This white paper has been prepared by World Bank s Transport and Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) Global Practice at the request of the MIOA . Delivery of the White Paper is part of a wider package of technical assistance by the World Bank to the Government of FYR Macedonia. The paper starts off by giving an overview of the state of telecom development in rural FYR Macedonia from the standpoint of affordability and availability of the commercial broadband Internet access services for the less advantaged groups of the population. The next section describes the Wi-Fi Kiosk Project outlining its scope, aim, and implementation process while bringing forward publics experiences with respect to the Wi-Fi kiosk use. This section also examines technical parameters related to the Internet usage and demonstrates the problematic of the kiosk maintenance in the remote and rural areas. Section five references specific policy and regulatory measures designed by different government stakeholders with a goal to analyse the approach which has been chosen to ensure availability of the fixed and (or) mobile broadband Internet in the rural areas of the country. The white paper concludes with a set of observations and recommendations aiming to address the sustainability of the results achieved by the Wi-Fi Kiosk Project and to offer next steps to increase rural connectivity in FYR Macedonia.
The dynamic growth of mobile communications technology is creating opportunities for economic growth, social empowerment, and grassroots innovation in developing countries. One of the areas with the greatest potential impact is in the contribution that mobile applications can make to agricultural and rural development (ARD), by providing access to information, markets, and services to millions of rural inhabitants. For both agricultural supply and demand, mobile phones can reduce waste, make delivery more efficient, and forge closer links between farmers and consumers. This report provides policymakers and development practitioners with a guide that facilitates the development and deployment of mobile applications for ARD. It also informs their understanding of the key drivers for promoting such applications and services in their countries. Using James Moore's (1996) revised definition of ecosystems: economic communities based on interacting organizations and individuals the report identifies a wide range of players in the ecosystem for m-ARD apps, such as mobile network operators, m-app (mobile applications) providers, content providers, and various types of users. M-apps are software designed to take advantage of mobile technology and can be developed for technology besides mobile phones. But mobile phones have many key advantages: affordability, wide ownership, voice communications, and instant and convenient service delivery. As a result, there has been a global explosion in the number of m-apps, facilitated by the rapid evolution of mobile networks and by the increasing functions and falling prices of mobile handsets. M-apps are markedly different in developing countries because they typically run on second-generation (2G) phones rather than smartphones, which are far more common in developed countries. The report reviews country examples and extracts policy lessons and good practices. It also presents detailed studies of cases from Kenya, Philippines, and Sri Lanka, as well as summarizes 92 case studies from Africa, Asia, and Latin America. The goal is to provide a comprehensive understanding of the development impact, ecosystem, and business models for mobile applications in ARD. The report is intended to complement the recent ICT in Agriculture eSourcebook. One of the main findings is that an enabling platform (or platforms) is probably the most important factor for the development of m-ARD apps. Platforms can facilitate interactions among ecosystem players, increase access to users, provide technical standards, and incorporate payment mechanisms.
Se puede pensar que esta asociación pudiera tener alguna relación biológica, pero como argumenta Pauletti (2012) no hay raíces ancestrales de esta asignación de colores a las niñas y niños. Esta autora señala que estos colores empezaron a asociarse al sexo en la Segunda Guerra Mundial, ya que antes se usaba el blanco para los bebes. La finalidad de esta imposición es establecer unas pautas, normas y estereotipos a las personas. Esta cuestión no tendría importancia si ello no conllevara una clasificación y jerarquización. Esta asignación condiciona el aspecto físico, el entorno y hasta los gustos. Y lo mismo ocurre con la música. Cuando se piensa en instrumentos o dirección de orquestas se extrapola a los varones. Si nos preguntasen por el nombre de algún compositor de música clásica, prácticamente todas las personas podrían responder como ejemplo que son Mozart, Beethoven o Falla. En cambio no mencionarían a las mujeres, como ocurre en otras artes. La invisibilidad de las mujeres en este ámbito es tan llamativa que, una de las razones para realizar esta Tesis es poner en evidencia los mecanismos que son los causantes de ese error. Los pilares básicos que sustentan este trabajo son la igualdad, el género, los derechos humanos, la música y la educación. Con los hallazgos se pretende conocer, analizar y demostrar cómo se construye la identidad del alumnado a través de la educación musical en la etapa de primaria, desde una mirada de género. Queremos "prestar nuestras gafas" para que se vea la discriminación que aún existe en la educación. De hecho la Ley Orgánica 8/2013, de 9 de diciembre, para la mejora de la calidad Educativa (LOMCE), afirma que "el nivel educativo de los ciudadanos determina su capacidad de competir con éxito en el ámbito del panorama internacional y de afrontar los desafíos que se planteen en el futuro", esto supone abrir las puertas a puestos de trabajo de alta cualificación, lo que representa una apuesta por el crecimiento económico y por un futuro mejor. Para ello se resalta el papel de materias científicas y técnicas, eliminando la obligatoriedad de cursar educación artística (plástica y música) en Educación Primaria, y música en Educación Secundaria, hecho que posibilita que un alumno o alumna termine su escolarización en España sin haber estudiado dicha materia. Otra razón para iniciar este estudio es que, como docente que soy, comparto los planteamientos de la corriente constructivista (Porlan, 1993; Díaz-Aguado y Medrano, 1994; Carretero, 2010) en la consideración de que la investigación es un factor fundamental para que las personas elaboremos y reconstruyamos nuestro conocimiento. Está claro que es fundamental mantener una perspectiva investigadora que nos permita conocer cuáles serían los nuevos conocimientos más adecuados para interaccionar en un contexto de aprendizaje y/o de formación. Pero la valoración de esta disciplina no siempre ha sido positiva, en concreto en la enseñanza básica. Murphey (1992, pp. 8-9) recoge algunas creencias del profesorado sobre el uso de la música en el terreno educativo, como son ''Los profesores no se toman la música en serio; creen que puede molestar a las clases contiguas; los estudiantes "se desmadran " y se pierde el control de la clase; los diferentes gustos musicales entre los estudiantes de un mismo grupo es un problema. " Santos (1997a) insiste también en que siguen persistiendo los prejuicios contrarios a la utilización de las canciones en el colegio, ya que se considera una pérdida de tiempo, una distracción del currículum a seguir, además de una falta de rigor y seriedad académica. Partiendo de la afirmación ya conocida de que "la educación, bien entendida, no es tan solo una preparación para la vida; es, en sí misma, una manifestación permanente y armoniosa de la vida" (Willems, 1984, pp. 13-14). Nos planteamos que esta idea debería extenderse a todo estudio artístico y particularmente para la educación musical, que apela, como afirma Willems (1984, pp. 13-14) "a la mayoría de las facultades del ser humano ". El desarrollo de estas capacidades y cualidades en los niños y niñas va a depender de los ambientes sociales a los que están expuestos: la familia, la escuela y la sociedad en general. En particular, la familia es el primer ambiente en el que pasamos los primeros años de nuestra vida, y precisamente es en éste, dónde reside la base de la educación musical. En ella se adquieren las habilidades sociales que permitirán desarrollar la autonomía, ya que "e/ modo como están siendo educados puede contribuir para que lleguen a ser más completos o, por otro lado, para limitar sus iniciativas y sus aspiraciones" (Finco, 2010, p. 59). Por lo tanto, será la familia la primera forma natural de preparación, transmitiéndoles, por medio del canto y juegos, la sensibilidad por la música. Luego está la escuela que complementa la formación en valores que el discente recibe en su hogar, máxime cuando existen en el entorno deficiencias en esta formación (García, 2005). Incluso desde "las ropas rosas y azules y los pendientes que 'adornan ' las orejas de las niñas, son claros indicios de que el desarrollo de los roles de género comienza muy tempranamente" (Gómez Bueno, 2001, p. 56). El segundo agente es la escuela. El colegio tiene un importante papel socializador, transmisor de valores, normas, hábitos de comportamiento., que facilitan la convivencia entre las personas. Tiene una serie de funciones, las cuales podríamos resumir en tres: preparar al sujeto para su futuro profesional, educar a las personas moral y socialmente, y dar una cultura personal. El ambiente social y público de las instituciones educativas, posibilita una educación colectiva, lo que propicia al niño o niña diferentes experiencias por medio de la convivencia con las diferencias de sexo, edad, etnia, religión, entre otras (Faria y Finco, 2011). Dentro de la función socializadora que tiene el colegio, es destacable "el papel de las personas que intervienen en él, las relaciones de poder, usos del lenguaje, estereotipos de género, estrategias de enseñanza y pertinencia de sus contenidos, y evaluación en la escuela" (Chavez, 2006, p. 18). Imbemón (2002, p. 17) considera que "la educación por sí sola no puede introducir los cambios necesarios en las sociedades pero sí puede actuar como instrumento fundamental para promover cambios en la misma. Es precisamente en estos tres ambientes, donde se mueve este trabajo de investigación que se presenta como Tesis Doctoral, puesto que la música se aprende desde la familia, ya que forma parte de la cultura de un lugar, y se vivencia en la escuela y la sociedad. La finalidad de este trabajo de investigación tiene una doble vertiente, por un lado valorar y demostrar que la música es un potente agente transmisor de conocimientos, no solamente musicales, sino también de valores, costumbres, creencias, estereotipos., que influyen en el desarrollo de la identidad de las personas. Por otro lado, resaltar la importante labor de la música en el proceso educativo del alumnado, ya que a través de ella se desarrollan capacidades, habilidades, destrezas. básicas para la vida de nuestro alumnado. El interés por este tema, parte del año 2008, ya que me inicié en esta temática con el trabajo de investigación titulado "Análisis de la transmisión de los estereotipos de género en el cancionero de Huelva como recurso educativo" realizado para el programa de doctorado "La Educación en la sociedad multicultural" (Bienio 2006/08). Para el desarrollo de dicho trabajo, se tomó como referencia el Cancionero infantil de la provincia de Huelva, realizado por Francisco José García Gallardo y Herminia Arredondo Pérez (1995), investigadores y docentes de la Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación de esa provincia andaluza. Las conclusiones de dicha investigación fueron la génesis de esta tesis doctoral, pues como se verá más adelante en el apartado "Conclusiones Finales", se siguen manteniendo los estereotipos en los recursos utilizados en las clases de música. En los primeros pasos para profundizar en esta temática, se puso de manifiesto los pocos estudios realizados en nuestro contexto sobre este tópico. Precisamente éste fue uno de los motivos que profesionalmente como docente, me generó curiosidad y fue decisivo para iniciar el estudio de investigación Como se ha mencionado anteriormente, tras una primera labor de búsqueda de documentación e investigaciones al respecto, encontramos que existen trabajos sobre el desarrollo de la identidad en la infancia como Phinney & Ong, 2007; Smith, 1995 y 2002; Pnevmatikos, Geka y Divane, 2010; y Markus, 2008; Al mismo tiempo, constan numerosos trabajos de investigaciones sobre transmisión de estereotipos de género a través de diversas asignaturas (como lenguaje, matemáticas, ciencias sociales, naturales, educación física. e incluso en la formación del profesorado que las imparte) como Márquez Guerrero, 2013; Álvarez, 1990; Torre, 2002; Velasco Marugán, 2012; Torres, G., y Arjona, 1988; Martínez Scott, 2012; Marco López, 1991; Lomas, 2004; Lozano Domingo, 1995; Díaz De Greñu, 2010; entre otros. Sin embargo, a la hora de abordar la educación musical como trasmisora de estereotipos a través de los recursos utilizados en las clases de música, existen muy pocas investigaciones al respecto. Con esta Tesis Doctoral, se pretende demostrar que en los recursos utilizados en clase, en este caso uno de los más empleados, como son los libros de texto de la asignatura de música en un centro educativo concreto, se transfieren conocimientos, hábitos, creencias., en definitiva, las concepciones existentes en una cultura andró céntrica, incluyendo los prejuicios. Se pretende poner de manifiesto el poder de este medio, ya que la educación es sonido e imagen; es decir, se transmite lo que se escucha y se ve, pero en la música, más concretamente, está acentuada esta relación por su incidencia en el desarrollo de las personas. Concretamente nos centramos en la influencia y efectos de la educación musical en la conformación de la identidad de género y en concreto en la transmisión de los estereotipos que se divulgan en los libros de texto de música. Para ello, se ha elegido un colegio onubense, el CEIP Aurora Moreno, ubicado en la localidad Gibraleón (Huelva). El planteamiento de este trabajo en el estudio de los libros texto es porque (desgraciadamente) en la educación en general, y la musical en particular, es el recurso más extendido a la hora de impartir las clases, limitando enormemente las actividades, tareas y ejercicios, ya que "todo está planificado" por las editoriales, ofreciendo hasta las respuestas estandarizadas que cada alumna o alumno debería dar, y no solo eso, sino las imágenes y textos que contienen, están encasillados en unas creencias, valores, pensamientos, actitudes. que poco a poco van influenciando la identidad de nuestras niñas y niños. Este poder educativo en la construcción del género, lo tiene incluso en la música actual, ya que se representan patrones de comportamiento que se asumen como normales y que, aun en la actualidad, ni se cuestionan. Podemos poner como ejemplo de esto la canción titulada "Mujer Florero" de Ella baila sola. Los fenómenos educativos no son de carácter meramente técnico. Son, más bien, de naturaleza moral y política. La actividad educativa está impregnada de contenidos morales. La responsabilidad que tenemos como profesionales del proceso educativo -en política, gestión, docencia.