inclusive over the past twenty years. Thus, we find this task utterly compelling and substantial since it represents the reflection of Serbian (yugoslavian) sociology within a set time frame. ; Овај рад ће представљати основу u pogledu upotrebe metoda analize citiranosti kako bi bila ostvarena upo- redivost podataka u dva vremenska perioda. Osnovni cilj našeg rada je iden- tifikovanje trendova citiranja klasika u poslednjih dvadeset godina. Tačnije, pokušaćemo da odgovorimo na pitanje da li navedeni period predstavlja samo ekstrapolaciju trendova koji su već uočeni u navedenom radu ili se javljaju nove prakse i obrasci pozivanja na Marksa, Vebera i Dirkema. Političke i društvene promene u poslednjih dvadeset godina su bile posebno dramatične i sveobuhvatne. Stoga nam se ovakav poduhvat čini posebno zanimljiv i značajan jer istovremeno predstavlja i sliku srpske (jugoslovenske) sociologije u datom vremenskom periodu. ; Sociology in XXI century : challenges and perspectives