- es tener un control democrático externo de las acciones que se llevan a cabo y, también, un control interno nacido de las exigencias y necesidades de los protagonistas (Kelley y Beauchesne, 2001). Por eso, "no podemos ignorar o desatender que las escuelas están altamente implicadas en la educación, regulación, control y corrección de las expresiones sexuales y de género de niños y niñas, y que esas prácticas son indisociables de la producción simultánea de ordenamientos y jerarquías que legitiman y autorizan situaciones de exclusión, marginación, subordinación y violencia entre las identidades sexuales y de género, lo que posee una trascendencia política imposible de ignorar, por lo que urge avanzar en la inserción y discusión del tema en la formación de los y las profesionales de la educación" (Quaresma da Silva, Fanfa Sarmentó & Fossatti, 2012, p. 17). Los estereotipos de género que se muestran en muchas ocasiones en los libros de texto, canciones populares o tradicionales, videojuegos., encasillan a las mujeres en las "perfectas amas de casa y esposas", amables, dóciles, frágiles y, en definitiva, sin voluntad propia ni identidad o autonomía, dependientes siempre de un hombre para sentirse realizadas. Todo esto pertenece en educación al llamado currículum oculto. Se puede definir el currículum oculto como el conjunto de normas, costumbres, creencias, lenguajes y símbolos que se manifiestan en la estructura y el funcionamiento de una institución, constituyendo una fuente de aprendizajes para todas las personas que integran la organización (Santos Guerra, 2002). Los aprendizajes que se derivan del currículo oculto no solo afectan al alumnado sino también a los docentes. A partir del currículo oculto se asimilan significados a través de las prácticas que se realizan, de los discursos que se utilizan, de los textos que se leen (Santos, 2002). El androcentrismo tiene acciones muy poderosas y, en el ámbito musical más concretamente, han tratado de desvalorizar todo lo que hacen las mujeres. Estas acciones sumadas a la invisibilidad de las mujeres en la música, contribuye a desarrollar este papel secundario de ellas en esta materia de conocimiento. Por una parte se consigue infravalorar a la música realizada por mujeres, ya que carece de valor o importancia y, es por ello considerada una actividad propia de ellas, mientras que cuando hacen una aportación importante se destaca si son hombres. Como se plantea al inicio de este apartado todas y todos hemos oído hablar de Mozart o Beethoven, pero apenas se conoce la producción y el papel que han desempeñado en la vida de sus familiares mujeres como Fanny Mendelssohn (hermana de Félix), Clara Schumann (mujer de Robert), Alma Malher (mujer de Gustav) o Nanerl Mozart (hermana de Wolfgang Amadeus). Estas cuestiones son, muchas veces, olvidadas por el profesorado a la hora de seleccionar los libros de texto y quien tiene la responsabilidad en las editoriales, mostrando las concepciones y creencias arcaicas de una sociedad patriarcal, dominada por los hombres, que en algunas cuestiones es diferente en nuestros días, estando, por tanto, fuera de contexto. Con los hallazgos de este estudio se obtienen pruebas que resaltan la importancia que tiene el papel femenino dentro de la música y su efecto en la educación de las personas, en la línea que plantea una corriente actual del postmodemismo como es la musicología feminista. Esta rama de la musicología reivindica la figura de las féminas como eje central para evitar la discriminación de las mujeres no sólo como contenido, sino también como objeto. Para llevarlo a cabo, planteamos esta investigación cuya estructura se presenta a continuación: Para iniciar la fundamentación teórica de este trabajo, iniciamos una presentación de aspectos básicos que aportan la aclaración de los conceptos básicos que van a permitir la comprensión del mismo. Se parte de la idea de que la música es potente medio de comunicación, en muchas ocasiones objetivo y en otras subjetivo, otorgándole así una gran importancia como transmisor de ideas, creencias, valores, sentimientos. En primer lugar, se presenta la música como lenguaje, con sus elementos constitutivos, pues es una faceta poco conocida. También describimos lo inmensamente relacionada que está con la palabra, pues, muchos musicólogos coinciden en asignarle un origen común con el lenguaje oral. Como expresa Bernabé Villodre (2012, p. 107), "la música es una manifestación artística, es un medio de expresión de ideas, de emociones, de vivencias de una sociedad. El arte musical combina sus elementos propios de tal forma que acerca al oyente a la cultura del pueblo que la ha producido y a las emociones humanas. Por todo esto, podemos considerarla como una base para el establecimiento del diálogo intercultural, como una herramienta más de trabajo de la ínterculturalidad". La educación artística y, más concretamente la musical, ayuda a una transmisión de creencias, normas. ya que "en la música se enseñan valores y con la música se aprende a elegir valores" (Touriñán y Longueira, 2010, p. 160). Posteriormente, presentamos a la música como una fuente de expresión, e incluso haremos un recorrido cronológico del desarrollo expresivo de los niños y niñas a través de la misma. Además, se explicará con más detenimiento los tres tipos de expresión musical: vocal, instrumental y corporal. "El proceso de creación de la música puede contribuir a la apreciación de la diversidad cultural y al respeto de la libertad de expresión; de ahí, la importancia de la música como medio de comunicación entre culturas y, por extensión, la importancia de la educación por la música. Sin embargo, debe señalarse que no sólo la práctica musical en el ámbito formal puede favorecer la adquisición de la denominada competencia inter cultural" (García, Escarbajal de Haro y Escarbajal Frutos, 2007, p. 26). Posteriormente, se explica cómo el estudio de la música a lo largo de las distintas sociedades ha dado lugar a una ciencia llamada sociología. Se desarrolla una aproximación cronológica de la génesis de esta ciencia, así como de los distintos intelectuales importantes en el desarrollo de la misma. "Partimos de la idea de que la música se ha dotado desde un principio de una carga inherente de sociabilidad, es expresión de la vida interior, expresión de los sentimientos, pero a su vez exige por parte de quienes la escuchan, receptividad y conocimiento del estilo de que se trate, además de conocimiento de la sociedad en la que se crea, ya que cada obra musical es un conjunto de signos, inventados durante la ejecución y dictados por las necesidades del contexto social. Si desligamos a la obra de la sociedad que la creó los signos musicales tendrán sentidos distintos" (Hormigos, 2012, p. 75). En la antigüedad, el sentido musical estaba asociado a actividades colectivas, donde se compartían experiencias y vivencias, es decir, el contacto del individuo con la música se producía en el directo, compartiendo la experiencia musical con otras personas y generándose, de este modo, un verdadero acontecimiento social, sin embargo en la actualidad, es habitual que olvidemos esta dimensión ya que estamos demasiado acostumbrados a escucharla en solitario (Drósser, 2012). A continuación, se presenta el desarrollo cronológico de la función social de la música, desde la prehistoria hasta la actualidad. En este apartado se explica la importancia de la misma en las distintas sociedades y los usos que se hacía o hace de ella. En el desarrollo de este punto se resalta la importancia que tenía la música en la prehistoria hasta Grecia y Roma, pues entonces, tenía un valor formativo y educativo, y como posteriormente se le dio un trato de divertimento o pasatiempo, obviando sus propiedades. "Para descifrar el mensaje que posee toda composición musical es necesario entender su estructura y la forma de la música, estructura y forma que quedan determinadas por las características de la sociedad que las crea, las hereda o las interpreta. Por tanto, el hecho musical debe entenderse como una actividad social" (Hormigos, 2012, p. 76). Además, destaca la importancia del protagonismo femenino a lo largo de la historia, pues como veremos más adelante, las mujeres somos las "grandes olvidadas" en los libros de historia de la música. Green (2001, p. 25) argumenta que "la división del trabajo musical en una esfera pública, en gran medida masculina, y una esfera privada, en gran parte femenina, es un rasgo de la historia de la música occidental, así como de muchas culturas musicales de todo el mundo ". "En la música, el sistema patriarcal no ha sido menos influyente que en otros niveles sociales. La mujeres en la música han estado siempre invisibilizadas y relegadas a un segundo plano. No debemos olvidar que la música está insertada en un determinado modelo de sociedad que la produce, transmitiendo un determinado tipo de cultura, valores e intereses estéticos que siempre han de estar en conexión con el resto de factores que conforman dicha sociedad" (Laborda, 2015, p. 168) En el siguiente apartado se aborda el valor educativo de la música, iniciándolo en los antecedentes históricos y recorriendo cronológicamente las distintas épocas hasta llegar a la ley educativa actual, LOMCE. En este apartado, se desarrolla cómo se entiende la educación actual, así como más específicamente el currículum de música. Como en este trabajo es especialmente relevante el valor educativo de la música, así como de sus aportaciones a la etapa de primaria, se realiza una revisión detallada de los métodos de enseñanza y aprendizaje con fundamentación psicológica, los cuales aseguran que la música contribuye a una formación integral del alumnado, como son los de Suzuki, 1978; Willems, 1984; Kodaly, 1974; Ward, 1964; Orff-Schulwerk, 1969; Martenot, 1993; Paynter, 1999; y Dalcroze, 1998. En la escuela es fundamental tratar, estudiar y formar al alumnado en conocimientos sobre música. Según Alonso, Pereira y Soto (2003) la música es un instrumento educativo para la expresión de valores y sentimientos, ya que a través de la educación musical, el alumnado puede participar en producciones de forma cooperativa, establecer relaciones sociales, trabajo en equipo. Herrera (2007, p. 6), considera que "desde la educación musical podemos elaborar un marco de actuación idóneo para trabajar aspectos como la libertad, autonomía personal, autoestima, honestidad, felicidad, espíritu crítico, igualdad, solidaridad, pluralismo, cooperación, amor, creatividad. ". Una vez contextualizado el marco teórico, en el segundo bloque, se fundamenta y describen los objetivos de este estudio, que pueden resumirse en el título de esta Tesis Doctoral, realizar un análisis de la construcción de la identidad desde una perspectiva de género a través de la educación musical en la etapa de primaria. Para ello, se analizan los libros de texto de música desde una perspectiva de género; se realiza un análisis de los personajes que aparecen en los libros; se describe el rol social que desempeñan hombres y mujeres presentes en los libros de texto utilizados en las clases de música; se detectan y analizan los estereotipos de género que se le enseñan y transmiten al alumnado. Todo ello, con la finalidad de sensibilizar y crear conciencia entre el profesorado y a la administración pública de la presencia de un potente currículum oculto en los libros de texto; descubrir si en los libros de texto y editoriales seleccionadas existen valores racistas, sexistas o de otro tipo de discriminación de las personas de forma explícita y, además, proporcionar unas pautas de análisis que faciliten una mirada crítica, de género, sobre el material que se utiliza en las aulas de Educación Primaria que son los libros de texto. Sobre el material estudiado se ha realizado un análisis de contenido, cuyas categorías son la denominación de los personajes, descripción física, descripción psicológica, acciones que realizan, oficios o profesiones y objetos. Entre las conclusiones extraídas destaca el importante papel que desempeña la música como transmisora de normas, costumbres., en muchas ocasiones estereotipados, así como la influencia que esto produce en el desarrollo de la identidad del alumnado. De esta forma, se demuestra el verdadero valor educativo que tiene la música, más allá del aspecto lúdico, revalorizando su papel en el proceso formativo de los niños y niñas. Para finalizar, se ha incluido un apartado titulado "Limitaciones y posibles nuestras líneas de actuación" en el que se expondrá tanto propuestas de interacción como futuros estudios a realizar en esta línea. Dadas las condiciones de espacio y tiempo, hay cuestiones que no se pueden presentar en este trabajo, pero siento un gran interés para abordarlas en futuros estudios como son tratar las principales aportaciones de la musicología feminista, estudiar y poner de manifiesto en el contexto educativo los nombres de instrumentistas, directoras y compositoras, así como los instrumentos y repertorios considerados masculinos o femeninos. Por ello, hay que recalcar la importancia de una buena selección de los materiales utilizados por parte del profesorado en las clases, pues en la escuela, como agente socializador que es, se transfieren las creencias y valores inmersos en ellos. ; As presentation of this thesis, we want to mention the name of it in the title. By "Beyond Pink or Blue" we wish to express the arbitrariness of cultural patterns that prevail in childhood and spanning the entire life of the people. You might think that this association could have any biological relationship, but as argued Pauletti (2012) no ancestral roots of this color mapping to children. She points out that these colors began to associate sex in the Second World War, since before white for babies was used. The purpose of this tax is to establish guidelines, standards and stereotypes people. This issue would not matter if it did not involve a classification and prioritization. This assignment affects the appearance, the environment and even tastes. And so it is with music. When you think about instruments or orchestras address is extrapolated to men. If question at by the name of a classical composer, virtually everyone may respond as such they are Mozart, Beethoven and Falla. However not mention women, as in other arts. The invisibility of women in this field is so striking that one of the reasons for this thesis is to highlight the mechanisms that are responsible for that mistake. The basic pillars of this work are equality, gender, human rights, music and education. With the findings it aims to analyze and demonstrate how identity is constructed pupils through music education in the primary stage, from a gender perspective. We want to "pay our glasses" to see that discrimination still exists in education. In fact the Organic Law 8/2013, of 9 December, for the improvement of educational quality (LOMCE), states that "the educational level of citizens determines its ability to compete successfully in the field of the international scene and to face the challenges arising in the future ", this means opening the doors to jobs for highly qualified, representing a commitment to economic growth and a better future. For this, the role of scientific and technical matters is highlighted by eliminating mandatory study art education (plastic and music) in Elementary Education, and music in secondary education, a fact that enables a pupil finished his schooling in Spain without having studied this matter. Another reason to start this study is that, as a teacher I am, I share the ideas of the constructivist (Porlan, 1993; Diaz-Aguado y Medrano, 1994; Carter, 2010) in considering that research is a key factor for we draw people and rebuild our knowledge. Clearly it is essential to maintain a research perspective that allows us to know what would be the most appropriate new knowledge to interact in a context of learning and / or training. But the assessment of this discipline has not always been positive, particularly in basic education. Murphey (. 1992, pp 8-9) collects some beliefs of teachers on the use of music in the educational field, such as "Teachers do not take music seriously; They believe it can disturb adjacent classes; students "are desmadran" and control of the class is lost; different musical tastes among students of the same group is a problem . " Santos (1997a) also insists that those opposed to the use of songs in school prejudices persist, as it is considered a waste of time, a distraction from the curriculum to follow, along with a lack of rigor and academic seriousness. Starting from the well-known statement that "education, properly understood, is not just a preparation for life; is, in itself, a permanent and harmonious manifestation of life "(Willems, 1984, pp. 13-14). We propose that this idea should be extended to all artistic study and particularly for music education, appealing, as Willems (1984, pp. 13-14) "to most of the powers of the human being," he says. The development of these skills and qualities in children will depend on the social environments to which they are exposed: the family, school and society in general. In particular, the family is the first environment in which we spent the first years of our lives, and this is precisely where the basis of music education lies. In her social skills that will develop autonomy, because "the way we are being educated can contribute to become more complete and, secondly, to limit their initiatives and aspirations" (Finco, 2010 are acquired, p. 59). Therefore, the family is the first natural form of preparation, passing, through singing and games, music sensitivity. Then there is the school that complements the teaching of values that the learner receives at home, especially when there are deficiencies in the training environment (Garcia, 2005). Even from the "pink and blue clothes and earrings 'adorn' ears girls, are clear indications that the development of gender roles begins very early" (Gomez Bueno, 2001, p. 56). The second agent is school. The school has an important socializing role, transmitter of values, norms, habits of behavior . that facilitate the coexistence between people. It has a number of functions, which could be summarized in three: prepare the subject for their professional future, educate people morally and socially, and give a personal culture. The social environment and public educational institutions, enables a collective education, which encourages the child through different experiences of living with differences in gender, age, ethnicity, religion, among others (Faria and Finco, 2011) . Within the social function that has the school is remarkable "the role of the people involved in it, power relations, use of language, gender stereotypes, teaching strategies and relevance of its contents, and evaluation at school "(Chavez, 2006, p. 18). Imbernon (2002, p. 17) believes that "education alone can not make the necessary changes in societies but can act as a key instrument to promote changes in them." It is in these three environments, where the research work presented as a doctoral thesis, since music is learned from the family moves, as part of the culture of a place, and is experienced in school and society. The purpose of this research is twofold, first assess and demonstrate that music is a powerful transmitter agent of knowledge, not only music, but also of values, customs, beliefs, stereotypes . that influence the development the identity of people. On the other hand, emphasize the important role of music in the educational process of students, since through her abilities, skills . basic life of our students develop. Interest in this issue of the year 2008, since I started in this area with the paper titled "Analysis of the transmission of gender stereotypes in the songbook of Huelva as an educational resource" made to the doctoral program " Education in multicultural society " (2006/08 biennium) . For the development of this work, reference was made to child Songbook province of Huelva, by José Francisco Gallardo and Herminia Garcia Arredondo Perez (1995), researchers and teachers of the Faculty of Education of the Andalusian province. The findings of this investigation were the genesis of this dissertation, because as you will see later in "Final Conclusions" stereotypes are still maintained in the resources used in music classes. In the first steps to deepen this subject, it revealed few studies in our context on this topic. Precisely this was one of the reasons that professionally as a teacher, I generated curiosity and was instrumental in initiating the research study As mentioned above, after a first work of literature search and research the matter, we find that there are studies on the development of identity in childhood as Phinney & Ong, 2007; Smith, 1995 and 2002; Pnevmatikos, Geka and Divane, 2010; and Markus, 2008; At the same time, numerous studies consist of research on transmission of gender stereotypes through different subjects (such as language, mathematics, social sciences, natural, physical education . and even in teacher training that taught) as Marquez Guerrero, 2013 ; Alvarez, 1990; Torre, 2002; Marugán Velasco, 2012; Torres, G., and Arjona, 1988; Scott Martinez, 2012; Marco Lopez, 1991; Lomas, 2004; Lozano Domingo, 1995; Diaz De grenu, 2010; among others. However, when dealing with music education as a transmitter of stereotypes through resources used in music classes, there is little research on the subject. This doctoral thesis aims to demonstrate that the resources used in class, in this case one of the employees, such as textbooks for the subject of music in a particular school, knowledge, habits, beliefs are transferred . In short, existing in a male-centered culture, including prejudice conceptions. It is intended to demonstrate the power of this medium, since education is sound and picture; that is, transmitting what is heard and seen, but in music, more specifically, this relationship is accentuated by their impact on the development of people. In particular we focus on the influence and effects of music education in shaping gender identity and specifically in the transmission of the stereotypes that are disclosed in music textbooks. To do this, we have chosen a school Huelva, CEIP Aurora Moreno, located in the town Gibraleón (Huelva). The approach of this work in the study of text books is because (unfortunately) in education in general, and music in particular, is the most widespread when it comes to teach the classes, greatly limiting the activities, tasks and exercises resource because "everything is planned" by publishers, offering up the standard replies that each student or student should give, and not only that, but the images and texts that contain, are encased in some beliefs, values, thoughts, attitudes . that they are slowly influencing the identity of our children. This educational power in the construction of gender, has it even in music today, as behavior patterns that are assumed to be normal and, even today, not at issue are represented. We can make an example of this the song entitled "Woman Vase" Her dances alone. Educational phenomena are not purely technical. They are, rather, moral and political. The educational activity is imbued with moral content. Our responsibility as professionals of the educational process-in policy, management, teaching . - is to have an external democratic control of the actions undertaken and also an internal control born of the demands and needs of the protagonists (Kelley and Beauchesne, 2001) . Therefore, "we can not ignore or neglect that schools are highly involved in education, regulation, control and correction of sexual expression and gender of children, and that these practices are inseparable from the simultaneous production of systems and hierarchies legitimizing and authorizing situations of exclusion, marginalization, subordination and violence between sexual identities and gender, which has a political significance impossible to ignore, it is urgent to advance the inclusion and discussion of the issue in the training of and education professionals "(Quaresma da Silva Sarmento Fanfa & Fossatti, 2012, p. 17). Gender stereotypes shown on many occasions in textbooks, popular and traditional songs, video games . pigeonhole women in "perfect housewives and wives", kind, gentle, fragile and ultimately without free will or identity or autonomy, always dependent on a man to feel fulfilled. All this belongs to the so-called hidden curriculum education. You can set the hidden curriculum as a set of rules, customs, beliefs, languages and symbols that appear in the structure and functioning of an institution, constituting a source of learning for all people within the organization (Santos Guerra, 2002 ). The lessons derived from hidden curriculum not only affect the students but also teachers. From the meanings hidden curriculum through the practices carried out, the speeches that are used, the texts read (Santos, 2002) are treated. Androcentrism has very powerful actions and, more specifically in the musical field, have tried to devalue everything that women do. These actions added to the invisibility of women in music, helps develop this secondary role of them in this area of knowledge. On the one hand it is achieved underestimate music by women because it has no value or importance and is therefore considered an activity for them, whereas when they make an important contribution stands out if they are men. As discussed earlier in this section each and everyone has heard of Mozart or Beethoven, but little production and the role they have played in the lives of their female relatives as Fanny Mendelssohn (sister of Felix), Clara Schumann is known ( wife of Robert), Alma Mahler (Gustav woman) or Nanerl Mozart (sister of Wolfgang Amadeus). These issues are often neglected by teachers when selecting textbooks and who is responsible for the editorial, showing the archaic conceptions and beliefs of a patriarchal society dominated by men, that on some issues is different nowadays, being thus out of context. With the findings of this study tests that highlight the importance of women's role in music and its effect on the education of persons, in line it posed a current stream of postmodernism and feminist musicology is obtained. This branch of musicology claimed the figure of the women as central to prevent discrimination against women not only as content but also as an object. To carry out this research propose the structure is as follows: To start the theoretical foundation of this work, we began a presentation of basics that provide clarification of the basic concepts that will allow the understanding of it. It starts from the idea that music is powerful means of communication, in many goal chances and other subjective, thus giving great importance as a transmitter of ideas, beliefs, values, feelings . First, music is presented as a language with its constituents, as it is a little-known facet. We also describe how immensely related one with the word, then, many musicologists agree to assign a common origin with the spoken language. As expressed Barnabas Villodre (2012, p. 107), "Music is an art form, it is a means of expressing ideas, emotions, experiences of a society. The musical art combines elements so that the listener about the culture of the people that has already produced human emotions. For all this, we can consider it as a basis for establishing intercultural dialogue as a working tool of multiculturalism ". Arts education and, more specifically musical, helps transmission of beliefs, rules . and that "values are taught music and music learn to choose values" (Tourinan and Longueira, 2010, p. 160). Subsequently, we present the music as a source of expression, including making a chronological development of the expressive children through it. Also, it is explained in more detail the three types of musical expression: vocal and instrumental body. "The process of creating music can contribute to the appreciation of cultural diversity and respect for freedom of expression; hence the importance of music as a means of communication between cultures and, by extension, the importance of education for music. However, it should be noted that not only the musical practice in the formal scope may favor the acquisition of the so-called intercultural competence "(Garcia de Haro and Escarbajal Escarbajal Frutos, 2007, p. 26). Later, he explained how the study of music along the various companies has led to a science called sociology. A chronological approach to the genesis of this science develops, as well as other leading intellectuals in developing it. "We start from the idea that music has provided from the beginning of an inherent burden of sociability, it is an expression of the inner life, expression of feelings, but in turn requires from those who listen, responsiveness and knowledge of style which, in addition to knowledge of the society in which you create concerned, as each musical work is a set of signs invented during implementation and dictated by the needs of the social context. If we disclaim the work of the society that created the musical signs have different meanings "(Hormigos, 2012, p. 75) In ancient times, the musical sense was associated with group activities where life experiences are shared, that is, the individual's contact with music was produced in the direct sharing music experience with others and generating, in this way, a real social event, but today, it is common to forget this dimension as we are too used to listen alone (Drosser, 2012). Then the chronological development of the social function of music, from prehistory to the present day is presented. In this section the importance of the same in different societies and the uses made of it does or says. In developing this point how important it was the prehistoric music to Greece and Rome, since then, had a formative and educational value, and subsequently was given as a deal of amusement or pastime, ignoring its properties it is highlighted. "To decrypt the message that has all musical composition is necessary to understand its structure and form of music, structure and form are determined by the characteristics of the society that created, inherited or interpreted. Therefore, the musical should be viewed as a social activity "(Hormigos, 2012, p. 76). It also highlights the importance of women's role throughout history, because as we shall see, women are the "forgotten ones" in the history books of music. Green (2001, p. 25) argues that "the division of the musical work in a public sphere, in large measure men and a private sphere, largely female, is a feature of the history of Western music, as well as many musical cultures around the world. " "In music, the patriarchal system has not been less influential than in other social levels. The women in music have always been invisible and relegated to the background. We must not forget that music is inserted in a particular model of society that produces it, conveying a certain type of culture, values and aesthetic interest must always be connected with the other factors that make that society "(Laborda, 2015 , p. 168) In the next section the educational value of music, starting it on the historical background and chronologically through the different times to reach the current education law, LOMCE addressed. This section develops understand how the current education and more specifically the music curriculum. As this work is especially relevant educational value of music as well as their contributions to the primary stage, a detailed review of the methods of teaching and learning is done with psychological foundation, which ensures that music contributes to a comprehensive training of students, such as Suzuki, 1978; Willems, 1984; Kodaly, 1974; Ward, 1964; Orff -Schulwerk, 1969; Martenot, 1993; Paynter, 1999; and Dalcroze, 1998. In school is essential to address, study and train students in knowledge about music. According to Alonso, Pereira and Soto (2003) music is an educational tool for the expression of values and feelings, and that through music education, students can participate in cooperative productions, social relationships, teamwork. . Herrera (2007, p. 6), believes that "from the musical education we can develop a framework for suitable action to work on aspects such as freedom, personal autonomy, self-esteem, honesty, happiness, critical thinking, equality, solidarity, pluralism, cooperation, love, creativity . " Once contextualized the theoretical framework, in the second block, is based and describe the objectives of this study can be summarized in the title of this thesis, an analysis of the construction of identity from a gender perspective through music education in the primary stage. To do this, the music textbooks are analyzed from a gender perspective; an analysis of the characters in the books is done; the social role played by men and women on the textbooks used in music classes described; They are detected and analyzed gender stereotypes that teach and transmit to students. All this, in order to sensitize and raise awareness among teachers and public administration of the presence of a powerful hidden curriculum in the textbooks; discover whether there are racist, sexist or other discrimination against people explicitly values in selected textbooks and publishers and also provide guidelines to facilitate analysis a critical, gender, about the material used in classrooms of primary education are textbooks. On the studied material it has conducted a content analysis, whose categories are the names of the characters, physical description, psychological description, actions performed, trades or professions and objects. Among the conclusions drawn stresses the important role of music as a transmitter of norms, customs . in many stereotyped occasions as well as the influence it has on the development of the identity of the students. Thus, the real educational value of music, beyond the recreational aspect, reassessing its role in the learning process of children is demonstrated. Finally , we have included a section entitled " Limitations and our possible courses of action " in which both proposals as future interaction studies performed on this line will be exposed. Given the conditions of space and time , there are issues that can not be presented in this work , but I feel great interest to address in future studies as they are treating the main contributions of feminist musicology, studying and highlighting the educational context names of musicians , directors and composers , as well as instruments and repertoires considered masculine or feminine. Therefore, we must stress the importance of a good selection of materials used by teachers in the classroom , because in school as a socializing agent that is , beliefs and values embedded in them are transferred .
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As Ukraine entered the third year of the full-scale war, the situation appeared to have reached a stalemate, despite heavy fighting at different points on the front lines. In mid-February, with Ukrainian supply routes targeted and the troops running short of ammunition, Ukrainian forces had to withdraw from Avdiivka, the scene of some of the most intense fighting in the past half year. However, the Ukrainian army did succeed in destroying much of the Russian Black Sea fleet and airplanes. Ukrainian security services launched successful attacks on Russian oil refineries deep inside Russia, and Russian volunteers fighting on the side of Ukraine continued to conduct military operations in the regions along the border with Ukraine. Russia ramped up its disinformation campaign in Ukraine and Europe, striving to sow doubt among Ukrainians and distrust in the Ukrainian government both domestically and internationally. In late March it renewed its massive attacks on Ukraine's energy infrastructure, causing serious damage. It also intensified attacks on civilian residential buildings. Future military aid to Ukraine remained a major topic of discussion with Ukraine's international partners. Nonetheless, during the quarter Ukraine signed security cooperation agreements with G-7 members and other states, and the European states made concerted efforts to provide critically necessary artillery rounds to the Ukrainian army.1. ROLLOUT OF THE WARIn February 2024, Ukraine entered the third year of combating Russia's wide-scale invasion, marking ten years of war since Russia annexed Crimea in 2014, later unleashing war in the Donbas. The war has changed the country and its economy drastically, though the changes that have occurred over the decade of war differ from those experienced in the two years of the full-scale war. General Developments during January–MarchIn the first quarter of 2024, heavy fighting continued, but without notable changes to the front line. Throughout the quarter the Russian Air Force (RuAF) continued its intense offensive in all directions, expanding on bombing campaigns it had started in October of last year. The Ukrainian Armed Forces (UAF) shifted to defensive actions to exhaust the Russian forces. However, the Ukrainian army had to withdraw from some positions because of a lack of weapons and intense pressure from the RuAF.Russia used phosphorus and chemical weapons during several hard-fought battles. The fiercest Russian attacks were directed at Avdiivka, Donetsk oblast, where the situation resembled the one in Bakhmut last year. In mid-February, lacking ammunition and seeing their supply routes being cutting off, the Ukrainian forces stepped back from their positions in Avdiivka. One month later, the UAF command reported that the situation in the country's East had stabilized. Ukraine stepped up efforts to fortify three major defensive lines.Sea and air operations advances. Though facing a deadlock in land operations, Ukraine realized significant advances in destroying Russia's Black Sea Fleet and shot down several Russian military planes over Ukraine. During the quarter, Ukrainian forces sank five Russian military ships, including three landing ships. As of the end of March, Russia had lost almost all landing ships in the Black Sea. More than a third of the Russian fleet has been disabled, including a submarine. Ukrainian-designed kamikaze sea drones have become the main weapons used in attacking the Russian fleet. To save its Black Sea Fleet, Russia started withdrawing its major vessels from ports in occupied Crimea.Ukraine also shot down Russian military jets that were bombing regions close to the front lines. To illustrate Ukraine's advances in this arena, during just two weeks in late February and early March, Ukrainian forces downed fourteen Russian military airplanes. In addition to Su-34 bombers (used to attack frontline settlements with guided aerial bombs) and modern Su-35 fighter jets, Russia lost two A-50 planes, which together cost about $700 million (they are outfitted with an airborne early warning and control system, designed to detect air defense systems and coordinate targets for Russian fighter jets). Russia had only a few of these planes before the invasion, so the loss of two represents a setback. The RuAF is probably ready to tolerate high losses to maintain the offensive.Russian refineries under attack. In the first quarter of the year, more than a dozen Russian oil refineries deep inside the country came under drone attack by Ukraine (some of the targets were located as far as 560 miles from the border with Ukraine) The Security Service of Ukraine formally admitted to the attacks, defending them on the grounds that refineries are legitimate targets because they provide resources to run the Russian war machine. (Russia's income from oil sales remains high despite international sanctions.) Ukraine also attacked Russian factories producing weapons. Analysts have described the strikes on Russian oil facilities as a new phase of the war. The attacks have affected Russia's refining capabilities. Although Russia has not provided official statistics, the country is believed to have lost about 10 percent of its refining capacity. Because Russia's domestic gas supplies are now diminished, Russia is considering importing gas from Belarus.Contributions of Russian volunteers to the war effort. Russian volunteers fighting on the side of Ukraine under the corps names Freedom of Russia, the Siberian Battalion, and the Russian Volunteer Corps started military operations on the border regions with Ukraine, in Belgorod and Kursk oblasts. Similar operations took place in May 2023, but now the scale of the military actions is bigger and their duration longer. The operations began before the elections in Russia and continued after them. The anti-Kremlin volunteer military units clashed with Russian servicemen and even claimed to have captured some Russian troops.Russia intensified its attacks on civilian targets and critical infrastructure, especially in the frontline regions, notably Kharkiv and Sumy oblasts. This may be an attempt to increase pressure on Ukraine while the delivery of military aid and supplies to Ukraine is slowed or suspended, especially the delivery of supplies from the United States. In addition to drones and missiles, Russia started using its new Zircon hypersonic missiles and 1,500-kg (3,300-pound) aerial bombs to target Ukrainian cities. The lack of ammunition, especially air defense missiles, may play a critical role in Ukraine's ability to protect the frontline areas and critical infrastructure across the country; a continuation of massive Russian attacks, in particular attacks using North Korean missiles and Iranian drones, could plunge Ukraine into a new stone age.Engagement of Russia's AlliesAt the beginning of the year, it became evident that North Korea was supplying Russia with missiles, including ballistic missiles. Kyiv said that as of mid-March, Russia had used about fifty of these against Ukraine. The DPRK-origin missiles were found to contain U.S. and European parts. The North Korean defense minister said the country might also supply tactical guided missiles to Russia. According to the official, the country's military factories are working at full capacity. Russia uses DPRK artillery shells. Since September 2023, North Korea has delivered more than 10,000 containers of munitions or munitions-related materials to Russia. Russia started supplying oil to the DPRK in exchange for weapons.Russia is negotiating with Iran as well to receive ballistic missiles. Foreign media have reported that Iran delivered hundreds of these missiles, but Ukrainian intelligence denies this.Belarus earlier was a key supplier of ammunition to support Russia's war. Though its stocks are probably exhausted by now, it remains one of Russia's important allies. Belarus is now building a new military town twenty-five miles from the border with Ukraine that will house both Russian and Belarusian troops. The combined forces started joint training in the Belarusian facility in March. Though Russia relies heavily on ammunition supplies from its allies, the country is still capable of producing its own weapons. For instance, one of the Russian missiles that hit Kyiv in 2024 was made in the summer of 2023. Russia is also pouring money into developing its own drone systems, with the combat drone Okhotnik-B expected to go into production in Novosibirsk later this year.Russian Disinformation Campaigns and CyberattacksRussia continued its disinformation campaign in Ukraine, hoping to undermine trust in the government and sow suspicions abroad. The clear goal is to weaken international support for Ukraine. These efforts are likely to ramp up in 2024 because many countries are holding elections, and policies regarding aid for Ukraine and the reception of Ukrainian refugees could shift drastically. Under normal conditions, Ukraine would also be holding elections. The curtain continues to be pulled back on Russia's disinformation efforts. The Washington Post published material on Russia's huge campaign to spread distrust of the government and societal despair in Ukraine, and the German Marshall Fund issued a report on Russia's use of Polish media to spread the Kremlin's lies about Ukraine. According to Security and Defense Secretary Oleksii Danilov, Russia has significantly stepped up its disinformation campaigns, issuing or spreading 166 million disinformation posts every week about Ukraine on social media in a global effort to manipulate thinking on Ukraine.According to Ukrainian intelligence sources, Russia is engaged in a massive disinformation campaign code-named Maidan-3 and designed to promote antiwar protests and destabilize the country, with the ultimate goal of removing President Zelensky from his leadership role. The campaign is expected be most active during March–May, and persons inside Ukraine are believed to be involved.Deep-fake videos play a prominent role in Russian propaganda. For instance, a deep-fake video of former president Petro Poroshenko allegedly making incendiary statements about President Zelensky was targeted to Ukrainian soldiers. Videos allegedly showing Russians attacking Ukrainian military training camps or Ukrainian special forces shooting civilians are widely circulated; such misrepresentations are unfortunately becoming commonplace.Russia has also continued cyberattacks against Ukrainian media, authorities, and critically important companies, including one of the biggest banks, the biggest state-owned oil and gas company, Naftogaz, POW Coordination Headquarters, Ukraine's Education Ministry website, and so on. Hackers have been sending Ukrainian soldiers messages containing malware. In 2023, the number of cyberattacks against Ukrainian organizations increased by 15.9 percent compared to 2022, reaching an overall number of 2,543 documented cases.Even though ISIS took responsibility for the terrorist shooting in Moscow's Crocus concert hall in March, and Western intelligence said it has proof that Ukraine did not organize it, Russian top officials, including Vladimir Putin, tried to link it to Kyiv, while constantly changing the narrative. The media reported that some in Putin's circle do not see any link to Ukraine. It's possible the Kremlin will try to capitalize on the attack to mobilize Russian society against Ukraine. The head of the Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) blamed the United States, the UK, and Ukraine as instigators and enablers of the attack.Energy Terrorism and Other Attacks on Critical InfrastructureFrom mid-September 2023 to the end of the year, Russia did not succeed in damaging Ukraine's energy infrastructure, though not for lack of trying. The number of drones Russia launched during October–December 2023 broke records since the invasion. Most were brought down by Ukrainian air defense units before they could inflict damage, so we do not know their intended targets.This picture changed with the new year. Starting in early 2024, Russia focused on attacking energy infrastructure in the frontline regions, which are generally the easiest to reach. Despite the damage this caused, the power systems continued to operate in a relatively stable mode. On the night of March 22, Russia launched a massive attack on the Ukrainian power system, using drones and ballistic and cruise missiles. The largest such attack since the start of the full-scale invasion, it involved sixty Shahed drones and almost ninety missiles of various types. Power production and transmission facilities in Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia, Kryvyi Rih, and Dnipro were targeted. Russians hit the biggest Ukrainian hydropower plant, DniproHES, and the dam of its water reservoir on the Dnipro river in Zaporizhzhia oblast; two other big hydropower plants were damaged in the following days.The biggest private-owned Ukrainian energy company, DTEK, reported that 80 percent of its capacities had been damaged during the attacks by the end of March. In Kharkiv, all thermal power plants and substations were destroyed in the last week of March. The state-owned Centrenergo lost its biggest power plant in Kharkiv oblast. The major attack was followed by attacks in ensuing days. Crimes against Civilians and Attacks on Civilian InfrastructureIn the first quarter of the year, Ukraine faced more Russian drone and missile strikes on multi-block residential buildings, with many civilians injured and killed—in some cases dozens in a single attack. Occasionally multiple cities were attacked simultaneously. Big city targets included Kyiv, Kharkiv, Kherson, Odesa, Mykolaiv, and Sumy. In addition, civil infrastructure in the regions under Ukrainian control and well inside the front lines was regularly attacked, sustaining damage. Since March 11, Russia has been shelling the borders of Sumy oblast, mostly using guided aerial bombs, artillery, and Lancet attack drones.In general, from the start of the year, Ukraine has seen an increased number of civilians killed or wounded in air strikes. Fuel depots and fueling stations have been attacked, leading to civilian casualties and environmental damage. It is now commonplace for Russia to target a wide range of civil infrastructure with air strikes and artillery shelling.One of the numerous air attacks on Odesa happened during the visit of the prime minister of Greece, Kyriakos Mitsotakis. A missile exploded extremely close to the location of Mitsotakis and President Zelensky. Russia has continued committing crimes against civilians in the occupied territories: torturing civilians, forcing them to participate in Russian presidential elections, bugging residents, expropriating apartments, and resettling Russian transplants from deep inside the country in the occupied territories. POW ExchangesPOW exchanges, which had been suspended for a while, were renewed at the beginning of the year, with the largest number of Ukrainians returning home since the start of the wide-scale invasion. On January 24, a few days before the planned POW exchange, a cargo aircraft was shot down in Russia. Moscow blamed Ukraine for downing the plane, claiming it was carrying sixty-five prisoners to be exchanged. However, Russia did not provide any proof that the plane was in fact carrying POWs, and Kyiv said there were no Ukrainian POWs on the plane.Two more POW exchanges took place after the incident, in late January and again in February. 2. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRSPresident Zelensky's Diplomatic ToursIn the first quarter of 2024, President Zelensky undertook several diplomatic tours, hoping to consolidate support for Ukraine. This mission was especially critical in light of the slowing of aid from the United States, and the number of agreements Ukraine reached during this period is testament to the success of these efforts.In January, President Zelensky made a diplomatic trip to the Baltic states, Lithuania,Estonia, and Latvia, which are among the strongest supporters of Ukraine. Zelensky met with the countries' leaders and political elites and expressed gratitude for their support during the ten years of war. They discussed Ukraine's European integration and future cooperation in electromagnetic warfare and military drone production. The three countries remain strong Ukraine's allies of Ukraine in 2024, providing military and humanitarian aid and political support. Ukraine and Latvia signed an agreement on technical and financial cooperation and a memorandum on cooperation on defense and security.President Zelensky left the Baltics for Switzerland to attend the World Economic Forum in Davos, where he addressed the forum's participants on the war in Ukraine and the need to invest in Ukraine's victory. In Davos, he also met with leaders of different states and the world's finance leaders, seeking to boost investment in Ukraine.In February, President Zelensky visited Germany to give a speech and attend the Munich Security Conference. He met his German and Czech counterparts and discussed joint efforts to produce weapons.Later, he visited Saudi Arabia to meet with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and to discuss the Ukrainian Peace Formula and ways to repatriate captured and deported Ukrainians. He left Saudi Arabia for Albania to attend the second Ukraine-Balkans forum, where he also met with the leaders of some Balkan states to discuss European integration efforts. On March 8, he visited Turkey to meet with his counterpart, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Repatriating Ukrainian citizens held in captivity in Russia was among the key topics discussed at the meeting. The two countries signed an agreement to simplify bilateral trade and extended permit-free cargo truck movement at least until the end of the war. Security Cooperation AgreementsFrom early 2024, Ukraine began signing agreements on security cooperation with other states. The G-7 states intended to sign these during the NATO summit in Vilnius on July 12, 2023. Later, twenty-four more states expressed their intention to join this format. The UK was the first country to sign, on January 12, followed by Germany, France. Denmark, Canada, Italy, and the Netherlands. Many countries are in dialogue, negotiating the text of the agreements to be signed. Some agreements stipulate commitments and plans to provide military aid in upcoming years.In Ukraine, these are often called "agreements on security commitments." However, they are more like framework agreements on security and defense cooperation; they do not have the force of a contract and do not spell out specific guarantees or steps the signatories should take to ensure Ukraine's sovereignty. Many experts in Ukraine have criticized the agreements because they do not provide Ukraine with hard security guarantees.Relations with NATOIn January, the NATO-Ukraine Council held a meeting at Ukraine's request after Russia launched massive air strikes against Ukraine at the beginning of the year. The allies reaffirmed their commitment to bolster Ukraine's defenses further and to provide Ukraine with major military, economic, and humanitarian assistance. In March, a NATO military delegation visited Kyiv for the first time since the start of the full-scale invasion.Relations with the United States and CanadaPolitical differences in the U.S. Congress remained an obstacle to achieving consensus on the future of military aid to Ukraine. In March the United States announced the first $300 million security assistance package for Ukraine this year, as supplemental funding was blocked in Congress. Funds for the package came from unanticipated cost savings in existing Pentagon contracts. Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau arrived in Kyiv on the second anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine to demonstrate his solidarity. Canada joined the drones coalition for Ukraine and allocated $1.5 billion in aid to finance Ukraine's budget deficit.Relations with the EU and the European StatesIn February the EU approved €50 billion in financial support for Ukraine, to run through 2027. Later the EU approved $5.5 billion in military aid to Ukraine for 2024. The EU planned to supply Ukraine by the end of March with half of the one million artillery rounds it has promised to supply by the end of the year. Joint European Efforts to Arm UkraineArtillery rounds to be provided by the Czech Republic. In February, Czech president Petr Pavel said that the country had found a way to acquire 800,000 artillery rounds for Ukraine, but it needed funding. Earlier, the Czech Republic had proposed buying ammunition for Ukraine outside the EU. Almost twenty countries, some outside Europe, joined the initiative and contributed to the fund to buy artillery rounds: Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Norway, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Sweden, and others. In March, Prague reported it was ready to deliver the first batches of ammunition and that it had found 700,000 shells of other types that could be bought with additional funds.Long-range missiles coalition. In late February, President of France Emmanuel Macron announced a coalition to send Ukraine long-range missiles. On March 15, following a "Weimar Triangle" format meeting in Berlin, the leaders of Germany, France, and Poland agreed on new initiatives in support of Ukraine, including more weapons purchases and a future formation of a coalition on long-range rocket artillery. The initiative includes purchasing more weapons for Ukraine on global markets and expanding military production.Drone coalition. NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg in February said that allies had established a drone coalition for Ukraine, committing to supplying one million drones. The UK and Latvia will lead an international coalition to develop vital drones for Ukraine.Cybersecurity support. In February, the IT Coalition for Ukraine signed an agreement to enhance Ukraine's defense capabilities in communications and cybersecurity—an important step in light of Russia's use of IT in conducting the war. The coalition was established in September 2023. It is led by Estonia and Luxembourg and includes Ukraine, Belgium, Denmark, Iceland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, and the Netherlands.France was the key newsmaker regarding Ukraine and its defensive fighting against Russia. Except for the agreement on security guarantees between the two countries, President Macron was the first leader to observe publicly that troops might have to be sent to Ukraine if Russia continued its advances. The statement caused a heated discussion with the leaders of other states, but Macron insisted it was not an off-the-cuff remark but a well-considered, realistic view. He referred to Russia's war as an existential threat to France and Europe. French foreign minister Stephane Sejourne visited Kyiv in January, reassuring Ukraine of longlasting support. Later, France announced new military aid to Ukraine, including artillery and air defense systems, drones, guided bombs, and other important pieces. France is considering expanding military aid programs for Ukraine, and President Macron called on Europe to be ready to compensate for reduced U.S. support. The UK, Germany, and the Netherlands continued to be among the biggest European supporters in providing military aid and economic assistance.Relations with Hungary remained strained. The country blocked the EU's €50 billion aid initiative for a few months, and also blocked the EU's joint statement commemorating the second anniversary of Russia's full-scale war. Pressure from the European Parliament probably encouraged Hungary to change its position. Ukrainian foreign minister Dmytro Kuleba met his Hungarian counterpart in January to discuss a potential visit by Zelensky to Budapest aimed at improving bilateral relations. Later, Hungarian foreign minister Péter Szijjártó explained that such a meeting between Viktor Orbán and Zelensky would be impossible until Kyiv restored the rights of the Hungarian ethnic minority as they had existed before 2015.The prime ministers of Ukraine and Slovakia met in Ukraine and signed a joint statement to strengthen bilateral relations "based on mutual trust and respect." The Slovak prime minister promised not to obstruct Ukraine's purchases of weapons from Slovak companies and said that Bratislava would support the EU providing €50 billion in financial aid to Ukraine.The border blockade by farmers was a key issue in bilateral relations with Poland and remained contentious throughout the quarter. At different times, farmers and truck drivers have thrown up blockades, affecting almost all of Ukraine's border crossings.Polish farmers are demanding restrictions on imports from Ukraine, in the belief that their market prices have fallen because of competition. Poland had earlier banned food imports from Ukraine, allowing transit only. Polish officials confirmed that Ukrainian grain was not imported but merely transiting the country to destinations beyond. Kyiv says that now only 5 percent of Ukrainian food exports go through Poland, with most grain exports to be shipped by sea. Farmers are also protesting the EU's climate change policies and blocking other border crossings, including some on the border with Germany. Polish haulers on strike demanded the restoration of permits for Ukrainian carriers, a ban on the issuance of licenses to non-EU transport companies, and a waiver for empty Polish trucks to register through the Ukrainian electronic queue when returning to Poland from Ukraine. However, the blockade by haulers was much shorter this quarter.The blockade lasted the entire quarter, though not with the same sustained intensity. The blockade may be politically inspired, especially if one considers that the country will hold local elections in April. Farmers even tried to block railway connections with Ukraine and passenger transportation. The European Commission expressed concern regarding the blockade. The Polish government's attempts to settle the issue were unsuccessful, though it is unclear how robust those efforts were.The blockades created long lines at the borders, complicating the importation of even critically important goods such as military equipment. During the protests, Polish farmers from time to time dumped Ukrainian grain that was transiting Poland to other states, causing tension and tight-lipped reactions in Ukraine. It should be noted once again that one of the protest organizers is Rafał Mekler, a member of the Polish far-right National Movement Party, also known as the Confederation Party, which is skeptical about the EU and less friendly toward Ukraine. Mekler's role is important because Russia is seeking to take advantage of domestic Polish discontent by spreading its anti-Ukrainian narratives in Poland. Polish prime minister Donald Tusk said he would not tolerate anti-Ukrainian sentiments in his government. Tusk visited Kyiv in January to announce a new aid package for Ukraine. At the same time, Poland continues to import grain and fuel from Russia and Belarus without any protests taking place on Poland's border with those states. Polish police detained Ukrainian journalists who investigated the import of goods at the border with Belarus. Other Ukrainian journalists were later similarly detained and deported from Poland while investigating trade with Russia. In late March, the Ukrainian and Polish prime ministers met in Warsaw to discuss the dispute. The parties have made some progress, but the problem remains. In mid-January, farmers in Romaniaagain started a blockade. However, the Romanian government quickly negotiated with the protesters, and the blockade was dissolved in early February. Ukrainian exports through Romania rose by 50 percent while those through Poland, formerly the biggest transit country, decreased.JapanIn February, Japan hosted a conference on Ukraine's restoration. The event brought together about 200 Japanese and Ukrainian companies, which signed fifty-six agreements and memorandums of cooperation. Japan allocated more than $12 billion in aid to Ukraine and will spend €1.25 billion to support investments in Ukraine.Debates on Transferring Frozen Russian Assets for UkraineIn the first quarter of 2024, Ukraine's allies continued to debate the use of frozen Russian assets to finance Ukraine's needs during the war. A group of international law experts and practitioners concluded that it would be lawful, under international law, to transfer Russian state assets as compensation for the damage that has resulted directly from Russia's unlawful conduct. There was a debate in the EU about whether these funds should be held for future use in reconstructing Ukraine or be spent now on weapons. High Representative of the EU for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Josep Borrell supported the idea of using 90 percent of the revenue generated by frozen Russian assets to purchase weapons for Ukraine. Among the EU member states, Hungary and Austria expressed opposition to using these funds for weapons.The Fighter Jet Coalition DevelopmentsWhen the allies agreed to provide Ukraine with F-16 fighter jets, the craft were expected to arrive in early 2024. At the beginning of the year, the media reported that delivery of the first jet might be delayed to mid-2024. NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg stated that the delivery date will depend on when Ukrainian pilots will be ready to fly them after training.The first group of Ukrainian pilots will complete F-16 training by the summer. But probably only six F-16s will have been delivered out of about forty-five fighter jets that European allies have promised. The Netherlands decided to send six more F-16 jets to Ukraine in addition to the eighteen the country promised to supply in late 2023. 3. INTERNAL AFFAIRSReshufflesOne of the most shocking internal events in Ukraine was the dismissal of Commander-in-Chief Valerii Zaluzhnyi. President Zelensky appointed General Oleksandr Syrskyi, who had previously served as commander of Ukraine's Land Forces, the new commander-in-chief and gave him wide latitude to make personnel changes. Zelensky explained his decision by citing the need to reboot management of the military command and to change the military strategy. However, Zaluzhnyi had made clear his frustration with the progress of the war on international media, and there are political tensions between the two men, with Zaluzhnyi's trust rating among survey respondents higher than Zelensky's.In February the government appointed a new head of the National Agency on Corruption Prevention, Viktor Pavlushchyk, as the previous head, Oleksandr Novikov, had completed his four-year term in the position. Pavlushchyk was selected as the head of the agency by a competition. In late March, President Zelensky dismissed the secretary of the National Security and Defense Council, Oleksiy Danilov, and appointed Oleksandr Lytvynenko, a former head of the Foreign Intelligence Service, to the position. Danilov later was appointed ambassador to Moldova. The Economic SituationUkraine's economy remained relatively stable in the first quarter of 2024. However, the government experienced difficulty covering budget expenditures with a drop in foreign financial aid: in the first two months of 2024, Ukraine received only 10 percent of the planned financial aid from its allies.Slowing inflation led the National Bank to decrease its key rate to 14.5 percent. At the same time, the IMF expects the economic shock to begin in the second quarter of 2024 with the intensification of the war. Ukrainian agencies expect lower economic growth for 2024 as well.The Energy SituationDuring January and February 2024, Russia attacked Ukraine's energy facilities, mostly in regions close to the front. The power system continued to operate normally, however, and electricity exports to the EU in early March broke records since the start of the wide-scale invasion. The situation rapidly reversed after the attacks in late March, and Ukraine became deeply dependent on electricity imports from Europe, realizing record-high volumes of imports. Ukraine got through the winter just passed using domestically produced gas only. This was possible in part because the demand for natural gas has fallen since the start of the wide-scale invasion.4. PROGRESS IN REFORMS AND SUCCESS STORIESPlan of Reforms for the Ukraine Facility Funding ProgramIn March, the government approved a Plan of Reforms for 2024–2027. The plan addresses reform of the public administration and judicial system and strengthening the battle against corruption; economic reforms, such as management of public assets and creating an attractive environment for investment; and sectoral reforms (energy, transport agriculture, critical raw materials, small business, IT, and environment). It provides a basis for funding the Ukraine Facility, the EU's financial support program for Ukraine, which is expected to provide €50 billion over four years. Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal submitted the plan to the European Commission for approval. The first tranche of funding was released on March 20.Oscar Award for 20 Days in Mariupol DocumentaryThe Ukrainian film 20 Days in Mariupol won the Best Documentary award at the 96th Academy Awards. It is the first film made by a Ukrainian director to have won an Oscar. The film records the atrocities committed during Russia's months-long siege of the city of Mariupol in 2022. The documentary was put together by a team of Ukrainian journalists from the Associated Press and included the film director, Mstyslav Chernov. The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute.
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As Ukraine entered the third year of the full-scale war, the situation appeared to have reached a stalemate, despite heavy fighting at different points on the front lines. In mid-February, with Ukrainian supply routes targeted and the troops running short of ammunition, Ukrainian forces had to withdraw from Avdiivka, the scene of some of the most intense fighting in the past half year. However, the Ukrainian army did succeed in destroying much of the Russian Black Sea fleet and airplanes. Ukrainian security services launched successful attacks on Russian oil refineries deep inside Russia, and Russian volunteers fighting on the side of Ukraine continued to conduct military operations in the regions along the border with Ukraine. Russia ramped up its disinformation campaign in Ukraine and Europe, striving to sow doubt among Ukrainians and distrust in the Ukrainian government both domestically and internationally. In late March it renewed its massive attacks on Ukraine's energy infrastructure, causing serious damage. It also intensified attacks on civilian residential buildings. Future military aid to Ukraine remained a major topic of discussion with Ukraine's international partners. Nonetheless, during the quarter Ukraine signed security cooperation agreements with G-7 members and other states, and the European states made concerted efforts to provide critically necessary artillery rounds to the Ukrainian army.1. ROLLOUT OF THE WARIn February 2024, Ukraine entered the third year of combating Russia's wide-scale invasion, marking ten years of war since Russia annexed Crimea in 2014, later unleashing war in the Donbas. The war has changed the country and its economy drastically, though the changes that have occurred over the decade of war differ from those experienced in the two years of the full-scale war. General Developments during January–MarchIn the first quarter of 2024, heavy fighting continued, but without notable changes to the front line. Throughout the quarter the Russian Air Force (RuAF) continued its intense offensive in all directions, expanding on bombing campaigns it had started in October of last year. The Ukrainian Armed Forces (UAF) shifted to defensive actions to exhaust the Russian forces. However, the Ukrainian army had to withdraw from some positions because of a lack of weapons and intense pressure from the RuAF.Russia used phosphorus and chemical weapons during several hard-fought battles. The fiercest Russian attacks were directed at Avdiivka, Donetsk oblast, where the situation resembled the one in Bakhmut last year. In mid-February, lacking ammunition and seeing their supply routes being cutting off, the Ukrainian forces stepped back from their positions in Avdiivka. One month later, the UAF command reported that the situation in the country's East had stabilized. Ukraine stepped up efforts to fortify three major defensive lines.Sea and air operations advances. Though facing a deadlock in land operations, Ukraine realized significant advances in destroying Russia's Black Sea Fleet and shot down several Russian military planes over Ukraine. During the quarter, Ukrainian forces sank five Russian military ships, including three landing ships. As of the end of March, Russia had lost almost all landing ships in the Black Sea. More than a third of the Russian fleet has been disabled, including a submarine. Ukrainian-designed kamikaze sea drones have become the main weapons used in attacking the Russian fleet. To save its Black Sea Fleet, Russia started withdrawing its major vessels from ports in occupied Crimea.Ukraine also shot down Russian military jets that were bombing regions close to the front lines. To illustrate Ukraine's advances in this arena, during just two weeks in late February and early March, Ukrainian forces downed fourteen Russian military airplanes. In addition to Su-34 bombers (used to attack frontline settlements with guided aerial bombs) and modern Su-35 fighter jets, Russia lost two A-50 planes, which together cost about $700 million (they are outfitted with an airborne early warning and control system, designed to detect air defense systems and coordinate targets for Russian fighter jets). Russia had only a few of these planes before the invasion, so the loss of two represents a setback. The RuAF is probably ready to tolerate high losses to maintain the offensive.Russian refineries under attack. In the first quarter of the year, more than a dozen Russian oil refineries deep inside the country came under drone attack by Ukraine (some of the targets were located as far as 560 miles from the border with Ukraine) The Security Service of Ukraine formally admitted to the attacks, defending them on the grounds that refineries are legitimate targets because they provide resources to run the Russian war machine. (Russia's income from oil sales remains high despite international sanctions.) Ukraine also attacked Russian factories producing weapons. Analysts have described the strikes on Russian oil facilities as a new phase of the war. The attacks have affected Russia's refining capabilities. Although Russia has not provided official statistics, the country is believed to have lost about 10 percent of its refining capacity. Because Russia's domestic gas supplies are now diminished, Russia is considering importing gas from Belarus.Contributions of Russian volunteers to the war effort. Russian volunteers fighting on the side of Ukraine under the corps names Freedom of Russia, the Siberian Battalion, and the Russian Volunteer Corps started military operations on the border regions with Ukraine, in Belgorod and Kursk oblasts. Similar operations took place in May 2023, but now the scale of the military actions is bigger and their duration longer. The operations began before the elections in Russia and continued after them. The anti-Kremlin volunteer military units clashed with Russian servicemen and even claimed to have captured some Russian troops.Russia intensified its attacks on civilian targets and critical infrastructure, especially in the frontline regions, notably Kharkiv and Sumy oblasts. This may be an attempt to increase pressure on Ukraine while the delivery of military aid and supplies to Ukraine is slowed or suspended, especially the delivery of supplies from the United States. In addition to drones and missiles, Russia started using its new Zircon hypersonic missiles and 1,500-kg (3,300-pound) aerial bombs to target Ukrainian cities. The lack of ammunition, especially air defense missiles, may play a critical role in Ukraine's ability to protect the frontline areas and critical infrastructure across the country; a continuation of massive Russian attacks, in particular attacks using North Korean missiles and Iranian drones, could plunge Ukraine into a new stone age.Engagement of Russia's AlliesAt the beginning of the year, it became evident that North Korea was supplying Russia with missiles, including ballistic missiles. Kyiv said that as of mid-March, Russia had used about fifty of these against Ukraine. The DPRK-origin missiles were found to contain U.S. and European parts. The North Korean defense minister said the country might also supply tactical guided missiles to Russia. According to the official, the country's military factories are working at full capacity. Russia uses DPRK artillery shells. Since September 2023, North Korea has delivered more than 10,000 containers of munitions or munitions-related materials to Russia. Russia started supplying oil to the DPRK in exchange for weapons.Russia is negotiating with Iran as well to receive ballistic missiles. Foreign media have reported that Iran delivered hundreds of these missiles, but Ukrainian intelligence denies this.Belarus earlier was a key supplier of ammunition to support Russia's war. Though its stocks are probably exhausted by now, it remains one of Russia's important allies. Belarus is now building a new military town twenty-five miles from the border with Ukraine that will house both Russian and Belarusian troops. The combined forces started joint training in the Belarusian facility in March. Though Russia relies heavily on ammunition supplies from its allies, the country is still capable of producing its own weapons. For instance, one of the Russian missiles that hit Kyiv in 2024 was made in the summer of 2023. Russia is also pouring money into developing its own drone systems, with the combat drone Okhotnik-B expected to go into production in Novosibirsk later this year.Russian Disinformation Campaigns and CyberattacksRussia continued its disinformation campaign in Ukraine, hoping to undermine trust in the government and sow suspicions abroad. The clear goal is to weaken international support for Ukraine. These efforts are likely to ramp up in 2024 because many countries are holding elections, and policies regarding aid for Ukraine and the reception of Ukrainian refugees could shift drastically. Under normal conditions, Ukraine would also be holding elections. The curtain continues to be pulled back on Russia's disinformation efforts. The Washington Post published material on Russia's huge campaign to spread distrust of the government and societal despair in Ukraine, and the German Marshall Fund issued a report on Russia's use of Polish media to spread the Kremlin's lies about Ukraine. According to Security and Defense Secretary Oleksii Danilov, Russia has significantly stepped up its disinformation campaigns, issuing or spreading 166 million disinformation posts every week about Ukraine on social media in a global effort to manipulate thinking on Ukraine.According to Ukrainian intelligence sources, Russia is engaged in a massive disinformation campaign code-named Maidan-3 and designed to promote antiwar protests and destabilize the country, with the ultimate goal of removing President Zelensky from his leadership role. The campaign is expected be most active during March–May, and persons inside Ukraine are believed to be involved.Deep-fake videos play a prominent role in Russian propaganda. For instance, a deep-fake video of former president Petro Poroshenko allegedly making incendiary statements about President Zelensky was targeted to Ukrainian soldiers. Videos allegedly showing Russians attacking Ukrainian military training camps or Ukrainian special forces shooting civilians are widely circulated; such misrepresentations are unfortunately becoming commonplace.Russia has also continued cyberattacks against Ukrainian media, authorities, and critically important companies, including one of the biggest banks, the biggest state-owned oil and gas company, Naftogaz, POW Coordination Headquarters, Ukraine's Education Ministry website, and so on. Hackers have been sending Ukrainian soldiers messages containing malware. In 2023, the number of cyberattacks against Ukrainian organizations increased by 15.9 percent compared to 2022, reaching an overall number of 2,543 documented cases.Even though ISIS took responsibility for the terrorist shooting in Moscow's Crocus concert hall in March, and Western intelligence said it has proof that Ukraine did not organize it, Russian top officials, including Vladimir Putin, tried to link it to Kyiv, while constantly changing the narrative. The media reported that some in Putin's circle do not see any link to Ukraine. It's possible the Kremlin will try to capitalize on the attack to mobilize Russian society against Ukraine. The head of the Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) blamed the United States, the UK, and Ukraine as instigators and enablers of the attack.Energy Terrorism and Other Attacks on Critical InfrastructureFrom mid-September 2023 to the end of the year, Russia did not succeed in damaging Ukraine's energy infrastructure, though not for lack of trying. The number of drones Russia launched during October–December 2023 broke records since the invasion. Most were brought down by Ukrainian air defense units before they could inflict damage, so we do not know their intended targets.This picture changed with the new year. Starting in early 2024, Russia focused on attacking energy infrastructure in the frontline regions, which are generally the easiest to reach. Despite the damage this caused, the power systems continued to operate in a relatively stable mode. On the night of March 22, Russia launched a massive attack on the Ukrainian power system, using drones and ballistic and cruise missiles. The largest such attack since the start of the full-scale invasion, it involved sixty Shahed drones and almost ninety missiles of various types. Power production and transmission facilities in Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia, Kryvyi Rih, and Dnipro were targeted. Russians hit the biggest Ukrainian hydropower plant, DniproHES, and the dam of its water reservoir on the Dnipro river in Zaporizhzhia oblast; two other big hydropower plants were damaged in the following days.The biggest private-owned Ukrainian energy company, DTEK, reported that 80 percent of its capacities had been damaged during the attacks by the end of March. In Kharkiv, all thermal power plants and substations were destroyed in the last week of March. The state-owned Centrenergo lost its biggest power plant in Kharkiv oblast. The major attack was followed by attacks in ensuing days. Crimes against Civilians and Attacks on Civilian InfrastructureIn the first quarter of the year, Ukraine faced more Russian drone and missile strikes on multi-block residential buildings, with many civilians injured and killed—in some cases dozens in a single attack. Occasionally multiple cities were attacked simultaneously. Big city targets included Kyiv, Kharkiv, Kherson, Odesa, Mykolaiv, and Sumy. In addition, civil infrastructure in the regions under Ukrainian control and well inside the front lines was regularly attacked, sustaining damage. Since March 11, Russia has been shelling the borders of Sumy oblast, mostly using guided aerial bombs, artillery, and Lancet attack drones.In general, from the start of the year, Ukraine has seen an increased number of civilians killed or wounded in air strikes. Fuel depots and fueling stations have been attacked, leading to civilian casualties and environmental damage. It is now commonplace for Russia to target a wide range of civil infrastructure with air strikes and artillery shelling.One of the numerous air attacks on Odesa happened during the visit of the prime minister of Greece, Kyriakos Mitsotakis. A missile exploded extremely close to the location of Mitsotakis and President Zelensky. Russia has continued committing crimes against civilians in the occupied territories: torturing civilians, forcing them to participate in Russian presidential elections, bugging residents, expropriating apartments, and resettling Russian transplants from deep inside the country in the occupied territories. POW ExchangesPOW exchanges, which had been suspended for a while, were renewed at the beginning of the year, with the largest number of Ukrainians returning home since the start of the wide-scale invasion. On January 24, a few days before the planned POW exchange, a cargo aircraft was shot down in Russia. Moscow blamed Ukraine for downing the plane, claiming it was carrying sixty-five prisoners to be exchanged. However, Russia did not provide any proof that the plane was in fact carrying POWs, and Kyiv said there were no Ukrainian POWs on the plane.Two more POW exchanges took place after the incident, in late January and again in February. 2. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRSPresident Zelensky's Diplomatic ToursIn the first quarter of 2024, President Zelensky undertook several diplomatic tours, hoping to consolidate support for Ukraine. This mission was especially critical in light of the slowing of aid from the United States, and the number of agreements Ukraine reached during this period is testament to the success of these efforts.In January, President Zelensky made a diplomatic trip to the Baltic states, Lithuania,Estonia, and Latvia, which are among the strongest supporters of Ukraine. Zelensky met with the countries' leaders and political elites and expressed gratitude for their support during the ten years of war. They discussed Ukraine's European integration and future cooperation in electromagnetic warfare and military drone production. The three countries remain strong Ukraine's allies of Ukraine in 2024, providing military and humanitarian aid and political support. Ukraine and Latvia signed an agreement on technical and financial cooperation and a memorandum on cooperation on defense and security.President Zelensky left the Baltics for Switzerland to attend the World Economic Forum in Davos, where he addressed the forum's participants on the war in Ukraine and the need to invest in Ukraine's victory. In Davos, he also met with leaders of different states and the world's finance leaders, seeking to boost investment in Ukraine.In February, President Zelensky visited Germany to give a speech and attend the Munich Security Conference. He met his German and Czech counterparts and discussed joint efforts to produce weapons.Later, he visited Saudi Arabia to meet with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and to discuss the Ukrainian Peace Formula and ways to repatriate captured and deported Ukrainians. He left Saudi Arabia for Albania to attend the second Ukraine-Balkans forum, where he also met with the leaders of some Balkan states to discuss European integration efforts. On March 8, he visited Turkey to meet with his counterpart, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Repatriating Ukrainian citizens held in captivity in Russia was among the key topics discussed at the meeting. The two countries signed an agreement to simplify bilateral trade and extended permit-free cargo truck movement at least until the end of the war. Security Cooperation AgreementsFrom early 2024, Ukraine began signing agreements on security cooperation with other states. The G-7 states intended to sign these during the NATO summit in Vilnius on July 12, 2023. Later, twenty-four more states expressed their intention to join this format. The UK was the first country to sign, on January 12, followed by Germany, France. Denmark, Canada, Italy, and the Netherlands. Many countries are in dialogue, negotiating the text of the agreements to be signed. Some agreements stipulate commitments and plans to provide military aid in upcoming years.In Ukraine, these are often called "agreements on security commitments." However, they are more like framework agreements on security and defense cooperation; they do not have the force of a contract and do not spell out specific guarantees or steps the signatories should take to ensure Ukraine's sovereignty. Many experts in Ukraine have criticized the agreements because they do not provide Ukraine with hard security guarantees.Relations with NATOIn January, the NATO-Ukraine Council held a meeting at Ukraine's request after Russia launched massive air strikes against Ukraine at the beginning of the year. The allies reaffirmed their commitment to bolster Ukraine's defenses further and to provide Ukraine with major military, economic, and humanitarian assistance. In March, a NATO military delegation visited Kyiv for the first time since the start of the full-scale invasion.Relations with the United States and CanadaPolitical differences in the U.S. Congress remained an obstacle to achieving consensus on the future of military aid to Ukraine. In March the United States announced the first $300 million security assistance package for Ukraine this year, as supplemental funding was blocked in Congress. Funds for the package came from unanticipated cost savings in existing Pentagon contracts. Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau arrived in Kyiv on the second anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine to demonstrate his solidarity. Canada joined the drones coalition for Ukraine and allocated $1.5 billion in aid to finance Ukraine's budget deficit.Relations with the EU and the European StatesIn February the EU approved €50 billion in financial support for Ukraine, to run through 2027. Later the EU approved $5.5 billion in military aid to Ukraine for 2024. The EU planned to supply Ukraine by the end of March with half of the one million artillery rounds it has promised to supply by the end of the year. Joint European Efforts to Arm UkraineArtillery rounds to be provided by the Czech Republic. In February, Czech president Petr Pavel said that the country had found a way to acquire 800,000 artillery rounds for Ukraine, but it needed funding. Earlier, the Czech Republic had proposed buying ammunition for Ukraine outside the EU. Almost twenty countries, some outside Europe, joined the initiative and contributed to the fund to buy artillery rounds: Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Norway, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Sweden, and others. In March, Prague reported it was ready to deliver the first batches of ammunition and that it had found 700,000 shells of other types that could be bought with additional funds.Long-range missiles coalition. In late February, President of France Emmanuel Macron announced a coalition to send Ukraine long-range missiles. On March 15, following a "Weimar Triangle" format meeting in Berlin, the leaders of Germany, France, and Poland agreed on new initiatives in support of Ukraine, including more weapons purchases and a future formation of a coalition on long-range rocket artillery. The initiative includes purchasing more weapons for Ukraine on global markets and expanding military production.Drone coalition. NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg in February said that allies had established a drone coalition for Ukraine, committing to supplying one million drones. The UK and Latvia will lead an international coalition to develop vital drones for Ukraine.Cybersecurity support. In February, the IT Coalition for Ukraine signed an agreement to enhance Ukraine's defense capabilities in communications and cybersecurity—an important step in light of Russia's use of IT in conducting the war. The coalition was established in September 2023. It is led by Estonia and Luxembourg and includes Ukraine, Belgium, Denmark, Iceland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, and the Netherlands.France was the key newsmaker regarding Ukraine and its defensive fighting against Russia. Except for the agreement on security guarantees between the two countries, President Macron was the first leader to observe publicly that troops might have to be sent to Ukraine if Russia continued its advances. The statement caused a heated discussion with the leaders of other states, but Macron insisted it was not an off-the-cuff remark but a well-considered, realistic view. He referred to Russia's war as an existential threat to France and Europe. French foreign minister Stephane Sejourne visited Kyiv in January, reassuring Ukraine of longlasting support. Later, France announced new military aid to Ukraine, including artillery and air defense systems, drones, guided bombs, and other important pieces. France is considering expanding military aid programs for Ukraine, and President Macron called on Europe to be ready to compensate for reduced U.S. support. The UK, Germany, and the Netherlands continued to be among the biggest European supporters in providing military aid and economic assistance.Relations with Hungary remained strained. The country blocked the EU's €50 billion aid initiative for a few months, and also blocked the EU's joint statement commemorating the second anniversary of Russia's full-scale war. Pressure from the European Parliament probably encouraged Hungary to change its position. Ukrainian foreign minister Dmytro Kuleba met his Hungarian counterpart in January to discuss a potential visit by Zelensky to Budapest aimed at improving bilateral relations. Later, Hungarian foreign minister Péter Szijjártó explained that such a meeting between Viktor Orbán and Zelensky would be impossible until Kyiv restored the rights of the Hungarian ethnic minority as they had existed before 2015.The prime ministers of Ukraine and Slovakia met in Ukraine and signed a joint statement to strengthen bilateral relations "based on mutual trust and respect." The Slovak prime minister promised not to obstruct Ukraine's purchases of weapons from Slovak companies and said that Bratislava would support the EU providing €50 billion in financial aid to Ukraine.The border blockade by farmers was a key issue in bilateral relations with Poland and remained contentious throughout the quarter. At different times, farmers and truck drivers have thrown up blockades, affecting almost all of Ukraine's border crossings.Polish farmers are demanding restrictions on imports from Ukraine, in the belief that their market prices have fallen because of competition. Poland had earlier banned food imports from Ukraine, allowing transit only. Polish officials confirmed that Ukrainian grain was not imported but merely transiting the country to destinations beyond. Kyiv says that now only 5 percent of Ukrainian food exports go through Poland, with most grain exports to be shipped by sea. Farmers are also protesting the EU's climate change policies and blocking other border crossings, including some on the border with Germany. Polish haulers on strike demanded the restoration of permits for Ukrainian carriers, a ban on the issuance of licenses to non-EU transport companies, and a waiver for empty Polish trucks to register through the Ukrainian electronic queue when returning to Poland from Ukraine. However, the blockade by haulers was much shorter this quarter.The blockade lasted the entire quarter, though not with the same sustained intensity. The blockade may be politically inspired, especially if one considers that the country will hold local elections in April. Farmers even tried to block railway connections with Ukraine and passenger transportation. The European Commission expressed concern regarding the blockade. The Polish government's attempts to settle the issue were unsuccessful, though it is unclear how robust those efforts were.The blockades created long lines at the borders, complicating the importation of even critically important goods such as military equipment. During the protests, Polish farmers from time to time dumped Ukrainian grain that was transiting Poland to other states, causing tension and tight-lipped reactions in Ukraine. It should be noted once again that one of the protest organizers is Rafał Mekler, a member of the Polish far-right National Movement Party, also known as the Confederation Party, which is skeptical about the EU and less friendly toward Ukraine. Mekler's role is important because Russia is seeking to take advantage of domestic Polish discontent by spreading its anti-Ukrainian narratives in Poland. Polish prime minister Donald Tusk said he would not tolerate anti-Ukrainian sentiments in his government. Tusk visited Kyiv in January to announce a new aid package for Ukraine. At the same time, Poland continues to import grain and fuel from Russia and Belarus without any protests taking place on Poland's border with those states. Polish police detained Ukrainian journalists who investigated the import of goods at the border with Belarus. Other Ukrainian journalists were later similarly detained and deported from Poland while investigating trade with Russia. In late March, the Ukrainian and Polish prime ministers met in Warsaw to discuss the dispute. The parties have made some progress, but the problem remains. In mid-January, farmers in Romaniaagain started a blockade. However, the Romanian government quickly negotiated with the protesters, and the blockade was dissolved in early February. Ukrainian exports through Romania rose by 50 percent while those through Poland, formerly the biggest transit country, decreased.JapanIn February, Japan hosted a conference on Ukraine's restoration. The event brought together about 200 Japanese and Ukrainian companies, which signed fifty-six agreements and memorandums of cooperation. Japan allocated more than $12 billion in aid to Ukraine and will spend €1.25 billion to support investments in Ukraine.Debates on Transferring Frozen Russian Assets for UkraineIn the first quarter of 2024, Ukraine's allies continued to debate the use of frozen Russian assets to finance Ukraine's needs during the war. A group of international law experts and practitioners concluded that it would be lawful, under international law, to transfer Russian state assets as compensation for the damage that has resulted directly from Russia's unlawful conduct. There was a debate in the EU about whether these funds should be held for future use in reconstructing Ukraine or be spent now on weapons. High Representative of the EU for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Josep Borrell supported the idea of using 90 percent of the revenue generated by frozen Russian assets to purchase weapons for Ukraine. Among the EU member states, Hungary and Austria expressed opposition to using these funds for weapons.The Fighter Jet Coalition DevelopmentsWhen the allies agreed to provide Ukraine with F-16 fighter jets, the craft were expected to arrive in early 2024. At the beginning of the year, the media reported that delivery of the first jet might be delayed to mid-2024. NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg stated that the delivery date will depend on when Ukrainian pilots will be ready to fly them after training.The first group of Ukrainian pilots will complete F-16 training by the summer. But probably only six F-16s will have been delivered out of about forty-five fighter jets that European allies have promised. The Netherlands decided to send six more F-16 jets to Ukraine in addition to the eighteen the country promised to supply in late 2023. 3. INTERNAL AFFAIRSReshufflesOne of the most shocking internal events in Ukraine was the dismissal of Commander-in-Chief Valerii Zaluzhnyi. President Zelensky appointed General Oleksandr Syrskyi, who had previously served as commander of Ukraine's Land Forces, the new commander-in-chief and gave him wide latitude to make personnel changes. Zelensky explained his decision by citing the need to reboot management of the military command and to change the military strategy. However, Zaluzhnyi had made clear his frustration with the progress of the war on international media, and there are political tensions between the two men, with Zaluzhnyi's trust rating among survey respondents higher than Zelensky's.In February the government appointed a new head of the National Agency on Corruption Prevention, Viktor Pavlushchyk, as the previous head, Oleksandr Novikov, had completed his four-year term in the position. Pavlushchyk was selected as the head of the agency by a competition. In late March, President Zelensky dismissed the secretary of the National Security and Defense Council, Oleksiy Danilov, and appointed Oleksandr Lytvynenko, a former head of the Foreign Intelligence Service, to the position. Danilov later was appointed ambassador to Moldova. The Economic SituationUkraine's economy remained relatively stable in the first quarter of 2024. However, the government experienced difficulty covering budget expenditures with a drop in foreign financial aid: in the first two months of 2024, Ukraine received only 10 percent of the planned financial aid from its allies.Slowing inflation led the National Bank to decrease its key rate to 14.5 percent. At the same time, the IMF expects the economic shock to begin in the second quarter of 2024 with the intensification of the war. Ukrainian agencies expect lower economic growth for 2024 as well.The Energy SituationDuring January and February 2024, Russia attacked Ukraine's energy facilities, mostly in regions close to the front. The power system continued to operate normally, however, and electricity exports to the EU in early March broke records since the start of the wide-scale invasion. The situation rapidly reversed after the attacks in late March, and Ukraine became deeply dependent on electricity imports from Europe, realizing record-high volumes of imports. Ukraine got through the winter just passed using domestically produced gas only. This was possible in part because the demand for natural gas has fallen since the start of the wide-scale invasion.4. PROGRESS IN REFORMS AND SUCCESS STORIESPlan of Reforms for the Ukraine Facility Funding ProgramIn March, the government approved a Plan of Reforms for 2024–2027. The plan addresses reform of the public administration and judicial system and strengthening the battle against corruption; economic reforms, such as management of public assets and creating an attractive environment for investment; and sectoral reforms (energy, transport agriculture, critical raw materials, small business, IT, and environment). It provides a basis for funding the Ukraine Facility, the EU's financial support program for Ukraine, which is expected to provide €50 billion over four years. Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal submitted the plan to the European Commission for approval. The first tranche of funding was released on March 20.Oscar Award for 20 Days in Mariupol DocumentaryThe Ukrainian film 20 Days in Mariupol won the Best Documentary award at the 96th Academy Awards. It is the first film made by a Ukrainian director to have won an Oscar. The film records the atrocities committed during Russia's months-long siege of the city of Mariupol in 2022. The documentary was put together by a team of Ukrainian journalists from the Associated Press and included the film director, Mstyslav Chernov. The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute.