Suchergebnisse

APPROVED ; The main topic of this dissertation revolves around the problem of ru- ral FTTH service roll-out. The problem has become topical worldwide, typically in the countries with rural populations scattered around. Never- theless, the FTTH service penetration rate generally remains low, which still creates room for research and innovation, whereby the planning of FTTH network deployment and roll-out can be advanced. In fact, the rural FTTH roll-out problem falls into category of worst-case scenarios, thereby driving technological progress to an even higher extent. Inadequate future-proof broadband service in rural areas leads to negative consequences, widely known as the Digital Divide problem. Unequal devel- opment of urban and rural areas deepens the isolation of rural areas from the information society. The resolution of the problem is thus of great importance, also beyond purely technical outcomes. In fact, this work evolves beyond technical aspects and includes recommendations for lo- cal governments, policy regulators, investors, utility companies, and other likely contributors. The first half of this work presents the following content. The background to the cutting-edge broadband technologies was presented with regard to the ultimate success of rural fibre roll-out. The discussion focused on one of the most promising future-proof broadband technologies with re- gard to the rural case, i.e. PON or LR-PON technology. A number of deliberations targeted the statement of the problem, research questions and hypotheses, and finally the research methodology. Key aspects of the problem were further explored. The literature review focused on the state-of-the-art means and deployment technologies, in different localities worldwide, and suitable mathematical formulations needed to model and optimise the deployment. Finally, research gaps were identified, and de- tailed research plan was proposed. The increased deployment cost with respect to expected revenue is over- all perceived as the main barrier to FTTH ...

Im vergangenen Jahrzehnt hat die Bedeutung reflexiver Organisationsforschung stark zugenommen. Die Diskussion zeigt die hohe Bedeutung der eigenen Interpretationen und der Veröffentlichung von Forschungsergebnissen. Demgegenüber steht die Beziehung zwischen den Forschungspartner/innen in der Praxis und den Forschenden kaum im Fokus der Betrachtung. Jedoch ist diese Beziehung die Basis, auf der Daten generiert werden und Interpretationen entstehen. In diesem Beitrag verfolgen wir das Ziel, eine methodologische Heuristik als Orientierung anzubieten, welche diese Beziehung zum Ausgangspunkt nimmt. Die von der Theorie sozialer Systeme inspirierte "reflexive system theory heuristic" wird empirisch anhand einer longitudinalen Einzelfallstudie zu einem Veränderungsprozess in einem Krankenhaus illustriert. Die Heuristik unterstützt die Beobachtung und Erklärung der Dynamik in der Feldbeziehung und hilft dabei, den Status der forscherischen Ergebnisse zu klären. Die beforschte Praxis und die Forschungspraxis werden als Kommunikationssystem konzeptualisiert. Forschung erhält damit eine generative Komponente und wird als reflexiver Zusammenhang aufgefasst. Die Berücksichtigung des jeweiligen Kontextes von Praxis und von Wissenschaft erlaubt es zudem, die bisherigen Erkenntnisse zu reflexiver Organisationsforschung einzubinden. Für die Forschung im Bereich der Systemtheorie wiederum kann die hier vorgestellte Heuristik als Ausgangspunkt für eine bislang marginalisierte methodologische Diskussion dienen.

Over the April-June 2008 period, prices of the commodities such as wheat, maize, rice and vegetable oils, reached impressive yet not exceptional peaks. By contrast, the populations of 48 countries were stricken by severe under nutrition. Most of them had already been weakened not only by conflicts, social disorders, dramatic and unusual climatic and natural disasters, but also by outbreaks, epizooties, and population displacements. In some cases, all these factors together played a significant role in the worsening situation. However, another important reason could be advanced to explain why the 2008 food crisis was an "extraordinary problem". This one is that "normal" scientific knowledge was defeated by the complexity of what it appears now as a food "poly-crises" (Morin, 2011). We answered by designing an epistemological, methodological, and technical knowledge base from two very different and alternative economics approaches of facing complexity. The first is the Hayekian approach (1899-1992), and the second, the Simonian approach (1916-2001). The research intends to fulfill cumulativity criteria, traditionally difficult to satisfy with the ones of complexity. From the following analysis we mostly learned two things. First, epistemological grounds of economics needed to be broken in complex environment(s): 1) from certainty/objectivity to uncertainty/subjectivity, 2) from accurate prediction to design, 3) from linear causality deemed inappropriate or, worse, threatening people freedoms, to complex causality. Second, in the adaptation process, the role of "tacit" knowledge production and sharing is central. For that reason, the core of economics problem is not allocation of resources anymore. Now, the main problem for humans whose cognitive capacity are "bounded" is to compute, to "socialize" (Nonaka et alii, 1994, 2001), available but dispersed information and knowledge and to converse them into heuristics or patterns allowing the adaptation to complex and uncertain environment(s). Two others auxiliary hypotheses –E. Ostrom (2011) will endorse them later- can be drawn from that preliminary work: 1) the dynamics of change rooted "in the thinking and in the creativity of people involved in complex situations and their capacity to restructure their own models for interactions", 2) reciprocal altruism (Simon, 1992, 1993) is a rational behavior which can be more effective in/for the social interactions in complex environment(s) than maximizing or selfish behavior. To present preliminary results in an effective way, we created a very simple interface scheme. It takes the form of a three-dimensional knowledge loop with two strands, "generic" and "tacit" knowledge connected between themselves to produce by recursion a meta-knowledge. We made the choice of the interface because it reflects with the most accuracy the position defended by Hayek and Simon which is that economics is a frontier science. Moreover, the interface has the advantage of being both open and closed. A part of the research is more specifically dedicated to design tools increasing the understanding of the "polyfood" crises. We elaborated a three-level indicator with: 1) perceptions of the contribution of each factor to the outbreak and the worsening of the situation; 2) contributions of actors to the explanation of the food crisis proposed in 2008. It was developed from: 1) a case study comparing and contrasting explanations proposed a) in their statements by 138 Heads of State and Government attended the High Level Conference on World Food Security (3-5 June 2008), b) in their analyses by economists, c) in their testimonies by people hit by under nutrition/rising food prices (database IRIN); 2) a new and more updated typology focused on the responses addressed by 18 countries split into 3 groups [.]. ; Entre avril et juin 2008, le prix des commodités (blé, maïs, riz) a atteint un niveau impressionnant, mais pas exceptionnel. Les populations de 48 pays ont été affectées par une sévère sous-alimentation. La plupart d'entre eux avait déjà été affaiblie par des conflits et des catastrophes naturelles inhabituelles et dramatiques. Ces facteurs ont souvent interagi pour aggraver la situation. Pourtant, si la crise de 2007-2008 a été un «problème extraordinaire», c'est aussi parce que la connaissance scientifique «normale» a échoué face à la complexité de la «poly-crises» alimentaire (Morin, 2011). En réponse, nous avons conçu un cadre épistémologique, méthodologique, et technique, à partir de deux approches face à la complexité, celles de Hayek (1899-1992) et de Simon (1916-2001), avec un objectif, satisfaire au critère de cumulativité, un reproche traditionnellement adressé à ce type d'approche. Ce travail a produit deux enseignements. Premièrement, les fondements épistémologiques de la production de la connaissance en économie doivent être révisés en environnement complexe et incertain: 1) du certain/de l'objectif vers l'incertain/le subjectif; 2) de la prédiction exacte vers la conception; 3) de la causalité linéaire inappropriée, ou pire, menaçant la liberté individuelle, vers une causalité complexe. Deuxièmement, dans le processus d'adaptation, le rôle de la production et du partage de la connaissance «tacite» est central. Pour cette raison, le problème économique n'est plus un problème d'allocation des ressources. Il est de savoir comment des êtres humains aux capacités cognitives «limitées» computent et socialisent (Nonaka et alii, 1994, 2001) la connaissance et l'information disponibles, mais dispersées, pour la convertir en heuristiques ou patterns favorisant l'adaptation. Deux autres hypothèses les renforcent : 1) les dynamiques du changement s'enracinent «dans la pensée et la créativité des gens impliqués dans des situations complexes et dans leur capacité à restructurer leurs propres modèles d'interactions», (Ostrom, 2011) ; 2) l'altruisme réciproque (Simon, 1992, 1993) est un comportement rationnel qui peut être plus efficient dans les interactions sociales en environnement complexe que le comportement maximisateur ou égoïste. Ces résultats ont été synthétisés dans une interface que nous avons créée et qui a pris la forme d'une boucle de la connaissance à deux allèles, une pour la connaissance générique, l'autre, pour la tacite, qui, par récursion, produisent une méta-connaissance. Cette interface est à la fois ouverte et fermée et reflète ainsi la position défendue par Hayek et Simon pour qui la science économique est une «science frontière». Une part de la recherche est consacrée à la création d'outils, par exemple à un indicateur de perception de la contribution des facteurs au déclenchement et/ou à l'aggravation de la crise, à partir : 1) des allocutions des 138 Chefs d'État et de Gouvernement présents à la Conférence de Haut Niveau sur la Sécurité alimentaire mondiale (3-5 juin 2008) ; 2) des analyses des économistes, 3) des témoignages des gens qui ont subi la sous-nutrition ou la hausse des prix des denrées alimentaires (database IRIN). Nous proposons également une typologie actualisée des policy-mix mis en œuvre par 18 pays divisés en 3 groupes : des pays en développement, pour la plupart importateurs nets, sévèrement touchés par la crise et qui ont connu des «émeutes de la faim» (Égypte, Tunisie, Cameroun, Côte d'Ivoire, Sénégal, Mauritanie, Haïti, Bangladesh) ; des pays Membres du groupe de Cairns ayant connu soit des «émeutes de la faim», soit des désordres sociaux (Indonésie, Philippines, Thaïlande, Afrique du Sud) ; enfin, des pays ayant adopté des restrictions et/ou prohibitions aux exportations (Chine, Inde, Indonésie, Égypte, Cambodge, Ukraine, Vietnam) [.].

Das Buch ist der Biographie und dem wissenschaftlichen Nachlass von John Michael Steiner gewidmet – einem tschechisch-amerikanischen Soziologen, geboren 1925 in Prag, verstorben 2014 im kalifornischen Novato. Er hat Auschwitz und andere Konzentrationslager überlebt und ist einer der wenigen Verfolgten, die sich später in der wissenschaftlichen Täterforschung engagierten. Nach dem Krieg musste er wegen der Machtübernahme der KP aus Prag fliehen, zunächst nach Australien, dann in die USA. Er kam 1962 nach Deutschland und konnte seine Forschung auch nach seiner Promotion an der Universität Freiburg i.Br. fortsetzen, unterstützt durch Stipendien der Alexander von Humboldt Foundation und der Fulbright Commission. – Einzigartig ist seine vergleichende Untersuchung (1962 bis 1966) zwischen ehemaligen Angehörigen der Waffen-SS und SS und ehemaligen Angehörigen der Wehrmacht mit dem 1970 publizierten Ergebnis einer weiterbestehenden, relativ stärkeren autoritären Einstellung der ehemaligen Angehörigen der Waffen-SS und SS. Weitaus wichtiger waren ihm Lebensläufe und Sozialverhalten typischer SS-Männer. Aus verschiedenen Gründen kam es nicht zu einer Publikation der für ihn verfassten Lebensläufe. Hier ragen 10 Lebensläufe hervor: Vier Verfasser waren zu lebenslänglicher Haft verurteilt wegen ihrer vielfachen Morde in den Lagern Auschwitz, Buchenwald oder Sobibor, sechs waren Offiziere der Waffen-SS, darunter ein Adjutant Himmlers und ein Adjutant Hitlers. Diese Lebensläufe werden hier erstmals publiziert (dazu zwei transkribierte Interviews). Im Kapitel 1 wird Steiners Biographie geschildert, seine wissenschaftlichen Arbeiten und sein öffentliches Engagement. Dieses Kapitel enthält auch seine Aufsätze über das Fragmentierte Gewissen und über Role margin, d.h. den individuellen, von sozialer und von moralischer Intelligenz abhängigen Ermessenspielraum eines SS-Mannes im Lagerkommando, außerdem seinen Briefwechsel mit Erich Fromm über die Interpretation der Lebensläufen von SS-Angehörigen. Übersetzt wurden Steiners drei eindringliche Erfahrungsberichte: KZ-Arbeitseinsatz Blechhammer, Todesmarsch nach Reichenbach, Im Viehwagen nach Dachau. Im Kapitel 2 Grundlegende Studien zur Autoritären Persönlichkeit: Konzeptionen und Forschungsergebnisse wird ein Bezugsrahmen für die folgenden Interpretationen entwickelt. Dazu gehört eine Übersicht über zwei Meilenstein-Studien zur Autoritäten Persönlichkeit: (1) Erich Fromm und Mitarbeiter (1936, 1980), deren Publikation von Max Horkheimer untersagt wurde, und (2) Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik, Levinson und Sanford (1950). Der ausführliche Kommentar zur neueren Forschung auf diesem Gebiet bezieht sich einerseits auf die "Autoritäre Persönlichkeit" als multimethodisch und prozessanalytisch zu erfassender Persönlichkeitstypus versus "Autoritarismus" als Einstellung, gewöhnlich nur als Selbstbeurteilung ohne Verhaltensdaten erfasst. – Wichtige Arbeiten der Täterforschung werden dargestellt, u.a. die herausragende Forschung von Henry Dicks (1950, 1972). Weitere Themen sind: das geringe Interesse deutscher Psychologen an der Täterforschung, die sog. neue Täterforschung deutscher Historiker und der gravierende Mangel an Interdisziplinarität. Im Kapitel 3 Täterforschung: Steiners Konzepte und Methoden wird die Fragebogenstudie dargestellt und ausführlich über die zehn Lebensläufe berichtet. Sie werden psychologisch interpretiert, u.a. hinsichtlich Fromms Konzeption der Autoritären Persönlichkeit und Steiners Fragen nach Fragmentierung des Gewissens und Entscheidungsspielraum. Diese Leitkonzepte sind zweifellos als Heuristiken geeignet, doch mangelt es oft an hinreichend detaillierter Lebenslauf-Information, um die situative Auslösung von latenter Gewalttätigkeit und von sadistischen Handlungen adäquat erfassen zu können. Die mit Absicht erst nachträglich recherchierten, sekundären Informationen sind als Korrektiv des Gesamtbildes wichtig, können jedoch eine systematische Exploration der psychosozialen Prozesse nicht ersetzen. Im Kapitel 4 Täterforschung und Erziehungsreform wird Steiners Forderung nach einer fundamentalen Erziehungsreform im Kontext anderer Reformideen geschildert: u.a. Neills' Summerhill, Entnazifizierungsprogramme (Re-education); Aussteiger-Programme für Angehörige extremistischer Gruppen. – "Erziehung nach Ausschwitz" fand jedoch kaum statt. Es mangelt weithin an einem Ethik-Unterricht für Alle und auf allen Schulstufen. Erst während der letzten Jahre gibt es in Deutschland mehr Initiativen zur Reform des Ethik-Unterrichts, beispielsweise durch Projekte der Bertelsmann-Stiftung, durch neue pädagogische Initiativen und Schulbücher mit vielen Anregungen, nicht nur das Wissen über Ethik zu lehren, sondern Kompetenzen wie Perspektivenwechsel und Einfühlung auch praktisch zu üben. Das Kapitel 5 fasst die wichtigsten Perspektiven zusammen und zitiert Steiners Fragen und Thesen (wie sie als Untertitel dieses Buches gewählt wurden: " …wie können Menschen so werden, dass sie so etwas tun können?" – "Je mehr ich verstehe, desto weniger muss ich hassen." – "Nur Erinnerung und Erziehung können neuen Furchtbarkeiten und Genoziden vorbeugen." Der Anhang enthält außer den Kopien der Lebensläufe u.a. Steiner Publikationsliste, seine an der Sonoma State University inzwischen gelöschte Homepage und sein Engagement in den Medien. So war er an der vierteiligen Reportage (SPIEGEL-TV, 2009, und ZDF) Gesichter des Bösen als direkter Zeitzeuge und als wissenschaftlicher Kommentator beteiligt. ; The book is dedicated to the biography and academic bequest of John Michael Steiner – a Czech American sociologist born in Prague in 1925, died in Novato, California, in 2014. He survived Auschwitz and other concentration camps and is one of the few persecuted people who later became involved in scientific research into perpetrators. After the war he had to flee Prague because of the seizure of power by the Communist Party, first to Australia, then to the USA. He came to Germany in 1962 and was able to continue his research after his doctorate at the University of Freiburg i. Br, supported by fellowships from the Alexander von Humboldt-Foundation and as a Senior Fulbright-Professor. His comparative study (1962 to 1966) of former members of the Waffen-SS and SS and former members of the Wehrmacht is unique. The results, indicating a persisting authoritarian attitude, remarkably higher in former members of Waffen-SS and SS, were published in 1970. Far more important to him were the CVs and social behavior of typical SS-men. For various reasons, the CVs were not published. Ten of these CV written for him stand out here: four authors were sentenced to life imprisonment for their multiple murders in the Auschwitz, Buchenwald or Sobibor camps; six were officers of the Waffen-SS, including an adjutant of Himmler and an adjutant of Hitler. These CVs are published here for the first time (plus two transcribed interviews). Chapter 1 describes Steiner's biography, his scientific work, and his public commitment. This chapter also contains his essays on the Fragmentation of Conscience and on Role Margin, i.e., the individual discretion of an SS man's action, dependent on social and moral intelligence, and, Steiner's correspondence with Erich Fromm on the interpretation of the biographies of SS-men. Three reports of Steiner's extreme experience were translated: Slave Laborer at the Blechhammer (Ehrenforst) Synfuel Plant; On a Death March from Blechhammer to Reichenbach; In a Cattle Wagon to Dachau. Chapter 2 Basic Studies on Authoritarian Personality: Concepts and Research Results develop a frame of reference for the following interpretations. This includes an overview of two mile-stone studies on the Authoritarian personality:(1) Erich Fromm and co-workers (1936, 1980, initial publication prohibited by Max Horkheimer), and (2) Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik, Levenson and Sanford (1950). The detailed commentary on recent research in this field refers on the one hand to the "authoritarian personality" as a personality type suggesting a multimethod assessment of motivation and action, versus "authoritarianism" as a social attitude, usually a self-assessment, i.e., a questionnaire without behavioral data. Important work of perpetrator research is presented, e.g., the outstanding research by Henry Dicks (1950, 1972). Other topics are: the low interest of German psychologists in perpetrator research, the so-called new perpetrator research by German historians, and the serious lack of interdisciplinarity. In Chapter 3 Perpetrator Research: Steiner's Concepts and Methods, the questionnaire study is presented, and the ten CVs are reported in detail. The psychological interpretation is primarily based on Fromm's conception of the authoritarian personality and Steiner's questions about fragmentation of conscience and role margin. These guiding concepts are undoubtedly suitable as heuristics, but there is often a lack of sufficiently detailed CV information to adequately capture the situational triggering of latent violence and sadistic actions. Secondary information, obtained after interpretation, is essential as a corrective to the overall picture, but cannot replace a systematic exploration of psychosocial processes. In Chapter 4 Perpetrator Research and Educational Reform, Steiner's demand for a fundamental education reform is discussed in the context of, among others, Neill's Summerhill, De-nazification programs (re-education); Drop-out programs for members of extremist groups. However, "Education after Auschwitz" hardly ever took place. There is a widespread lack of ethics teaching for all, and at all school levels in Germany. Only in recent years have there been more initiatives in Germany to renewing ethics teaching, for example, projects by the Bertelsmann Foundation, new pedagogical initiatives, and textbooks with many suggestions not only to teach knowledge about ethics, but also to practice skills, such as a change of perspective, and empathy. Chapter 5 summarizes the essential perspectives, and quotes Steiner's questions and principles (chosen as subtitles of the present book): "How can people become such that they can do something like this?"; "The more I understand, the less I have to hate"; "Only memory and education can prevent new dreadfulness and genocide". Appendix: In addition to copies of the original CVs, it contains Steiner's list of publications; his homepage, which has since been deleted at Sonoma State University; and his media appearances., e.g., in the four-part Reportage Faces of Evil (SPIEGEL-TV 2009, and ZDF) as a direct contemporary witness, and as an expert in perpetrator research.

Das Buch ist der Biographie und dem wissenschaftlichen Nachlass von John Michael Steiner gewidmet – einem tschechisch-amerikanischen Soziologen, geboren 1925 in Prag, verstorben 2014 im kalifornischen Novato. Er hat Auschwitz und andere Konzentrationslager überlebt und ist einer der wenigen Verfolgten, die sich später in der wissenschaftlichen Täterforschung engagierten. Nach dem Krieg musste er wegen der Machtübernahme der KP aus Prag fliehen, zunächst nach Australien, dann in die USA. Er kam 1962 nach Deutschland und konnte seine Forschung auch nach seiner Promotion an der Universität Freiburg i.Br. fortsetzen, unterstützt durch Stipendien der Alexander von Humboldt Foundation und der Fulbright Commission. – Einzigartig ist seine vergleichende Untersuchung (1962 bis 1966) zwischen ehemaligen Angehörigen der Waffen-SS und SS und ehemaligen Angehörigen der Wehrmacht mit dem 1970 publizierten Ergebnis einer weiterbestehenden, relativ stärkeren autoritären Einstellung der ehemaligen Angehörigen der Waffen-SS und SS. Weitaus wichtiger waren ihm Lebensläufe und Sozialverhalten typischer SS-Männer. Aus verschiedenen Gründen kam es nicht zu einer Publikation der für ihn verfassten Lebensläufe. Hier ragen 10 Lebensläufe hervor: Vier Verfasser waren zu lebenslänglicher Haft verurteilt wegen ihrer vielfachen Morde in den Lagern Auschwitz, Buchenwald oder Sobibor, sechs waren Offiziere der Waffen-SS, darunter ein Adjutant Himmlers und ein Adjutant Hitlers. Diese Lebensläufe werden hier erstmals publiziert (dazu zwei transkribierte Interviews). Im Kapitel 1 wird Steiners Biographie geschildert, seine wissenschaftlichen Arbeiten und sein öffentliches Engagement. Dieses Kapitel enthält auch seine Aufsätze über das Fragmentierte Gewissen und über Role margin, d.h. den individuellen, von sozialer und von moralischer Intelligenz abhängigen Ermessenspielraum eines SS-Mannes im Lagerkommando, außerdem seinen Briefwechsel mit Erich Fromm über die Interpretation der Lebensläufen von SS-Angehörigen. Übersetzt wurden Steiners drei eindringliche Erfahrungsberichte: KZ-Arbeitseinsatz Blechhammer, Todesmarsch nach Reichenbach, Im Viehwagen nach Dachau. Im Kapitel 2 Grundlegende Studien zur Autoritären Persönlichkeit: Konzeptionen und Forschungsergebnisse wird ein Bezugsrahmen für die folgenden Interpretationen entwickelt. Dazu gehört eine Übersicht über zwei Meilenstein-Studien zur Autoritäten Persönlichkeit: (1) Erich Fromm und Mitarbeiter (1936, 1980), deren Publikation von Max Horkheimer untersagt wurde, und (2) Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik, Levinson und Sanford (1950). Der ausführliche Kommentar zur neueren Forschung auf diesem Gebiet bezieht sich einerseits auf die "Autoritäre Persönlichkeit" als multimethodisch und prozessanalytisch zu erfassender Persönlichkeitstypus versus "Autoritarismus" als Einstellung, gewöhnlich nur als Selbstbeurteilung ohne Verhaltensdaten erfasst. – Wichtige Arbeiten der Täterforschung werden dargestellt, u.a. die herausragende Forschung von Henry Dicks (1950, 1972). Weitere Themen sind: das geringe Interesse deutscher Psychologen an der Täterforschung, die sog. neue Täterforschung deutscher Historiker und der gravierende Mangel an Interdisziplinarität. Im Kapitel 3 Täterforschung: Steiners Konzepte und Methoden wird die Fragebogenstudie dargestellt und ausführlich über die zehn Lebensläufe berichtet. Sie werden psychologisch interpretiert, u.a. hinsichtlich Fromms Konzeption der Autoritären Persönlichkeit und Steiners Fragen nach Fragmentierung des Gewissens und Entscheidungsspielraum. Diese Leitkonzepte sind zweifellos als Heuristiken geeignet, doch mangelt es oft an hinreichend detaillierter Lebenslauf-Information, um die situative Auslösung von latenter Gewalttätigkeit und von sadistischen Handlungen adäquat erfassen zu können. Die mit Absicht erst nachträglich recherchierten, sekundären Informationen sind als Korrektiv des Gesamtbildes wichtig, können jedoch eine systematische Exploration der psychosozialen Prozesse nicht ersetzen. Im Kapitel 4 Täterforschung und Erziehungsreform wird Steiners Forderung nach einer fundamentalen Erziehungsreform im Kontext anderer Reformideen geschildert: u.a. Neills' Summerhill, Entnazifizierungsprogramme (Re-education); Aussteiger-Programme für Angehörige extremistischer Gruppen. – "Erziehung nach Ausschwitz" fand jedoch kaum statt. Es mangelt weithin an einem Ethik-Unterricht für Alle und auf allen Schulstufen. Erst während der letzten Jahre gibt es in Deutschland mehr Initiativen zur Reform des Ethik-Unterrichts, beispielsweise durch Projekte der Bertelsmann-Stiftung, durch neue pädagogische Initiativen und Schulbücher mit vielen Anregungen, nicht nur das Wissen über Ethik zu lehren, sondern Kompetenzen wie Perspektivenwechsel und Einfühlung auch praktisch zu üben. Das Kapitel 5 fasst die wichtigsten Perspektiven zusammen und zitiert Steiners Fragen und Thesen (wie sie als Untertitel dieses Buches gewählt wurden: " …wie können Menschen so werden, dass sie so etwas tun können?" – "Je mehr ich verstehe, desto weniger muss ich hassen." – "Nur Erinnerung und Erziehung können neuen Furchtbarkeiten und Genoziden vorbeugen." Der Anhang enthält außer den Kopien der Lebensläufe u.a. Steiner Publikationsliste, seine an der Sonoma State University inzwischen gelöschte Homepage und sein Engagement in den Medien. So war er an der vierteiligen Reportage (SPIEGEL-TV, 2009, und ZDF) Gesichter des Bösen als direkter Zeitzeuge und als wissenschaftlicher Kommentator beteiligt. ; The book is dedicated to the biography and academic bequest of John Michael Steiner – a Czech American sociologist born in Prague in 1925, died in Novato, California, in 2014. He survived Auschwitz and other concentration camps and is one of the few persecuted people who later became involved in scientific research into perpetrators. After the war he had to flee Prague because of the seizure of power by the Communist Party, first to Australia, then to the USA. He came to Germany in 1962 and was able to continue his research after his doctorate at the University of Freiburg i. Br, supported by fellowships from the Alexander von Humboldt-Foundation and as a Senior Fulbright-Professor. His comparative study (1962 to 1966) of former members of the Waffen-SS and SS and former members of the Wehrmacht is unique. The results, indicating a persisting authoritarian attitude, remarkably higher in former members of Waffen-SS and SS, were published in 1970. Far more important to him were the CVs and social behavior of typical SS-men. For various reasons, the CVs were not published. Ten of these CV written for him stand out here: four authors were sentenced to life imprisonment for their multiple murders in the Auschwitz, Buchenwald or Sobibor camps; six were officers of the Waffen-SS, including an adjutant of Himmler and an adjutant of Hitler. These CVs are published here for the first time (plus two transcribed interviews). Chapter 1 describes Steiner's biography, his scientific work, and his public commitment. This chapter also contains his essays on the Fragmentation of Conscience and on Role Margin, i.e., the individual discretion of an SS man's action, dependent on social and moral intelligence, and, Steiner's correspondence with Erich Fromm on the interpretation of the biographies of SS-men. Three reports of Steiner's extreme experience were translated: Slave Laborer at the Blechhammer (Ehrenforst) Synfuel Plant; On a Death March from Blechhammer to Reichenbach; In a Cattle Wagon to Dachau. Chapter 2 Basic Studies on Authoritarian Personality: Concepts and Research Results develop a frame of reference for the following interpretations. This includes an overview of two mile-stone studies on the Authoritarian personality:(1) Erich Fromm and co-workers (1936, 1980, initial publication prohibited by Max Horkheimer), and (2) Adorno, Frenkel-Brunswik, Levenson and Sanford (1950). The detailed commentary on recent research in this field refers on the one hand to the "authoritarian personality" as a personality type suggesting a multimethod assessment of motivation and action, versus "authoritarianism" as a social attitude, usually a self-assessment, i.e., a questionnaire without behavioral data. Important work of perpetrator research is presented, e.g., the outstanding research by Henry Dicks (1950, 1972). Other topics are: the low interest of German psychologists in perpetrator research, the so-called new perpetrator research by German historians, and the serious lack of interdisciplinarity. In Chapter 3 Perpetrator Research: Steiner's Concepts and Methods, the questionnaire study is presented, and the ten CVs are reported in detail. The psychological interpretation is primarily based on Fromm's conception of the authoritarian personality and Steiner's questions about fragmentation of conscience and role margin. These guiding concepts are undoubtedly suitable as heuristics, but there is often a lack of sufficiently detailed CV information to adequately capture the situational triggering of latent violence and sadistic actions. Secondary information, obtained after interpretation, is essential as a corrective to the overall picture, but cannot replace a systematic exploration of psychosocial processes. In Chapter 4 Perpetrator Research and Educational Reform, Steiner's demand for a fundamental education reform is discussed in the context of, among others, Neill's Summerhill, De-nazification programs (re-education); Drop-out programs for members of extremist groups. However, "Education after Auschwitz" hardly ever took place. There is a widespread lack of ethics teaching for all, and at all school levels in Germany. Only in recent years have there been more initiatives in Germany to renewing ethics teaching, for example, projects by the Bertelsmann Foundation, new pedagogical initiatives, and textbooks with many suggestions not only to teach knowledge about ethics, but also to practice skills, such as a change of perspective, and empathy. Chapter 5 summarizes the essential perspectives, and quotes Steiner's questions and principles (chosen as subtitles of the present book): "How can people become such that they can do something like this?"; "The more I understand, the less I have to hate"; "Only memory and education can prevent new dreadfulness and genocide". Appendix: In addition to copies of the original CVs, it contains Steiner's list of publications; his homepage, which has since been deleted at Sonoma State University; and his media appearances., e.g., in the four-part Reportage Faces of Evil (SPIEGEL-TV 2009, and ZDF) as a direct contemporary witness, and as an expert in perpetrator research. ; unknown ; unknown

En la actualidad, en torno al 90% de la población de la Unión Europea se encuentra expuesta a altas concentraciones de algunos de los contaminantes atmosféricos más nocivos para la salud, reduciendo la esperanza de vida de la población y ocasionando un fuerte impacto económico en el producto interior bruto de los países. Dentro de los sectores económicos, el transporte se presenta como una de las principales fuentes de contaminación ya que genera niveles nocivos de emisiones contaminantes y es el responsable de hasta el 24% de las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero (GEI) en la Unión Europea. Estas emisiones dependen en gran medida de los combustibles utilizados, de la carga y tecnología del motor de los vehículos y principalmente de las distancias recorridas. El problema de la distribución de productos desde los almacenes a los usuarios finales juega un papel central en la gestión de algunos sistemas logísticos, donde la determinación de rutas de reparto eficientes es fundamental en la reducción de costes. Este problema en la vida real, se caracteriza por disponer las empresas de distribución de una flota heterogénea, en la que vehículos con diferentes características son incorporados a lo largo del tiempo para una mejor adaptación a las demandas de los clientes. Entre las características más destacadas se encuentran vehículos con diferentes capacidades y antigüedad, usos de combustibles alternativos y tecnología del motor. Por todo ello, en el contexto actual la componente medioambiental tiene que ser añadida en el proceso de toma de decisiones a las estrategias logísticas tradicionales, basadas en costes y tiempos. Esta Tesis Doctoral se ha centrado en su mayor parte al desarrollo de nuevos modelos y algoritmos para la resolución del Problema de Enrutamiento de Vehículos con Flota Fija Heterogénea y Ventanas de Tiempo (HVRPTW), con la consideración adicional de reducir las emisiones de GEI y de partículas contaminantes. La formulación del problema se realiza desde dos perspectivas muy diferenciadas. La primera de ellas incorpora una metodología basada en la estimación de los costes asociados a las externalidades presentes en las actividades del transporte. La segunda perspectiva comprende técnicas de optimización multiobjetivo con asignación de preferencias a priori, en el que el decisor puede establecer sus preferencias por adelantado. La elaboración de las rutas eco-eficientes se plantea mediante modelos lineales de programación matemática y se resuelve usando técnicas cuantitativas. Estas técnicas comprenden algoritmos heurísticos y metaheurísticos que combinan diversos procedimientos avanzados para tratar la complejidad del problema. En particular, esta Tesis describe una heurística de inserción secuencial semi-paralela y una metaheurística híbrida de búsqueda de entorno variable descendente con búsqueda tabú y lista de espera, que introduce una mayor flexibilidad para la resolución de cualquier variante del problema HVRPTW. Los algoritmos han sido aplicados a problemas típicos de recogida y reparto de mercancías de la literatura científica y a un caso real, que comprende la planificación de rutas y personal en una empresa de servicios con características y restricciones muy peculiares. Los resultados demuestran que el algoritmo resuelve de manera eficiente la variante del problema abordado y es extensible para la resolución de otras variantes. El resultado de la Tesis es el desarrollo de una herramienta para la ayuda a la toma de decisiones en el diseño y control de rutas eco-eficientes. Dicha herramienta podrá integrarse con el sistema de información geográfica (GIS) particular de cada empresa y permitirá la visualización de las rutas eco-eficientes, evaluando el impacto producido en los ámbitos económico, energético, operativo y medioambiental. Por ello, la herramienta tendrá un impacto económico directo sobre los usuarios finales y permitirá la comparación de rutas y resultados obtenidos a partir de diferentes alternativas, logrando una mayor competitividad y el cumplimiento de los compromisos de sostenibilidad en la empresa. Por otro lado, a nivel global, la herramienta contribuye a una mejora social derivada de una reducción del consumo energético y de una disminución de las emisiones contaminantes de las flotas de transporte de mercancías por carretera, que tienen un impacto a nivel local, nacional e internacional. En este sentido, la Tesis Doctoral contribuye claramente al desarrollo estratégico del sector transporte de mercancías, aumentando la eficiencia de las flotas de transporte por carretera y logrando una mayor sostenibilidad y competitividad. ; Nowadays, around 90% of city dwellers in the European Union are exposed to high concentrations of healthharmful pollutants, reducing the life expectancy of the population and having a large impact on the gross domestic product of European countries. Among the economic sectors, transport is presented as one of the main sources of pollution because it generates harmful levels of emissions and is responsible for up to 24% of greenhouse gases (GHG) emissions in the European Union. These emissions depend heavily on the fuel type used, the carried load, the engine technology and the total distance covered. The problem of the distribution of goods from warehouses to end users plays a central role in the logistics systems management, where the design of efficient routes is critical in reducing costs. This real-life problem is characterized by presenting a heterogeneous fleet where vehicles with different features are incorporated over the time for a better adaptation to the changing customer demands. These features include vehicles with different capacities and age, alternative fuels and motor technologies. Therefore, in the present context, environmental targets are to be added to traditional logistics strategies based on cost and time in the decision making process. The research of this Thesis has focused on the development of new mathematical models and algorithms for solving the Fixed Fleet Heterogeneous Vehicle Routing Problem with Time Windows (HVRPTW) with the additional consideration of reducing GHG and pollutants emissions. The formulation of the problem is made from two different perspectives. The first incorporates a methodology based on the estimation of the external costs of transport activities. The second perspective comprises a multiobjective optimization method with a priori articulation of preferences, in which the decision maker can establish the preferences in advance. The design of eco-efficient routes is proposed by linear mathematical programming models and is solved using quantitative techniques. These techniques include heuristics and metaheuristics that combine various advanced procedures to deal with the complexity of the problem. In particular, this Thesis describes a semi-parallel insertion heuristic and a hybrid variable neighborhood descent metaheuristic based on a tabu search algorithm for the local search and a holding list that achieves flexibility for solving any HVRPTW variant. The algorithms have been applied to benchmark problems from the scientific literature and to a real-world case that deals with a routing and scheduling problem in a service company with particular characteristics and constraints. The results show that the algorithm efficiently solves the problem addressed and it can be extended to other problem variants. The result of the Thesis is the development of a decision making process tool aimed to help in the design and control of eco-efficient routes. This tool can be integrated with the particular geographic information system (GIS) of each company, allowing the display of eco-efficient routes and assessing the economic, energy, operational and environmental impacts. Therefore, the tool will have an economic impact on the end users, with a comparison of the final routes and the results obtained from different alternatives, achieving greater competitiveness and fulfilling the sustainability commitments in the company. On the other hand, the tool globally contributes to a social improvement resulting from the fuel consumption and pollutant emissions reductions from road transport, which have an impact at local, national and international level. In this sense, the Thesis clearly contributes to the strategic development of the transport sector, increasing the efficiency of road transport fleets and achieving greater sustainability and competitiveness.

[spa] La tesis doctoral titulada "Fotografía y educación en la prensa de guerra republicana en España (1936-1939)" está centrada en la denominada prensa de guerra o prensa de trincheras (soldier newspapers en el mundo anglosajón). Entendemos por prensa de guerra aquella producida por y para los soldados de un ejército durante un conflicto bélico. En nuestro caso acotamos a la prensa de guerra ilustrada, publicada por el ejército republicano en España durante la Guerra Civil española. Esta tesis tiene como principal objetivo analizar cómo, a través de los artículos educativos y culturales, se usó la imagen para educar e influir en los soldados republicanos. La labor educativa realizada por el gobierno republicano en los frentes durante la Guerra Civil española ha sido estudiada con anterioridad por diferentes historiadores de la educación, que han hecho uso, entre otras fuentes, de la prensa de guerra para documentar experiencias y el proyecto educativo desarrollado durante la contienda. Esta tesis, sin embargo, pretende ofrecer un enfoque distinto y a la vez complementario en el estudio de la educación en el frente. Aquí se propone analizar los usos de la imagen de esta prensa de guerra como recurso educativo usado por el propio gobierno republicano para influir a sus combatientes ideológica y moralmente. La metodología empleada es el método histórico adaptado al campo de la historia de la educación, junto con aportaciones de otras disciplinas como la sociología o la semiótica para la interpretación de las fotografías que, como constructos sociales que son, son manifestaciones subjetivas de una realidad. A pesar de gozar de la apariencia de veracidad, puesto que lo que muestran existió, en realidad estos textos visuales nos muestran un momento que el fotógrafo, o quien encargó la fotografía, decidió inmortalizar y que, en muchas ocasiones, está teatralizado o coreografiado para transmitir una determinada visión de lo que reflejan. Las fuentes utilizadas han sido las publicaciones que dentro del conjunto de prensa de guerra no tenían periodicidad diaria y superaban al menos el 15% de ilustración. Otras fuentes complementarias han sido los documentos oficiales, sobre todo Decretos de la época. En referencia a la heurística, señalamos que el acceso a la prensa de guerra republicana se ha realizado a través del Centro Documental de la Memoria Histórica (CDMH), el Archivo General Militar de Ávila (AGMA) y la Hemeroteca Municipal de Madrid (HMM). Las tres colecciones son complementarias entre sí, ya que en muchas ocasiones conservan las mismas cabeceras, pero diferentes números. En cualquier caso, muchas de las publicaciones están incompletas y de otras sólo se conserva uno o dos números. Como principales resultados de la tesis se apunta que la fotografía de temática educativa y cultural aparecida en la prensa de guerra nos permite conocer qué estrategias visuales se diseñaron para promocionar determinados valores y actitudes entre los soldados republicanos. Teniendo en cuenta la alta tasa de analfabetismo entre la tropa, el uso de la imagen como recurso de trasmisión directo fue de gran utilidad y creemos que las imágenes que aparecen en la prensa de guerra fueron expresamente pensadas y seleccionadas para producir el efecto deseado. Se crearon discursos visuales que vinculan la capacitación cultural de los soldados con su capacitación política, moral y militar. ; [cat] La tesi doctoral titulada "Fotografía y educación en la prensa de guerra republicana en España (1936-1939)" es centra en la anomenada premsa de guerra o premsa de trinxeres (soldier newspapers en el món angle-saxo). Entenem per premsa de guerra la produïda per i per als soldats d'un exèrcit durant un conflicte bèl·lic. En el nostre cas acotem a la premsa de guerra il·lustrada, publicada per l'exèrcit republicà a Espanya durant la Guerra Civil espanyola. Aquesta tesi té com a principal objectiu analitzar com, mitjançant els articles educatius i culturals, es va fer ús de la imatge per educar i influir els soldats republicans. La tasca educativa duta a terme pel govern republicà en els fronts durant la Guerra Civil espanyola ha estat estudiada amb anterioritat per diferents historiadors de l'educació, que han fet ús, entre altres fonts, de la premsa de guerra per documentar experiències i el projecte educatiu desenvolupat durant el conflicte. Aquesta tesi, en canvi, pretén oferir un enfocament diferent i alhora complementari pel que fa a l'educació al front. Aquí ens proposem analitzar els usos de la imatge d'aquesta premsa de guerra com a recurs educatiu emprat pel mateix govern republicà per influir els seus soldats ideològicament i moralment. La metodologia emprada ha estat el mètode històric adaptat al camp de la història de l'educació, juntament amb aportacions d'altres disciplines com la sociologia o la semiòtica per a la interpretació de les fotografies que, com constructes socials que són, són manifestacions subjectives d'una realitat. Encara que gaudeixin d'aparença de veracitat, donat que el que mostren va existir, en realitat aquests texts visual ens mostren un moment que el fotògraf, o qui va encarregar la fotografia, decidí immortalitzar i que, en moltes ocasions està teatralitzat o coreografiat per transmetre una determinada visió del que reflecteixen. Les fonts emprades han estat aquelles que dins el conjunt de la premsa de guerra no tenien periodicitat diària i superaven un mínim del 15% d'il·lustració. Altres fonts complementàries han estat els documents oficials, sobretot Decrets de l'època. Pel que fa a l'heurística, assenyalem que l'accés a les fonts s'ha realitzat mitjançant el Centre Documental de la Memòria Històrica (CDMH), l'Arxiu Militar General d'Àvila (AGMA), i l'Hemeroteca Municipal de Madrid (HMM). Les tres col·leccions són complementàries entre si, donat que en moltes ocasions conserven les mateixes capçaleres, però diferents números. En tot cas, moltes publicacions estan incompletes i d'altres es conserven només un o dos números. Com a principals resultats de la tesi s'apunta que la fotografia de temàtica educativa i cultural publicada en la premsa de guerra ens permet conèixer quines estratègies visuals es dissenyaren per promocionar determinats valors i actituds entre els soldats republicans. Donada l'alta taxa d'analfabetisme entre les tropes, l'ús de la imatge com a recurs de transmissió directa fou de gran utilitat i creiem que les imatges publicades a la premsa de guerra foren expressament dissenyades i seleccionades per produir l'efecte desitjat. Es crearen discursos visuals que vinculen la capacitació cultural dels soldats amb la seva capacitació política, moral i militar. ; [eng] The doctoral thesis entitled "Fotografía y educación en la prensa de guerra republicana en España (1936-1939)" (Photography and Education in the Republican War Press in Spain (1936-1939)), focuses on the so-called war press or trench press (also soldier newspapers in the Anglo-Saxon world). We understand as war press the one produced by and for the soldiers of an army during a war. In our case, we refer to the illustrated war press published by the Republican army in Spain during the Spanish Civil War. The main objective of this thesis is to analyse how, through educational and cultural articles, the image was used to educate and influence the Republican soldiers. The educational work carried out by the Republican government on the fronts during the Spanish Civil War has been previously studied by different historians of education, who have used, among other sources, soldier newspapers to document experiences and the educational project developed during the war. This thesis, however, aims to offer a different, and at the same time complementary approach to the study of education on the front. Here we propose to analyse the uses of the image of these soldier newspapers as an educational resource used by the Republican government itself to influence its combatants ideologically and morally. The methodology used is the historical method adapted to the field of the history of education, together with contributions from other disciplines such as sociology or semiotics for the interpretation of the photographs which, as the social constructs that they are, are subjective manifestations of reality. Despite enjoying the appearance of veracity, since what they show existed. These visual texts show us a moment that the photographer, or whoever commissioned the photograph, decided to immortalize and that, on many occasions, is theatricalized or choreographed to convey a certain vision of what they reflect. The sources used have been the publications that, within the whole war press, were not daily and exceeded at least 15% of illustration. Other complementary sources have been the official documents, especially the Decrees of the time. Regarding heuristics, we point out that access to the Republican war press has been made through the Historical Memory Documentary Centre (CDMH), the General Military Archive of Avila (AGMA) and the Municipal Newspaper Library of Madrid (HMM). These three collections are complementary to each other, as they often have the same headings, but different numbers. In any case, many of the publications are incomplete and of others, only 6 one or two issues are preserved. The main results of the thesis are that the educational and cultural photography that appeared in the soldier newspapers allows us to know what visual strategies were designed to promote certain values and attitudes among Republican soldiers. Taking into account the high rate of illiteracy among the troops, the use of the image as a resource for direct transmission was very useful and we believe that the images that appear in the soldier newspapers were expressly designed and selected to produce the desired effect. Visual discourses were created that link the cultural training of soldiers with their political, moral, and military training.

The main focus of this thesis is the evaluation of crowdsourcing techniques to measure personalization on the Web. Overall, I apply my methodology in four different aspects on the Web. (1) First, I investigate price discrimination and how personal data can influence online pricing. (2) Then, I turn my attention on targeted web advertisements and investigate how targeted ads can be detected in real-time. (3) Next, I focus on web tracking and develop a methodology to measure the levels of compliance as defined by the new European Union General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) with respect to the physical location of the tracking servers. (4) Finally, I measure the extent of web tracking on sensitive topic websites as defined by the new EU GDPR regulation. Towards that end, I develop a methodology to identify specialized trackers that operate exclusively on such websites. (1) For the first aspect, related to price discrimination, I present the design, im- plementation, validation, and deployment of the Price $heriff, a highly distributed system for detecting various types of online price discrimination in e-commerce. The Price $heriff uses a peer-to-peer architecture, sandboxing, and secure multiparty com- putation to allow users to tunnel price check requests through the browsers of other peers without tainting their local or server-side browsing history and state. Having operated the Price $heriff for several months, with approximately one thousand real users, I identify several instances of cross-border price discrimination based on the country of origin. Even within national borders, I identify several retailers that re- turn different prices for the same product to different users. I examine whether the observed differences are due to personal-data-induced discrimination or A/B Testing, and conclude that it is the latter. (2) The second aspect is related to targeted ads on the Web. In more details, be- ing able to check whether an online advertisement has been targeted is essential for resolving privacy controversies and implementing in practice data protection regula- tions like GDPR, the California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA) and the Children's Online Privacy Protection Act (COPPA). In this work, I describe the design, im- plementation, and deployment of an advertisement auditing system called eyeWnder that uses crowdsourcing to reveal in real-time whether a display advertisement has been targeted or not. Crowdsourcing simplifies targeted advertisement detection but expects users to report back encountered advertisements, thereby incurring privacy risks. I break the deadlock with a privacy preserving data sharing protocol that allows eyeWnder to compute global statistics required to detect targeting, while keeping the advertisements seen by users and their browsing history private. Using a total popu- lation of 100 users I show that eyeWnder permits end users to audit in real-time any advertisement that may appear on their browser, without jeopardizing their privacy. eyeWnder can even detect indirect targeting, i.e., marketing campaigns that promote a product or service whose description bears no semantic overlap with the targeted audience. (3) The third aspect is related to web tracking and the new EU GDPR. Towards that end, I define a tracking flow, as a flow between an end user and a web tracking service. I develop an extensive measurement methodology for quantifying at scale the amount of tracking flows that cross data protection borders, be it national or international, such as the EU28 border within which the GDPR applies. My methodology uses the eyeWnder browser extension to fully render advertising and tracking code, various lists and heuristics to extract well known trackers, passive DNS replication to get all the IP ranges of trackers, and state-of-the art geolocation. I employ my methodology on a dataset from 350 real users of the browser extension over a period of more than four months, and then generalize my results by analyzing billions of web tracking flows from more than 60 million broadband and mobile users from 4 large European ISPs. I show that the majority of tracking flows cross national borders in Europe but, unlike popular belief, are pretty well confined within the larger GDPR jurisdiction. Simple DNS redirection and PoP mirroring can increase national confinement while sealing almost all tracking flows within Europe. Last, I show that cross boarder tracking is prevalent even in sensitive and hence protected data categories and groups including health, sexual orientation, minors, and others. (4) Finally, the last aspect is related to sensitive categories as defined by the GDPR. In this work I turn my attention to the elephant in the room of data protection which is none other than the simple and obvious question "Who is tracking sensitive domains". Despite a fast growing amount of work on more complex facets of the interplay between privacy and the business models of the Web, the obvious question of who collects data on users in domains where they would rather not be seen, has been largely ignored. I develop a methodology for discovering the trackers operating at sensitive domains, both those collaborating directly with publishers, as well as those appearing implicitly through recursive inclusions. I identify several trackers that specialize on specific sensitive categories, such as sexual orientation in adult content websites. I also investigate if there is exchange of information between such specialized trackers and other more mainstream advertisers and marketers. ; Der Schwerpunkt dieser Arbeit liegt auf der Evaluation von Crowdsourcing-Verfahren zur Messung von Personalisierung im Web. Wir wenden unsere Methodik auf vier ver- schiedene Aspekte im Internet an. (1) Erstens untersuchen wir Preisdiskriminierung und den Einfluss persönlicher Daten auf Online-Preissetzung. (2) Danach richten wir unsere Aufmerksamkeit auf zielgerichtete Werbung im Web und untersuchen, wie wir diese in Echtzeit erkennen können. (3) Im Anschluss daran legen wir den Schwerpunkt auf "Web Tracking" und entwickeln eine Methodik zur Messung der Einhaltung der Vorgaben der neuen EU Datenschutz-Grundverordnung (DS-GVO). Dies basiert auf der Ermittlung der physischen Standorte jener Server, die ein entsprechendes Tracking durchführen. (4) Zuletzt messen wir das Ausmaß von Web Tracking im Zusammen- hang von Webseiten, die gemäß der DS-GVO als sensibel ("sensitive topic websites") definiert wurden. Hierfür entwickeln wir eine Methodik um spezielle Tracker, die aus- schließlich auf entsprechenden Webseiten aktiv sind, zu identifizieren. (1) Im Rahmen des ersten Aspekts präsentieren wir im Bezug auf Preisdiskrimi- nierung Design, Implementierung, Validierung und Bereitstellung von Price $heriff, einem hochgradig verteilten System zur Erkennung verschiedenster Arten von Online- Preisdiskriminierung im E-Commerce. Das Price $heriff System basiert auf einer Peer- To-Peer Architektur, Sandboxing, und sicherer Mehrparteien-Berechnung. Auf diese Weise werden Nutzern Preisabfragen mittels Tunneln durch die Browser anderer Peers ermöglicht, ohne dass hierdurch deren lokale oder serverseitige Browsing-Verläufe be- einflusst werden. Nach mehrmonatigem Betrieb des Price $heriff Systems mit circa 1000 realen Nutzern stellen wir mehrere Fälle von grenzüberschreitender Preisdiskri- minierung auf der Basis des Ursprungslands fest. Selbst innerhalb nationaler Grenzen identifizieren wir mehrere Händler, die unterschiedlichen Nutzern unterschiedliche Preise für dieselben Produkte angeben. Wir untersuchen zudem, ob die beobachteten Preisunterschiede auf Diskriminierung auf der Basis personenbezogener Daten oder auf A/B Tests zurückzuführen sind. Wir folgern schließlich, dass es sich um Letzteres handelt. (2) Der zweite Aspekt bezieht sich auf gezielte Werbung im Web. Genauer gesagt, die Fähigkeit herauszufinden, ob Online-Werbung zielgerichtet erfolgt. Dies ist un- erlässlich um Kontroversen hinsichtlich der Privatsphäre aufzulösen und auch um Datenschutzregulierungen wie die DS-GVO, den "California Consumer Privacy Act" und den "Children's Online Privacy Protection Act" in der Praxis zu implemen- tieren. In dieser Arbeit beschreiben wir Design, Implementierung und Bereitstellung eines Revisionssystems für Online-Werbung namens "eyeWnder". Dieses System nutzt Crowdsourcing um in Echtzeit herauszufinden ob eine Werbung zielgerichtet ist oder nicht. Crowdsourcing erleichtert die Erkennung zielgerichteter Werbung, beruht je- doch darauf, dass Nutzer Bericht über aufgetretene Werbung erstatten. Hierdurch können Risikenfür die Privatsphäre der Nutzer entstehen. Durch ein Protokoll, das die gemeinsame Datennutzung unter Wahrung der Privatsphäre ermöglicht, finden wir einen Ausweg aus dieser Sackgasse. Das Protokoll erlaubt eyeWnder globale Sta- tistiken zu berechnen, die zur Erkennung von zielgerichteter Werbung notwendig sind, wobei gleichzeitig sichergestellt werden kann, dass die Werbeanzeigen der jeweiligen Nutzer und deren Browsing-Verläufe privat bleiben. Unter Rückgriff auf eine Po- pulation von 100 Nutzern zeigen wir, dass es eyeWnder Endnutzern ermöglicht in Echtzeit jegliche Werbung, die innerhalb ihres Browsers erscheint zu prüfen ohne dass dabei ihre Privatsphäre gefährdet wird. eyeWnder kann darüber hinaus sogar indirekt zielgerichtete Werbung (d.h. Marketingkampagnen, die ein Produkt oder ei- ne Dienstleistung bewerben deren Beschreibung keinerlei semantische Überlappung mit der Zielgruppe aufweist) erkennen. (3) Der dritte Aspekt bezieht sich auf Web Tracking und die neue EU DS-GVO. Hier- für definieren wir einen "Tracking Flow" als einen Flow zwischen einem Endnutzer und einem "Web Tracking" Dienst. Wir entwickeln eine umfangreiche Messmetho- dik um eine große Anzahl solcher "Tracking Flows", die sowohl nationale als auch internationale (z.B. den EU28 Raum innerhalb dessen die DS-GVO Anwendung fin- det) "Datenschutzgrenzen" überschreiten, quantitativ zu erfassen. Unsere Methodik verwendet die eyeWnder Browser-Erweiterung um Werbung und Tracking-Code voll- ständig auszuführen sowie verschiedene Listen und Heuristiken um bekannte Tracker zu identifizieren, passive DNS Replizierungen um alle relevante IP Adressbereiche der Tracker zu ermitteln, sowie neueste Ansätze zur Geolocation. Wir wenden unsere Methodik auf einen Datensatz bestehend aus 350 realen Nutzern der Browsererwei- terung über einen Zeitraum von über vier Monaten an. Wir verallgemeinern dann unsere Resultate durch die Analyse von Milliarden von Web Tracking Flows von mehr als 60 Millionen Breitband- und Mobilfunkkunden von vier großer europäischer ISPs. Wir zeigen, dass der Großteil der Tracking Flows nationale Grenzen in Europa überschreitet; entgegen weit verbreiteter Ansichten sind diese jedoch weitgehend auf den Geltungsbereich der DS-GVO beschränkt. Auf der Basis einfacher DNS Uml- weitungen und PoP Mirroring Mechanismen kann die Beschränkung auf nationale Grenzen erhöht und darüber hinaus fast alle Tracking Flows innerhalb von Europa gehalten werden. Schließlich zeigen wir, dass grenzüberschreitendes Tracking selbst in sensiblen und daher geschützten Datenkategorien und -gruppen wie Gesundheit, sexuelle Orientierung, Minderjährige, etc. vorherrscht. (4) Abschließend bezieht sich der letzte Aspekt auf die durch die DS-GVO als sensibel definierten Kategorien. In dieser Arbeit richten wir unsere Aufmerksamkeit auf die größte Herausforderung des Datenschutzes welche keine geringere ist als die einfa- che und doch offensichtliche Frage "Wer trackt sensible Domains?". Trotz der rasant wachsenden Mengen an Arbeiten zu komplexeren Aspekten des Zusammenspiels zwi- schen Privatsphäre und webbasierten Geschäftsmodellen, wurde die offensichtliche Frage danach, wer Daten über Nutzer in Domains sammelt wo diese lieber nicht ge- sehen werden würden, weitgehend vernachlässigt. Wir entwickeln eine Methodik um Tracker die an sensiblen Domains arbeiten aufzuspüren; sowohl jene die direkt mit den Herausgebern kooperieren als auch jene die implizit durch rekursive Einbeziehung auftauchen. Wir identifizieren mehrere Tracker die auf speziellen Dienstkategorien wie sexuelle Orientierung auf nicht jugendfreien Webseiten spezialisiert sind. Wir unter- suchen zudem, ob es einen Austausch zwischen solchen spezialisierten Trackern und weiteren, eher dem "Mainstream" zuzuordnenden Werbetreibenden und Vermarktern, gibt. ; EC/FP7/607728/EU/Measurement for Europe: Training and Research for Internet Communications Science/METRICS ; EC/H2020/679158/EU/Resolving the Tussle in the Internet: Mapping, Architecture, and Policy Making/ResolutioNet

Es inaudito encontrar un sistema de cualquier tipo basado en computadores en el que el humano no interactúe con él. Incluso aunque se trate de una comunicación exclusivamente entre dos computadores, normalmente se incluye una interfaz que permita solucionar el enlace entre máquinas cuando aparece algún problema [Mulligan et al. 1991]. El usuario, como ser humano, necesita información, lo que se considera una de las pocas constantes en nuestro mundo, independientemente de la cultura a la que pertenezca o en el instante de tiempo en el que transcurra su actividad. Esta necesidad se combina con la ocupación del usuario en otras tareas que requieren su atención, de forma que hay al menos dos focos de atención que compiten por el bien más preciado de cualquier interfaz humano-computador: la atención del usuario. La existencia de diferentes escenarios, en las que el usuario espera resultados diferentes y consecuencias distintas ante la existencia de un error controla la aparición de distintos tipos de aplicaciones y dispositivos para soportar las demandas del usuario en condiciones de multitarea. En estos sistemas, conocidos como Sistemas de Notificación, las interfaces están diseñadas como un medio para acceder a información valiosa para el usuario de una forma efectiva y eficiente sin introducir interrupciones no deseadas en la ejecución de la tarea principal. Pueden encontrarse numerosas implementaciones de Sistemas de Notificación en una gran variedad de plataformas. Quizás en los sistemas de sobremesa son más fácilmente identificables: servicios de mensajería instantánea, aplicaciones que muestran el estado de un sistema, servicios de noticias e indicadores de cantidades almacenadas. Otros ejemplos familiares pueden encontrarse en procesos industriales y tecnológicos como la cadena danzante de Weiser como representación del tráfico de una red [Weiser y Brown 1996], los sistemas de información embarcados en vehículos, los sistemas incorporados en los vehículos para proporcionar información de los sistemas, los sistemas que proporcionan información sobre el entorno, los sistemas multi-monitor que indican los excesos de rango de un sistema y las cabinas de los aviones modernos. De otro lado, un sistema se considera crítico cuando un único fallo debido al sistema, al usuario o al modo en el que el usuario realiza las tareas para las que el sistema se diseñó, puede producir daños graves en el sistema, en su entorno o, aún más grave, en los usuarios del sistema. Ejemplos de este tipo de sistemas pueden encontrarse en los aviones, correspondiéndose con sistemas manejados por usuarios muy especializados. Genéricamente hablando, la evaluación de usabilidad incluye un amplio rango de métodos y técnicas usados por los evaluadores para evaluar, cualitativa o cuantitativamente, distintos aspectos relacionados con la usabilidad. Como soporte al diseño, la evaluación debe permitir, en primer lugar, la verificación de las decisiones de diseño y en segundo lugar elegir entre varias alternativas. Aunque se le conceda gran importancia, la evaluación de cualquier sistema está poco implantada como un proceso más en el ciclo de vida de un producto, ya que se suele considerar un proceso costoso, en tiempo y recursos, y que no añade ningún valor al producto. La evaluación de la interfaz humano-computador permite la comparación de distintas alternativas de diseño de sistemas y, en último lugar, determinar qué sistema es mejor. Por tanto, la evaluación debe proporcionar medidas cuantitativas para determinar la usabilidad de una interfaz y comparar dos interfaces distintas de forma objetiva. Aunque los usuarios de computadores están habituados al uso de Sistemas de Notificación, su evaluación está limitada a probar el valor intrínseco de paradigmas aislados de diseño basados en una única implementación. La evaluación de usabilidad de los Sistemas de Notificación está muy poco desarrollada en las interfaces de propósito general y, particularmente, en las interfaces de los sistemas críticos. Las únicas experiencias disponibles están basadas en datos empíricos reducidos en entornos simulados y en el seguimiento de ciertas guías de diseño probadas por la experiencia. Están guías proceden de aplicaciones militares y, aunque pueden ser cuestionadas desde el punto de vista de la ciencias cognitivas, están ampliamente aceptadas en el diseño de interfaces para Sistemas de Notificación críticos. Los diseñadores de estos sistemas pueden, razonablemente, rechazarlas basándose en su experiencia y en su juicio. Si no existe una evaluación cuantitativa basada en modelos cognitivos entonces el evaluador no puede ser capaz de determinar científicamente los errores en la interfaz. De hecho, puede llegarse a la situación sin salida en la que se enfrenten el juicio y el conocimiento del diseñador con los del evaluador. Esta situación puede resolverse con un marco de evaluación que proporcione datos cuantitativos que muestren si una alternativa de diseño es mejor que otra, basado en principios objetivos. El diseño y la evaluación de las interfaces humano-computador han evolucionado mucho más rápidamente que las teorías basadas en la psicología y la ciencia cognitiva y aún existen un gran número de problemas por resolver. Así, el diseño de interfaces ha evolucionado desde los editores de líneas y aplicaciones a medida con interfaces muy reducidas basadas en crípticos comandos de línea hasta las interfaces WIMP (Windows-Icons-Menus-Pointers), los sistemas de recuperación de la información, los agentes inteligentes, los servidores CSCW (Cooperative and Shared Computer Works), los entornos virtuales, la realidad aumentada, los bits tangibles, la computación ubicua, la web y los múltiples tipos de interfaces capaces de hablar y mostrar emociones. Mientras tanto, la evaluación de la usabilidad ha evolucionado basada principalmente en heurísticas y en la evaluación empírica [Nielsen 1993; Dix et al. 2.003]. La evaluación basada en la teoría ha sido considerada de un valor muy limitado [Landauer 1987] debido a su reducido ámbito de aplicación, aplicable únicamente a características propias de una interfaz y con una capacidad muy reducida para ser aplicada en otros diseños del mundo real, alejado de los laboratorios. Aunque se están realizando grandes esfuerzos para desarrollar teorías que cubran un amplio rango de tópicos, la mayor parte de ellas son solamente ajustes para explicar aplicaciones del día a día [Rudisill et al. 1996]. Actualmente la medida de prestaciones no se realiza frente a requisitos específicos previos al diseño. Es notable la ausencia de este tipo de requisitos en el ciclo de vida para el desarrollo de una interfaz humano-computador. En estos casos, se puede introducir un conjunto de parámetros críticos que permita definir las unidades de medida [Newman et al. 2000]. Estos parámetros son críticos porque el éxito o el fracaso del diseño dependen de forma crítica del cumplimiento de los objetivos fijados para estos parámetros. Los parámetros críticos permiten formalizar un espacio de diseño en el que se re-usa el conocimiento [Cheward et al. 2004], expresando los problemas asociados a una interfaz con un lenguaje consistente y que permite a los expertos expresar juicios a través de una 'evaluación medida' [Caroll et al. 1992]. El principal objetivo de esta tesis es desarrollar un marco de evaluación predictiva para Sistemas de Notificación en Aviónica (SNA) basado en las teorías cognitivas, que pueda proporcionar datos cualitativos y cuantitativos que permita a los diseñadores y evaluadores de interfaces averiguar si la interfaz sea usable antes de construirlo. De este modo, el diseñador de interfaces puede ser capaz de introducir la evaluación como patrones de diseño de la interfaz humano-computador sin requerir recursos adicionales. En esta tesis, la aproximación a la evaluación de la interfaz humano-computador de los Sistemas de Notificación para sistemas críticos en aviónica se propone en varios pasos. En primer lugar se establecen un conjunto de parámetros críticos basado en los modelos psicológicos, para después, realizar una evaluación predictiva de la usabilidad basada en la cuantificación de estos parámetros y, finalmente, aplicar de forma incremental las guías de diseño basándose en una estrategia de escenarios. Esta aproximación permitirá una evaluación sistemática garantizando, por un lado, centrarse en el diseño en términos de objetivos cuantificables, independientemente del evaluador y del usuario y, por otro lado, mejorar de forma continua y agregativa los diseños específicos aplicables a un problema determinado. En esta tesis, la principal contribución es la formalización matemática de cada uno de los parámetros críticos seleccionados para llevar a cabo la evaluación de usabilidad de las interfaces de Sistemas de Notificación integrados en sistemas críticos. El objetivo de esta tesis es conseguir una función de evaluación Ф, tal que aplicada a la interfaz del sistema de notificación permita obtener datos numéricos en el dominio de los números reales. Formalmente, el objetivo es obtener ℜΦ∃∀a)(/IIφ Donde I es la interfaz del sistema de notificación y Ф es la función de evaluación de la usabilidad que produce como resultado un número real. Para evaluar la validez de este marco de evaluación es aplicado a la interfaz de la planta de potencia de dos aviones modernos y a la interfaz de control de la planta de potencia de un avión de transporte militar. La aplicación de este marco de evaluación está basada en la ejecución de tests automáticos implementados en Ada95 aplicados a una caracterización XML de las interfaces. ____________________________________________ ; It's unheard-of to find any system of any kind, whether critical or not, based on computer with no human interaction. Even though it will be a system related with the communication between two computers it is mostly used to find an interface allowing to solve any problem related with the link between computers [Mulligan et al. 1991]. The user of a computer interface, as any human being, needs information, which is considered one of the few constants in our every day world, whatever his culture or activity. This need plays together with other tasks the user has to perform in such a way that there are at least two systems competing for the most appraised resource at any human-computer interface: the user attention. Different usage situations, expectations, and error consequences govern the growing breed of applications and devices being introduced to support multitasking information demands. Referred to as notification systems, these interfaces are generally desired as a means to access valued information in an efficient and effective manner without introducing unwanted interruption to a primary task. They can be found in many implementation forms and on a variety of platforms. Perhaps classic desktop systems are the most readily identifiable—instant messengers, status programs, and news and stock tickers. Other familiar examples such as Weiser's dangling string representation of network, in-vehicle information systems, ambient media, multi-monitor displays hint at the potential range of systems and modern aircraft cockpit. While use of these systems and the range of solutions have skyrocketed, our ability to scientifically recognize, pattern, and improve success within the HCI community has not kept pace. There are surprisingly few efforts in the literature that effectively evaluate usability of the information and interaction design for notification systems. On the other hand, a system will be considered as critic when a sole failure due to the system, the user, or the way the user executes the tasks that the system is designed for could produce serious damage to the system itself, in its surrounds or even tragic damage to the user. Examples of this kind of system can be found on many aircrafts corresponding to critical systems handled by very specialized users. Generically usability evaluation includes a spread set of methods and techniques used by evaluators for examining, qualitatively or quantitatively, several aspects related with usability. As support to the design, evaluation will allow firstly verification of design decisions and secondly to choose among possible alternatives. Although evaluation is recognized as very valuable it is rarely introduced in the design cycle of a product and it is deemed as very hard in terms of time and resources and what is worse is that it does not add any value to the product. Human-computer interface evaluation permits the comparison of different systems and ultimately to determine which system is better. Therefore evaluation shall provide direct measurement units to determine the interface usability and to compare two interfaces objectively. Even though computer users are extensively used for notification systems their evaluation is limited to probe the intrinsic value of some isolated paradigms of design based in a single implementation. The evaluation of notification systems is poorly developed on interfaces for systems in general and extremely rare in critical systems. The only available experiences are based on empirical data on simulated environments and the follow-up of some guidebooks probed by the experience. Those guidebooks come from military applications and even they can be questioned from the cognitive science point of view. These guidebooks are mostly accepted on interface user design for notification critical systems. The designer of these interfaces can justifiably reject them based on his experience and judgement. If there is no quantitative evaluation based on cognitive models then the evaluator will never be able to scientifically determine the errors in the interface. A situation can be reached with no way out, with the designer and the evaluator set against each other with conflicting needs. This situation can be resolved with an evaluation framework, which provides quantitative data showing whether one design is better than the other based on objective principles. Design and evaluation of human-computer interfaces have evolved much faster than theories based on psychology and cognitive science and still there are a number of issues that remain unresolved. The design has evolved since line editors and customized application with interfaces reduced to very cryptic line commands up to interfaces WIMP (Windows-Icons-Menus-Pointers), information recovery systems, smart agents, CSCW (Cooperative and Shared Computer Works) servers, virtual environments, augmented reality, tangible bits, ubiquitous computation, the web and many types of interfaces able to talk and show emotions. Usability evaluation has evolved based only on heuristics and empirical evaluation [Nielsen 1993; Dix et al. 2.003]. Evaluation based on theory has been considered as being of very limited value [Landauer 1987] due to the fact that it has a very limited scope and application areas, applicable only to local features of an interface and with a very reduced capacity to be re-used on other designs in the real world, far away from laboratories. Although a big effort is paid for developing theories covering a wide set of topics most of them are only adjustments so as to explain every day applications. Currently, the performance measurements are not done against specific requirements prior to design. It is notable that there is an absence of this kind of requirements in a human-computer interface development life cycle. In case of absence of performance requirements a set of critical parameters could be introduced in order to define measurement units [Newman et al. 2000]. These parameters are so called critical because the success or failure of a design will depend critically whether the fixed objectives are fulfilled or not. Critical parameters allow formalising a design space [Cheward et al. 2004] which allocates acknowledge re-use, expressing interface problems with a consistent language and let experts to express judgements through a mediated evaluation [Caroll et al. 1992]. The main objective of this thesis is to develop a framework of predictive evaluation for notification system on avionics (NSA) (from aviation electronics) based on cognitive theories which can bring both quantitative and qualitative data which allow interface designers and evaluators to guess whether the system will be usable before it is built. The interface designer will be able to include evaluation on the Human-Computer Interface pattern design without adding any additional resources. In this thesis the approach to usability evaluation for the design of Human-Computer Interface of notification systems for critical design in avionics is proposed in several steps. Firstly to establish the set of critical parameters based on psychological models, then to carry out a predictive usability evaluation based on the quantification of these parameters and finally to apply in an incremental way the design guidelines based on a scenario strategy. This approach will allow a systematic evaluation, achieving on one side to focalize the design in term of quantifiable objectives independently of the evaluator and the user and, on other side improving in a continuous and aggregative way the different designs applicable on a specific problem. In this thesis, the main contribution is a mathematical formalization of each critical parameter for carrying out quantitative usability evaluation on interfaces for notification systems integrated on critical system. The objective is to reach an evaluation function Ф in such a way that applied to the interface of a notification system I it will permit to get quantitative data on the real numbers domain. Formally the objective is to obtain ℜΦ∃∀a)(/IIφ Where I is the interface of the notification system and Ф is the usability evaluation function which produce a real number. To evaluate the validity of this framework it will be applied to two power plant control interfaces of modern aircrafts and to a power plant control interface to be implemented in a military transport aircraft. The application of this framework is based on the execution of automatic test implemented on Ada95 applied to a XML characterization for the interfaces.

Loet Leydesdorff on the Triple Helix: How Synergies in University-Industry-Government Relations can Shape Innovation Systems





This is the sixth and last in a series of Talks dedicated to the technopolitics of International Relations, linked to the forthcoming double volume 'The Global Politics of Science and Technology' edited by Maximilian Mayer, Mariana Carpes, and Ruth Knoblich 







The relationship between technological innovation
processes and the nation state remains a challenge for the discipline of
International Relations. Non-linear and multi-directional
characteristics of knowledge production, and the diffusive nature of knowledge
itself, limit the general ability of governments to influence and steer
innovation processes. Loet Leydesdorff advances the framework of the "Triple
Helix" that disaggregates national innovation systems into
evolving university-industry-government eco-systems. In this Talk, amongst others, he shows that these eco-systems can be
expected to generate niches with synergy at all scales, and emphasizes that, though
politics are always involved, synergies develop unintentionally.




Print version of this Talk (pdf)




What is the most relevant aspect
of the dynamics of innovation for the discipline of International Relations?



The
main challenge is to endogenize the notions of technological progress and
technological development into theorizing about political economies and nation states.
The endogenization of technological innovation and technological development
was first placed on the research agenda of economics by evolutionary economists
like Nelson and Winter in the late 1970s and early 1980s. In this context, the
question was how to endogenize the dynamics of knowledge, organized knowledge,
science and technology into economic theorizing. However, one can equally well
formulate the problem of how to reflect on the global (sub)dynamics of
organized knowledge production in political theory and International Relations.



From
a longer-term perspective, one can consider that the nation states – the
national or political economies in Europe – were shaped in the 19th
century, somewhat later for Germany (after 1871), but for most countries it was
during the first half of the 19th century. This was after the French
and American Revolutions and in relation to industrialization. These nation
states were able to develop an institutional framework for organizing the
market as a wealth-generating mechanism, while the institutional framework
permitted them to retain wealth, to regulate market forces, and also to steer
them to a certain extent. However, the market is not only a local dynamics; it
is also a global phenomenon.



Nowadays,
another global dynamics is involved: science and technology add a dynamics different
from that of the market. The market is an equilibrium-seeking mechanism at each
moment of time. The evolutionary dynamics of science and technology nowadays
adds a non-equilibrium-seeking dynamics over time on top of that, and this puts
the nation state in a very different position. Combining an equilibrium-seeking
dynamics at each moment of time with a non-equilibrium seeking one over time
results in a complex adaptive dynamics, or an eco-dynamics, or however you want
to call it – these are different words for approximately the same thing.



For
the nation state, the question arises of how it relates to the global market
dynamics on the one side, and the global dynamics of knowledge and innovation on
the other. Thus, the nation state has to combine two tasks. I illustrated this
model of three subdynamics with a figure in my 2006 book entitled The Knowledge-Based Economy: Modeled,
measured, simulated (see image). The figure shows that first-order interactions
generate a knowledge-based economy as a next-order or global regime on top of
the localized trajectories of nation states and innovative firms. These complex
dynamics have first to be specified and then to be analyzed empirically.



For
example, the knowledge-based dynamics change the relation between government
and the economy; and they consequently change the position of the state in
relation to wealth-retaining mechanisms. How can the nation state be organized
in such a way as to retain wealth from knowledge locally, while knowledge (like
capital) tends to travel beyond boundaries? One can envisage the complex system
dynamics as a kind of cloud – a cloud
that touches the ground at certain places, as Harald Bathelt, for example,
formulated.



How
can national governments shape conditions for the cloud to touch and to remain
on the ground? The Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations can
be considered as an eco-system of bi- and tri-lateral relations. The three
institutions and their interrelations can be expected to form a system carrying
the three functions of (i) novelty production, (ii) wealth generation, and
(iii) normative control. One tends to think of university-industry-government
relations first as neo-corporatist arrangements between these institutional
partners. However, I am interested in the ecosystem shaped through the tri- and
bilateral relationships.



This
ecosystem can be shaped at different levels. It can be a regional ecosystem or
a national ecosystem, for instance. One can ask whether there is a surplus of synergy
between the three (sub-)dynamics of university-industry-government relations
and where that synergy can generate wealth, knowledge, and control; in which
places, and along trajectories for which periods of time – that is, the same
synergy as meant by "a cloud touching the ground".



For
example, when studying Piedmont as a region in Northern Italy, it is
questionable whether the synergy in university-industry-government relations is
optimal at this regional level or should better be examined from a larger perspective
that includes Lombardy. On the one
hand, the administrative borders of nations and regions result from the
construction of political economies in the 19th century; but on the
other hand, the niches of synergy that can be expected in a knowledge-based
economy are bordered also; for example, in terms of metropolitan regions (e.g.,
Milan–Turin–Genoa).



Since
political dynamics are always involved, this has implications for International
Relations as a field of study. But the dynamic analysis is different from
comparative statics (that is, measurement at different moments of time). The
knowledge dynamics can travel and be "footloose" to use the words of Raymond
Vernon, although it leaves footprints behind. Grasping "wealth from knowledge"
(locally or regionally) requires taking a systems perspective. However, the
system is not "given"; the system remains under reconstruction and can thus be
articulated only as a theoretically informed hypothesis.



In
the social sciences, one can use the concept of a hypothesized system
heuristically. For example, when
analyzing the knowledge-based economy in Germany, one can ask whether more synergy
can be explained when looking at the level of the whole country (e.g., in terms
of the East-West or North-South divide) or at the level of Germany's Federal
States? What is the surplus of the nation or at the European level? How can one
provide political decision-making with the required variety to operate as a
control mechanism on the complex dynamics of these eco-systems?



A
complex system can be expected to generate niches with synergy at all scales,
but as unintended consequences. To what extent and for which time span can
these effects be anticipated and then perhaps be facilitated? At this point,
Luhmann's theory comes in because he has this notion of different codifications
of communication, which then, at a next-order level, begin to self-organize
when symbolically generalized.



Codes
are constructed bottom-up, but what is constructed bottom-up may thereafter
begin to control top-down. Thus, one should articulate reflexively the
selection mechanisms that are constructed from the bottom-up variation by
specifying the why as an hypothesis.
What are the selection mechanisms? Observable relations (such as
university-industry relations) are not neutral, but mean different things for
the economy and for the state; and this meaning of the observable relations can
be evaluated in terms of the codes of communication.



Against
Niklas Luhmann's model, I would argue that codes of communication can be
translated into one another since interhuman communications are not
operationally closed, as in the biological model of autopoiesis. One also needs a social-scientific perspective on the
fluidities ("overflows") and translations among functions, as emphasized, for
example, by French scholars such as Michel Callon and Bruno Latour. In
evolutionary economics, one distinguishes between market and non-market
selection environments, but not among selection environments that are
differently codified. Here, Luhmann's theory offers us a heuristic: The complex
system of communications tends to differentiate in terms of the symbolic
generalizations of codes of communication because this differentiation is
functional in allowing the system to process more complexity and thus to be
more innovative. The more orthogonal the codes, the more options for
translations among them. The synergy indicator measures these options as
redundancy. The selection environments, however, have to be specified historically
because these redundancies—other possibilities—are not given but rather constructed
over long periods of time.





How did you arrive where
you currently work on?


I
became interested in the relations between science, technology, and society as
an undergraduate (in biochemistry) which coincided with the time of the student
movement of the late 1960s. We began to study Jürgen Habermas in the framework
of the "critical university," and I decided to continue with a second degree in
philosophy. After the discussions between Luhmann and Habermas (1971), I
recognized the advantages of Luhmann's more empirically oriented systems approach
and I pursued my Ph.D. in the sociology of organization and labour.



In
the meantime, we got the opportunity to organize an interfaculty department for
Science and Technology Dynamics at the University of Amsterdam after a
competition for a large government grant. In the context of this department, I
became interested in methodology: how can one compare across case studies and
make inferences? Actually, my 1995 book The
Challenge of Scientometrics
had a kind of Triple-Helix model on the cover: How do cognitions, texts, and
authors exhibit different dynamics that influence one another?



For
example, when an author publishes a paper in a scholarly journal, this may add
to his reputation as an author, but the knowledge claimed in the text enters a
process of validation which can be much more global and anonymous. These
processes are mediated since they are based on communication. Thus, one can add
to the context of discovery (of authors) and the context of justification (of
knowledge contents) a context of mediation (in texts). The status of a journal,
for example, matters for the communication of the knowledge content in the article.
The contexts operate as selection environments upon one another.



In
evolutionary economics, one is used to distinguishing between market and
non-market selection environments, but not among more selection environments
that are differently codified. At this point, Luhmann's theory offers a new
perspective: The complex system of communications tends to differentiate in
terms of the symbolic generalization of codes of communication because this differentiation
among the codes of communication allows the system to process more complexity
and to be more innovative in terms of possible translations. The different
selection environments for communications, however, are not given but constructed
historically over long periods of time. The modern (standardized) format of the
citation, for example, was constructed at the end of the 19th
century, but it took until the 1950s before the idea of a citation index was
formulated (by Eugene Garfield). The use of citations in evaluative
bibliometrics is even more recent.



In
evolutionary economics, one distinguishes furthermore between (technological)
trajectories and regimes. Trajectories can result from "mutual shaping" between
two selection environments, for example, markets and technologies. Nations and
firms follow trajectories in a landscape. Regimes are global and require the
specification of three (or more) selection environments. When three (or more)
dynamics interact, symmetry can be broken and one can expect feed-forward and
feedback loops. Such a system can begin to flourish auto-catalytically when the
configuration is optimal.



From
such considerations, that is, a confluence of the neo-institutional program of
Henry Etzkowitz and my neo-evolutionary view, our Triple Helix model emerged in
1994: how do institutions and functions interrelate and change one another or,
in other words, provide options for innovation? Under what conditions
can university-industry-government relations lead to wealth generation and
organized knowledge production? The starting point was a workshop about Evolutionary Economics and Chaos Theory: New
directions for technology studies held in Amsterdam in 1993. Henry
suggested thereafter that we could collaborate further on university-industry
relations. I answered that I needed at least three (sub)dynamics from the
perspective of my research program, and then we agreed about "A Triple Helix of
University-Industry-Government Relations". Years later, however, we took our
two lines of research apart again, and in 2002 I began developing a
Triple-Helix indicator of synergy in a series of studies of national systems of
innovation.





What would you give as
advice to students who would like to get into the field of innovation and
global politics?



In
general, I would advise them to be both a specialist and broader than that.
Innovation involves crossing established borders. Learn at least two languages.
If your background is political science, then take a minor in science &
technology studies or in economics. One needs both the specialist profile and
the potential to reach out to other audiences by being aware of the need to
make translations between different frameworks. Learn to be reflexive about the
status of what one can say in one or the other framework.



For
example, I learned to avoid the formulation of grandiose statements such as
"modern economies are knowledge-based economies," and to say instead: "modern
economies can increasingly be considered as knowledge-based economies." The
latter formulation provides room for asking "to what extent," and thus one can
ask for further information, indicators, and results of the measurement.



In
the sociology of science, specialisms and paradigms are sometimes considered as
belief systems. It seems to me that by considering scholarly discourses as
systems of rationalized expectations one can make the distinction between
normative and cognitive learning. Normative learning (that is, in belief
systems) is slower than cognitive learning (in terms of theorized expectations)
because the cognitive mode provides us with more room for experimentation: One
can afford to make mistakes, since one's communication and knowledge claims
remain under discussion, and not one's status as a communicator. The cognitive
mode has advantages; it can be considered as the surplus that is further
developed during higher education. Normative learning is slower; it dominates
in the political sphere.





What
does the "Triple Helix" reveal about the fragmentation of "national innovation
systems"?



In
2003, colleagues from the Department of Economics and Management Studies at the
Erasmus University in Rotterdam offered me firm data from the Netherlands containing
these three dimensions: the economic, the geographical, and the technological dimensions
in data of more than a million Dutch firms. I presented the results at the
Schumpeter Society in Turin in 2004, and asked whether someone in the audience
had similar data for other countries. I expected Swedish or Israeli colleagues
to have this type of statistics, but someone from Germany stepped in, Michael
Fritsch, and so we did the analysis for Germany. These studies were first
published in Research Policy.
Thereafter, we did studies on Hungary, Norway, Sweden, and recently also China
and Russia.



Several
conclusions arise from these studies. Using entropy statistics, the data can be
decomposed along the three different dimensions. One can decompose national
systems geographically into regions, but one can also decompose them in terms
of the technologies involved (e.g., high-tech versus medium-tech). We were
mainly relying on national data. And of course, there are limitations to the
data collections. Actually, we now have international data, but this is
commercial data and therefore more difficult to use reliably than governmental
statistics.



For
the Netherlands, we obtained the picture that would more or less be expected:
Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Eindhoven are the most knowledge-intensive and
knowledge-based regions. This is not surprising, although there was one surprise:
We know that in terms of knowledge bases, Amsterdam is connected to Utrecht and
then the geography goes a bit to the east in the direction of Wageningen. What
we did not know was that the niche also spreads to the north in the direction
of Zwolle. The highways to Amsterdam Airport (Schiphol) are probably the most
important.



In
the case of Germany, when we first analyzed the data at the level of the
"Laender" (Federal States), we could see the East-West divide still prevailing,
but when we repeated the analysis at the lower level of the "Regierungsbezirke"
we no longer found the East-West divide as dominant (using 2004 data). So, the
environment of Dresden for example was more synergetic in Triple-Helix terms
than that of Saarbruecken. And this was nice to see considering my idea that
the knowledge-based economy increasingly prevails since the fall of the Berlin
Wall and the demise of the Soviet Union. The discussion about two different
models for organizing the political economy—communism or liberal democracy—had
become obsolete after 1990.



After
studying Germany, I worked with Balázs Lengyel on Hungarian data. Originally,
we could not find any regularity in the Hungarian data, but then the idea arose
to analyze the Hungarian data as three different innovation systems: one around
Budapest, which is a metropolitan innovation system; one in the west of the
country, which has been incorporated into Western Europe; and one in the east
of the country, which has remained the old innovation system that is state-led
and dependent on subsidies. For the western part, one could say that Hungary
has been "europeanized" by Austria and Germany; it has become part of a
European system.



When
Hungary came into the position to create a national
innovation system, free from Russia and the Comecon, it was too late, as
Europeanization had already stepped in and national boundaries were no longer
as dominant. Accordingly, and this was a very nice result, assessing this
synergy indicator on Hungary as a nation, we did not find additional synergy at
the national (that is, above-regional) level. While we clearly found synergy at
the national level for the Netherlands and also found it in Germany, but at the
level of the Federal States, we could not find synergy at a national level for
Hungary. Hungary has probably developed too late to develop a nationally
controlled system of innovations.



A
similar phenomenon appeared when we studied Norway: my Norwegian colleague
(Øivind Strand) did most of our analysis there. To our surprise, the
knowledge-based economy was not generated where the universities are located (Oslo
and Trondheim), but on the West Coast, where the off-shore, marine and maritime
industries are most dominant. FDI (foreign direct investment) in the marine and
maritime industries leads to knowledge-based synergy in the regions on the West
Shore of Norway. Norway is still a national system, but the Norwegian
universities like Trondheim or Oslo are not so much involved in entrepreneurial
networks. These are traditional universities, which tend to keep their hands
off the economy.



Actually,
when we had discussions about these two cases, Norway and Hungary, which both
show that internationalization had become a major factor, either in the form of
Europeanization in the Hungarian case, or in the form of foreign-driven
investments (off-shore industry and oil companies) in the Norwegian case, I
became uncertain and asked myself whether we did not believe too much in our
indicators? Therefore, I proposed to Øivind to study Sweden, given the availability
of well-organized data of this national system.



We
expected to find synergy concentrated in the three regional systems of
Stockholm, Gothenburg, and Malmö/Lund. Indeed, 48.5 percent of the Swedish
synergy is created in these three regions. This is more than one would expect
on the basis of the literature. Some colleagues were upset, because they had
already started trying to work on new developments of the Triple Helix, for
example, in Linköping. But the Swedish economy is organized and centralized in
this geographical dimension. Perhaps that is why one talks so much about
"regionalization" in policy documents. Sweden is very much a national
innovation system, with additional synergy between the regions.





Can governments alter
historical trajectories of national, regional or local innovation systems?



Let
me mention the empirical results for China in order to illustrate the
implications of empirical conclusions for policy options. We had no Chinese
data set, but we obtained access to the database Orbis of the Bureau van Dijk
(an international company, which is Wall Street oriented, assembling data about
companies) that contains industry indicators such as names, addresses,
NACE-codes, types of technology, the sizes of each enterprise, etc. However,
this data can be very incomplete. Using this incomplete data for China, we said
that we were just going to show how one could do the analysis  if one had full data. We guess that the
National Bureau of Statistics of China has complete data.
I did the analysis with Ping Zhou, Professor at Zhejiang University.



We
analyzed China first at the provincial level, and as expected, the East Coast
emerged as much more knowledge intense than the rest of the country. After
that, we also looked at the next-lower level of the 339 prefectures of China.
From this analysis, four of them popped up as far more synergetic than the
others. These four municipalities were: Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, and
Chongqing.



These
four municipalities became clearly visible as an order of magnitude more
synergetic than other regions. The special characteristic about them is that –as
against the others – these four municipalities are administered by the central
government. Actually, it came out of my data and I did not understand it; but
my Chinese colleague said that this result was very nice and specified this
relationship.



The
Chinese case thus illustrates that government control can make a difference. It
shows – and that is not surprising, as China runs on a different model – that
the government is able to organize the four municipalities in such a way as to
increase synergy. Of course, I do not know what is happening on the ground. We
know that the Chinese system is more complex than these three dimensions
suggest. I guess the government agencies may wish to consider the option of
extending the success of this development model, to Guangdong for example or to
other parts of China. Isn't it worrisome that all the other and less controlled
districts have not been as successful in generating synergy?



Referring
more generally to innovation policies, I would advise as a heuristics that
political discourse is able to signal a problem, but policy questions do not
enable us to analyze the issues. Regional development, for example, is an issue
in Sweden because the system is very centralized, more than in Norway, for
example. But there is nothing in our data that supports the claim that the
Swedish government is successful in decentralizing the knowledge-based economy
beyond the three metropolitan regions. We may be able to reach conclusions like
these serving as policy advice. One develops policies on the basis of intuitive
assumptions which a researcher is sometimes able to test.



As
noted, one can expect a complex system continuously to produce unintended
consequences, and thus it needs monitoring. The dynamics of the system are
different from the sum of the sub-dynamics because of the interaction effects
and feedback loops. Metaphors such as a Triple Helix, Mode-2, or the Risk
Society can be stimulating for the discourse, but these metaphors tend to develop
their own dynamics of proliferating discourses.



The
Triple Helix, for example, can first be considered as a call for collaboration
in networks of institutions. However, in an ecosystem of bi-lateral and
tri-lateral relations, one has a trade-off between local integration
(collaboration) and global differentiation (competition). The markets and the
sciences develop at the global level, above the level of specific relations. A
principal agent such as government may be locked into a suboptimum. Institutional
reform that frees the other two dynamics (markets and sciences) requires
translation of political legitimation into other codes of communication. Translations
among codes of communication provide the innovation engine.





Is there a connection
between infrastructures and the success of innovation processes?



One
of the conclusions, which pervades throughout all advanced economies, is that
knowledge intensive services (KIS) are
not synergetic locally because they can be disconnected – uncoupled – from the
location. For example, if one offers a knowledge-intensive service in Munich
and receives a phone call from Hamburg, the next step is to take a plane to
Hamburg, or to catch a train inside Germany perhaps. Thus, it does not matter
whether one is located in Munich or Hamburg as knowledge-intensive services
uncouple from the local economy. The main point is proximity to an airport or
train station.



This
is also the case for high-tech knowledge-based manufacturing. But it is
different for medium-tech manufacturing, because in this case the dynamics are
more embedded in the other parts of the economy. If one looks at Russia, the
knowledge-intensive services operate differently from the Western European
model, where the phenomenon of uncoupling takes place. In Russia, KIS
contribute to coupling, as knowledge-intensive services are related to state
apparatuses.



In
the Russian case, the knowledge-based economy is heavily concentrated in Moscow
and St. Petersburg. So, if one aims –as the Russian government proclaims – to create
not "wealth from knowledge" but "knowledge from wealth" – that is, oil revenues
–it might be wise to uncouple the knowledge-intensive services from the state
apparatuses. Of course, this is not easy to do in the Russian model because
traditionally, the center (Moscow) has never done this. Uncoupling
knowledge-intensive services, however, might give them a degree of freedom to
move around, from Tomsk to Minsk or vice
versa, steered by economic forces more than they currently are (via institutions
in Moscow).





Final question. What does path-dependency mean in the context of
innovation dynamics?



In
The Challenge of Scientometrics. The development, measurement, and
self-organization of scientific communications (1995), I used Shannon-type information theory to study
scientometric problems, as this methodology combines both static and dynamic
analyses. Connected to this theory I developed a measurement method for
path-dependency and critical transitions.



In
the case of a radio transmission, for example, you have a sender and a
receiver, and in between you may have an auxiliary station. For instance, the
sender is in New York and the receiver is in Bonn and the auxiliary station is
in Iceland. The signal emerges in New York and travels to Bonn, but it may be possible
to improve the reception by assuming the signal is from Iceland instead of
listening to New York. When Iceland provides a better signal, it is possible to
forget the history of the signal before it arrived in Island. It no longer
matters whether Iceland obtained the signal originally from New York or Boston.
One takes the signal from Iceland and the pre-history of the signal does not
matter anymore for a receiver.



Such
a configuration provides a path-dependency (on Iceland) in
information-theoretical terms, measurable in terms of bits of information. In a
certain sense you get negative bits of information, since the shortest path in
the normal triangle would be from New York to Bonn, and in this case the
shortest path is from New York via Iceland to Bonn. I called this at the time a
critical transition. In a scientific text for instance, a new terminology can
come up and if it overwrites the old terminology to the extent that one does
not have to listen to the old terminology anymore, one has a critical
transition that frees one from the path-dependencies at a previous moment of
time.



Thus,
my example is about radical and knowledge-based changes. As long as one has to
listen to the past, one does not make a critical transition. The knowledge-based
approach is always about creative destruction and about moving ahead,
incorporating possible new options in the future. The hypothesized future
states become more important than the past. The challenge, in my opinion, is to
make the notion of options operational and to bring these ideas into
measurement. The Triple-Helix indicator measures the number of possible options
as additional redundancy. This measurement has the additional advantage that one
becomes sensitive to uncertainty in the prediction.





Loet Leydesdorff is Professor Emeritus at the Amsterdam School of Communications Research (ASCoR) of the University of Amsterdam. He is Honorary Professor of the Science and Technology Policy Research Unit (SPRU) of the University of Sussex, Visiting Professor at the School of Management, Birkbeck, University of London, Visiting Professor of the Institute of Scientific and Technical Information of China (ISTIC) in Beijing, and Guest Professor at Zhejiang University in Hangzhou. He has published extensively in systems theory, social network analysis, scientometrics, and the sociology of innovation (see at http://www.leydesdorff.net/list.htm). With Henry Etzkowitz, he initiated a series of workshops, conferences, and special issues about the Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations. He received the Derek de Solla Price Award for Scientometrics and Informetrics in 2003 and held "The City of Lausanne" Honor Chair at the School of Economics, Université de Lausanne, in 2005. In 2007, he was Vice-President of the 8th International Conference on Computing Anticipatory Systems (CASYS'07, Liège). In 2014, he was listed as a highly-cited author by Thomson Reuters. 





Literature and Related
links:



Science & Technology Dynamics,
University of Amsterdam / Amsterdam School of Communications
Research (ASCoR) 


Leydesdorff,
L. (2006). The Knowledge-Based Economy: Modeled, Measured, Simulated. Universal Publishers, Boca Raton, FL.


Leydesdorff, L. (2001). A Sociological Theory of Communication: The Self-Organization of the
Knowledge-Based Society. Universal Publishers, Boca Raton, FL.


Leydesdorff,
L. (1995). The Challenge of Scientometrics . The development, measurement, and
self-organization of scientific communications. Leiden, DSWO Press, Leiden University.


http://www.leydesdorff.net/





Print version of this Talk (pdf)



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Issue 31.3 of the Review for Religious, 1972. ; ASSOCIATE EDITOR Everett A. Diederich, S.J. QUESTIONS ANI) A N S\V E R S E 1) ITO R Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Correspondence with the editor, the associate editor, and the assistant editor, as well as books for review, should be sent to REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS; 612 Humboldt Build-ing; 539 North Grand Boulevard; St. Louis, Missouri 63103. Questions for answering should be sent to Joseph F. Gallen, SJ.; St. Joseph's Church; 321 Willings Alley; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19106. + + + REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Edited with ecclesiastical approval by faculty members of the School of l)ivinity of St. Louis University, 01e editorial offices beihg located at 612 tlumboldt Building; 539 North (;rand Boulevard: St. Louis, Missouri 63103. Owned by the Missouri Province Educalional In';titute. Published bimontbly and copyright © 1972 by REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS. Printed in U.S.A. Second class postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri. Single copies: $1.25. SuBscription U.S.A. and Canada: $6.00 a year. $11.00 for two years; other countries: $7.00 a year, $13.00 for two years. Orders sbould indicate whether they are for new or renewal subscriptions and sbould be accompanied by check or money order payable to REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS in U.S,A. cur-rency only. Pay no money to persons claiming to represent REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS. Change of address requests should include former addre.~s. Renewals and new subscriptions should be sent to REVIEW I:OR RELIGIOUS; P.O. Box 60 Duluth. Minnesota 55802. Manuscripts, editori-al correspondence, and books for review should be sent to REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS: 612 [lumboldt Building; 539 North (;rand Boule-yard; St. Louis, Missouri 63103. Questions for answering should be sent to the address of tile Questions and Answers editor. MAY 1972 VOLUME 31 NUMBER 3 BENEDICT ASHLEY, O.P. ¯ Retirement or V gil? [ Benedict Ashley, O.P., is Profess6r of Theology at The Institute of Religion and Human " Development; Texas Medical Center; P.O. Box 20569; Houston, Texas 77025.] Retirement and the Work Ethic To provide for the retirement of senior members has bdcome an urgent task for many religious communities. D~clining vocations, risfng medical costs, changes in traditional apostolates and in sources of income demand that we develop new, organized ways to care for those who have reached that last, often lengthy phase of life which we Americans call "retirement." The action of Pope Paul VI in requesting even cardinals and bishops to retire acknowledges that in times of rapid change older persons, for all their expe~'ience and "tested virtue," often lack the energy and flexibility to carry on the apostolate. However reasonable this trend may seem to those long dist~int from the "cut-off point," it is prQducing great anxiety, discontent, . and bitterness in many aging religious. This intensifies the polarization against which many communities now struggle. Recently an elderly but very much alive sister said to me: "What a paradox that our community is how so concerned to give younger sisters free choice¯ of apostolates, while forcing older sisters to retire willy-nilly. I was told to retire last year without any consultation or discussion of my preferences. My only choice, which was no choice at all, was to come to this retirement house. The young are demanding small interpersonal communities. I must live with over a hundred sisters, most of them sick, some completely senile, although my health is good, my mind active, and I like to live with young people, 'where the action is.' " Of course, some communities take great pains to discuss the situation carefully with members who must retire from present apostolates, to give them choices and training for a "second career," or at least maximum opportunities for "semi-activity." They realize that the problem of these religious is, after all, only part of the larger geriatric problem in the United States which will probably increase still further as our national birthrate continues to decline, and the average age of Americans begins to rise. However, I wonder if the very term "retirement" does not reflect the dehumani-zation of our technological society. It is borrowed from the practice of American business and starkly reflects the "work ethic" dominating our culture, against which the counter-culture is rightly protesting. This ethic evaluates human 'worth only in terms of production, organizational efficiency, capacity for marketable innovation. It values "doing and making," but ignores the values of "being," unless they can be translated into commodities. Even without the protests of the .counter-culture, we should know from the gospel that "man does not live by bread alone" (Mt 4:4) and that we have been told "do not be anxious for what you are to eat or wear, because unbelievers are always. running after these things" (Mt 6:31-32). The values of the work ethic are real and ¯ 326 Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 are not repudiated by the gospel, but they are .~ternly subordinated to a very different appreciation of what really counts in life. Let us retire the term "retirement," and even "semi-activity." The notion of "a second career" is better, yet it too has a work ethic flavor. Moreover to talk about "second careers" to religious for whom it seems nothing remains of life but suffering, prayer, and gradual decline is to coin another of those horrible euphemisms with which we today in our society of affluence indecently hide the unacknowledged' miseries of neglected poverty and death. We are Christians who ought to have the courage to face the facts of old age with a realism warmed by Christian hope. Trying to wrestle with this fact of life theologically, I have found in the gospel a theme which seems to me very relevant, the notion of vigil. Christian Vigil The current liturgical reform began with the renewal of the Paschal Vigil, called by St. Augustine "the mother of all vigils," because it sums up the expectation of all ages of Christ's victory over death. Its meaning is beautifully stated in the General Instruction bn the Liturgy of the Hours issued by the Holy See in 1971 (nos. 70-2): [St.Augustine writes] "by keeping vigil, we observe that night when the Lord,arose, and by his own flesh began in us that life which knows neither sleep nor death. ; then as we sing together to the risen Lord a little while longer by keeping vigil, he will grant us to reign with him by living forever." Asin the Easter Vigil, the custom soon arose in different churches t6 begin various solemn feasts by keeping vigil, notably in the Birth of the Lord and Pentecost. The Fathers and spiritual writers frequently urged the faithful, especially those who live a contemplative life, to nocturnal prayer, which expresses and fosters our waiting for the Lord?s return: "At midnight someone shouted, 'The groom is here! Come out and greet him!' " (Matthew 25:6); "Keep watch! You do not know when the master of the house is coming; whether at dusk, at midnight, when the cock crows, or at early dawn. Do not let him come suddenly and catch you asleep" (Mark 13:35-36). To implement this idea the Church in its new calendar has not only given the Paschal Vigil the central place in the liturgical year and retained the ~vigils of the Birth of the Lord and of Pentecost, but recommends the use of "Bible vigils" (Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy, no. 35), and in the instruction just quoted encourages the use and development of the Office of Readings as a time of vigil, thus preserving the nocturns or night Office of the traditional Breviary. This last recommendation is not only for priests and nuns, but for the laity as well (Instruction, nos. 20-2). These liturgical reforms are rooted deeply in the New Testament. Jesus Himself prepared for the great moments of His life by keeping vigil. For forty days and nights (Mt 4:2) He prayed in the desert before beginning His ministry. Before extending it beyond Capernaum, He went to a "Ion.ely place" (Mk 1: 35) to pray till dawn. Before announcing His inevitable passion, He kept vigil with Peter, James, and John on the mount of transfiguration (Mk 9:1-8). On the eve of the passion He agonized in Gethsemane (Mk 14:32). In their turn the disciples and Mary kept vigil before Pentecost (Acts 1 : 14; 2:2). The newborn Christian community prayed for its leader Peter when he was in prison (Acts 12:5, 12), and before ordaining presbyters (4:23). Paul continued this custom on his missions (16:25). The significance of such vigils was indicated by Jesus Himself in many of His discourses and parables in which He urged his followers to "Watch, for you know Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 327 not the day nor the hour!" (Mt 25:13). If we look at the well-known work of Joachim Jeremias, The Parables of Jesus (rev. ed.; New York: Scribner's, 1963) we notice that he classifies the parables in ten groups: "1. Now is the Day of Salvation; 2. God's Mercy for Sinners; 3. The Great Assurance; 4. The Imminence of Catastrophe; 5. It May Be Too Late; 6. The Challenge of the Hour; 7. Realized Discipleship; 8. The Via Dolorosa and Exaltation of the Son of Man; 9. The Consummation; 10. Parabolic Actions." These very titles indicate how close all these themes are to the vigil concept, although groups 4, 5, and 6 are particularly pertinent. The parables constantly say: "Wake hp! Watch !" When we look at the Epistles we find that Peter and Paul and the others have the same pastoral advice. For example: Stay sober and alert. Your opponent the devil is prowling like a roaring lion looking for someone to devour. Resist him, solid in yo6r faith, realiz!ng that the brotherhood of believers is undergoing the same sufferings throughout the world. The God of all grace, who called you to his everlasting glory in Christ, will himself restore, confirm, strengthen, and establish those who have suffered a little while. Dominion be his throughout the ages. Amen (I Pt 5:8-10). Asregards specific times and moments, brothers, we do not need to write you; you know very well that the day of the Lord is coming like a thief in the night. Just when people are saying, "Peace and security," ruin will fall. You are not in the dark, brothers, that the day should catch you off guard, like a thief. No, all of you are children of light and of the day. We belong neither to darkness nor to night; therefore, let us not be asleep like the rest, but awake and sober! Sleepers sleep by night, and drunkards drink by night. We who live by day must be alert (1 Thes 5:1-8). The Theology of the Vigil To discover the the.ological meaning of these New Testament actions and teachings, we must begin with the obvious fact that a vigil is eschatological prayer. It is directed toward the future, toward Christ's victory over sin and death through Resurrection and Ascension, toward the coming of God's kingdom on earth through the mission of His Church, toward the universal transformation of the cosmos at Christ's Second Coming when all things will be summed up in Him in the glory of the Father (Phil 2:9-11 ; Col 1:15-20: Eph 1:18-23). A vigil is expectation in faith, hope, and yearning love directed to the future and eternal life. Its heart is joy, not the joy. of fulfillment, but the bitter-sweet joy of anticipation, a hunger and thirsting for the justice of God's reign. This is why a vigil humanly is a struggle to keep awake, to arouse ourselves from the oppression of drowsiness. The Apostles could not keep awake with Jesus in the Garden, because although "the spirit is willing, the .flesh is weak" (Mt 26:41). Luke says they slept because they were "exhausted with grief" (22:45). The weariness, discouragement, apathy, the numbing dread of waiting! Who has not waited in fear in a doctor's office? Waiting can be still more dreadful when we wait for some great joy, in growing doubt that it will ever come. During such painful times we all seek to escape the tension, to drug ourselves with some empty distraction or even sleep and forgetfulness. It is against this spiritual sleep that Jesus warns us. We must live in active hope, in wide-awake awareness, because in truth Jesus has already come. God is already present in our world if our eyes of faith are wide-open to sense His presence. The symbolism of "watching in the night" is simple and profound. This "night" is the world in the Johannine sense: "He was in the world, and through him the world was made, yet the world did not know who he was" (Jn 1 : 10). The world is humanity not in its earthliness or secularity, but in its hard-heartedness, self-centeredness, self-righteous pride and aggression which blind it to the present LOrd: 328 Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 "Men loved darkness rather than the light, because their deeds were wicked" (Jn 3:19). It is in this night where God is present but man is absent from Him, in this shadow of death, that the Christian lives by faith and hope. Another element of the symbolism of the vigil is the silence, when the rush of activities, the vanity of human plans and boasted accomplishments, the flood of sights and sounds advertising expensive but delusive pleasures, conceal from us the reality of the void, the desert of human despair. Existentialism has revived for us this aspect of vigil, the search for authenticity. The Christian enters the desert of silence not to escape, but driven by the Holy Spirit to confront the Evil Spirit as Jesus was (Mk 1:12-3). Night has its peace and cessation from exterior work, but it is also the time of spiritual combat with angels, both evil and good. Tobiah struggled with an evil spirit and came out whole (Tobit 8); and Jacob with a good one, but was crippled (Gen 32:23-33). Night is man's encounter with the hidden levels of his personality and with the subtle cosmic influences that profoundly affect his life, yet which are covered over by his day-time activities. Watching, therefore, is not a mere passive waiting, but an active preparation, struggle, reflection, purgation, integration, simplification of life, requiring the use of the deepest human energies, it is an activity not at the periphery of human life where most of our "doing and making" take place, but in the central abyss of our being. Again, because it is eschatological, a vigil is also a time of judgment. Many of the Psalms speak of this nocturnal examination of conscience: 1 am wearied by sighing: every night I flood my bed with weeping. I drench my couch with my tears; My eyes are dimmed with sorrow. They have aged because of all my foes (Ps 6:7-8). I bless the Lord who counsels me; even in the night my heart exhorts me (16:7). i will remember you upon my couch, and through the night-watches I will meditate on you (63:7). By night my hands are stretched out with flagging; my soul refuses comfort. When l remember God, I moan; when i ponder, my spirit grows faint. You keep my eyes watchful: I am troubled and i cannot speak. I consider the days of old; the years long past I remember. In the night I meditate in my heart; [ ponder, and my spirit broods. "Will the Lord reject forever and nevermore be favorable?" (77:4-8). In a vigil we face ourselves in truth, we accept the punishment of remorse, we are freed from the burden of illusions. Even when our conscience does not reproach us, we come to understand that we are children of Adam, part of the inhuman race of men. Yet as Christians we do not come to judgment so much in fear as in petitiqn to be healed. Purgatory begins for us, a merciful cleansing through hope and longing, because a vigil is penitential, expiatory, redemptive. This is not because God exacts a payment for sin (it is only the unjust steward who thought God a hard master), but because He requires us to share in the work of repairing the damage we have done to others and to ourselves. "God's glory is man fully alive," as St. Irenaeus said, and the restoration of God's glory by penance is nothing other than the healing of man and of the broken relations between men by forgiveness. How does a vigil repair the human world? It does so first by healing the watcher himself, since in this purgatory he learns to forgive others and to lay down .the burden of his own follies. But a vigil is also communal. It is a time when together, at least in spirit, we pray for one another and share one another's burden of guilt and sorrow. Today, some people think prayer is only an excuse not to help others Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 329 through action, but even after we act we may find that our neighbor is still alienated from us by hidden barriers that nothing but prayer can ever pierce. Furthermore, a vigil is communal because it is a witness. Who has not been strengthened to know that another watches in prayer for him with a love that is ever awake? A vigil also always implies the coming dawn, the Resurrection, the rising Sun of Justice. At the heart of the vigil is the well fueled lamp of love, as Jesus indicated in the Parable of the Ten Virgins. He also asked: "When the Son of Man comes, will he find faith on earth?" (Lk 18:8). Matthew speaks of "charity" (24-12). The greatest human prdblem is to persevere in faithful love, a love that increases until the kingdom of God kindles like a consuming fire (Lk 12:49). This silently burning light in the night vigil is a fire stronger than the waters of death: "For stern as death is love, relentless as the grave in its devotion; its flames are a blazing fire" (Song of Songs8:6). The Paschal fire is the liturgical symbol of this "living flame of love," which John of the Cross and all the mystics tell us begins to burn in the dark night of the spirit. The Psychology of Later Life Recent developments in developmental ego-psychology, exemplified in the work of Erik Erikson, show us that the phases of human life all have or can have a positive meaning, including old age. It will suffice here to quote a passage from Erikson's Identity: Youth and Crisis (New York: Norton, 1968, pp. 139-40): In the aging person who has taken care of things and people and has adapted himself to the triumphs and disappointments of being, by necessity, the originator of others and the generator of things and ideas - only in him the fruit of the seven stages gradually ripens. I know no better word for it than integrity. Lacking a clear definition, I shall point to a few attributes of this stage of mind. It is the ego's accrued assurance of its proclivity for order and meaning - an emotional integration faithful to the image-bearers of the past and ready to take, and eventually to renounce, leadership in the present. It is the acceptance of one's one and only life cycle and of the people who have become significant to it as something that had to be and that, by necessity; permitted of no substitutions. It thus means a new and different love of one's parents, free of the wish that they should have been different, and an acceptance of the fact that one's life is one's own responsibility. It is a sense of comradeship with men and women of distant times and of different pursuits who have created orders and objects and sayings conveying human dignity and love. A meaningfulold age, then, preceding a possible terminal senility, serves the need for that integrated heritage which gives indispensable perspective to the life cycle. Strength here takes the form of that detached yet active concern with life bounded by death, which we call ~wisdom in its many connotations from ripened "wits" to accumulated knowledge, mature judgment, and inclusive understanding. Not that each man can evolve wisdom for himself. For most, a living tradition provides the essence of it. But the end of the cycle also evokes "ultimate concerns" for what chance man may have to transcend the limitations of his identity and his often tragic or bitterly tragicomic engagement in his one and only life cycle within the sequence of generations. Yet great philosophical and religious systems dealing with ultimate individuation seem to have remained responsibly related to the cultures and civilizations of their times. Seeking trans-cendence by renunciation, they yet remain ethically concerned with the "maintenance of the ¯ world." By the same token, a civilization can be measured by the meaning which it gives to the full cycle of life, for such meaning, or the lack of it, cannot fail to reach into the beginning of the next generation, and thus into the chances of others to meet ultimate questions with some clarity and strength. Erikson points out that this achievement of integrity implies that the person has the courage to retain his own individuality and life style even in the face of changing times: Forheknowsthat an individual life is the coincidence of but one life cycle with but one 330 Review for Religious, Volume 3 I, 1972/3 segment of history, and that for him all human integrity stands and fails with the one style of integrity of which he partakes (p. 140). He also points out that when old age is not used positively, it will end negatively in disgust and despair: Such a despair, is often hidden behind a show of disgust, a misanthropy, or chronic contemptuous displeasure with particular institutions and particular people - a disgust and a displeasure which, where not allied with the vision of a superior life, only signify the individual's contempt of himself (ibid.) From a Christian point of view, therefore, the period of vigil for the Lord's Coming is a precious gift. It is not merely for the aged, but is a feature of every Christian life. All of us, young and old, must have some vigil in our life, some time of reflection, purification, integration. It should begin early, so that old age will only be its culmination and intensification. It is not something separated from active life but is rather a harvest time in which the fruit of experience ~is reaped, assimilated, and made part of our total personality. The Paschal mystery means for us that although this world and its life must pass, yet nothing experienced here in faith will ever be lost, no genuine tie in love will ever be severed. In Christ our life will be summed up, "recapitulated," and transformed in the eternal life of the Trinity. Death is not a closing in of the horizon, but an opening on an ever wider vista - a narrow door that opens on an expanding landscape. The end of the film 2001: A Space Odyssey is one way of saying it. Therefore, the vigil time of life is not just "waiting to die," but is a process of integration in which we "get it all together," discovering in all that we have done and suffered an inner core of meaning. Moreover, we have the obligation of letting others who are in the midst or the beginning of life know there is meaning to what seems to them a mad scramble, a rat-race. The generation gap can never be closed in time, because the wisdom of experience cannot be expressed in the language of inexperience. Yet something can be communicated and must be communicated to the young, and that is hope. Only those seniors who have achieved peace, and who prove it by letting the young live their own lives, are able to give a truly credible sign of hope. The Apostolate of Vigil In view of this psychological and theological meaning of vigil and of later life as a time of vigil, it seems to me that we can frame a better practical understanding of the so-called "retirement problem." (1) In order to obliterate the "retirement" idea, I think we should institute both in name and fact a new apostolate in our communities, the Apostolate of Vigil. It is a genuine apostolate in the wider sense in which traditionally the contemplative life was considered the supreme apostolate, because contemplatives perform a special service of intercessary prayer, reparation, and witness to the transcendent, eschato-logical goals of the Christian life. Lately, active communities are recognizing this need by establishing "houses of prayer." It seems to me that the notion of "vigil" adds to the concept of "prayer" that "thrust into the future" which is so necessary to our time that suffers from "future shock" and "existential despair:" The work of this apostolate consists in several related elements: (a) Reflection. Erikson's emphasis on old age as a time of integration indicates that those in the apostolate of vigil must give themselves seriously to reflection. In a recent movie Kotch, Walter Matthau brilliantly portrays a retired business man who annoys everyone by his constant, apparently disconnected garrulity. Yet as we Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 331 listen to him, we see that he is still a mentally very active man, more alert ~han his rather stupid son and daughter-in-law. He is reflecting over his reading, his life, his successes and failures, and is distilling real wisdom from them. He looks at life with a tolerant yet discerning eye. He contemplates its beauty with delight and tries to express it in language that has its real poetry. But no one listens. On tlie other hand, another movie, 1 Never Sang for My Father, shows the tragedy of another elderly "successful" business man who cannot find the clue to the real meaning of his life, but endlessly moves in the circle o~ the old, bitter thoughts of his rejected youth. Some of our attempts at community dialogue have left the old silent, because we are always talking about the future. Perhaps we should try to have some times of discussion devoted to the needs of the senior members to talk about their past. (b) Prayer. This should not only be intercessory and reparative, as I have already indicated, but also a prayer of praise and thanksgiving. If we need time to "make a thanksgiving" after Holy Communion, don't we also need time to give thanks for the banquet of life? Undoubtedly older religious will want to continue the forms of prayer which have formed the basis of their lives, and, as Erikson says in the quotation above, this is a part of their personal integrity. At the same time, they may welcome the opportunity to deepen these accustomed forms of prayer if they are given opportunities for better theological.and liturgical instruction on the values which they contain. A prayer group made up of older priests, with which I am acquainted, is finding the new "Liturgy of the Hours" a delight. It retains the basic elements of the older "Divine Office" but in a form which makes recitation more meditative and leisurely. (c) Counsel. This is a difficult point which requires a good deal of study and experimentation. In traditional societies the elders were the counselors, yet today it is argued by Margaret Mead and others that the young really have more experience than their seniors. Furthermore, it is said that elderly counselors incline to an authoritarian moralism that is contrary to the non-directive methods of modern counseling. On the other hand it is certainly true that some older people have real assets as counselors. They have time to listen, a broad sympathy based on their own self-knowledge and the experience of human struggle, and a calm, hopeful attitude, sceptical of facile solutions, yet free of pani~ about the crises of life. There is no reason that such persons cannot still learn to improve their technique as.counselors if given some additional training and supervision, Their tendency to moralize or over-direct is more a result of their desire to help, than an incapacity to learn a more psychological approach. I suggest that while not all older people will make good counse.lors, many will if.given some additional training. (d) Suffering. The physical and mental decline of later life tends to become the focus of many wasted days and years, unless this suffering is understood as an element of Christian experience not merely to be endured but to be used creatively. The Cross is a means of integration and fulfillment, as it was for Jesus who said: "It is completed" (Jn 19:.30). To make this suffering a spiritual resource, however, requires spiritual guidance and support. In Gethsemane Jesus was strengthened by an angel (Lk 22:43). The flagging energies of the sick and aged make it difficult for them to exert themselves to prayer. They can relapse into a routine of gradual decline and apathy. Consequently, it is important to help them use the energies they have to grow personally. (e) Small Services. Today religious orders rightly seek to free themselves from wasting their energies on "trivialities." Nevertheless, we need to realize that nothing 332 Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 humanizes our lives so much as the small personal services that make us feel loved and that free us from details for more creative work. In any religious community its life and its apostolate can be immensely aided by persons who have the time, the tact, the humility to render some of these small services either within the community circle or as a feature of particular external apostolates. For example, how much a really good receptionist contributes to the work of any organization! Jesus spoke of the "cup of cold water only" given in His name (Mt 10:42) and of the "widow'smite"(Mk 12:41-4) to indicate the dignity and beauty of such small services given in love. They exemplify the first beatitude of poverty of spirit. (f) Hope. The culminating task of the Apostolate of Vigil is the witness of genuine hope, free of "future shock," of gloom, of cynicism, or panic. We need only to think of the example given the Church and the world by the aged John XXlII to realize what a rainbow sign (Gen 9:11-7) this witness of hope can be, giving life and renewal to the whole community. (2) A second step we need to take is to make clear that this Apostolate of Vigil is not exclusively for the old, but an option for all religious at any age, as a permanent or temporary apostolate. There are young and middle-aged religious who will find that their charism is more contemplative than active, or that at least for certain periods of their life they need to '~be" rather than to "do or make." We should ¯ make clear also that age does not automatically qualify a person for this apostolate, or make it his or her single choice. Some senior religious will still find themselves more inclined to a "second career" or to "semi-activity" and should be given this option if it is at all a realistic choice. Finally, we should avoid identifying this apostolate with the problem of residence. It is true that the "villa" may be one center of such an apostolate, but some religious will prefer to carry it on in houses of prayer or active communities. (3) Since this apostolate requires special qualifications other than mere age, it also requires proper training, facilities, and evaluation, exactly as any other apostolate. When a religious is considering choosing it, he or she should discuss the matter with a qualified counselor. The community itself should have definite plans for developing, evaluating~ and revising this apostolate in the formation of which theological, liturgical, psychological, and medical expertise should be used. (4) Finally, proper recognition should be given to those who sincerely engage in this apostolate, so that they know and feel that they truly contribute to the community's life and work. One form of recognition is, of course, a clear financial arrangement by which it is apparent to all that persons in this apostolate are not a "burden" to the community but an asset. This is no mere legal fiction because: (a) This apostolate is a fundamental service to the Church and the world which every religious community has the obligation to provide in some form or other. (b) In actual fact a great part of the free gifts made to any religious community come because the laity look to the assistance of that community's prayer and penance. (c) Religious by their contributed services in their years of "active apostolate" have certainly invested enough in the community to deserve in justice the opportunity to engage in the Apostolate of Vigil if they choose. Some communities solve this problem by paying each local community of which the religious is a member a regular monthly salary as her contribution to its financial upkeep. An Obvious Objection An honest doubt about the idea I have outlined naturally arises. How can we speak of an apostolate for a really senile person who has lost memory, emotional Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 333 control, clarity of mind and purpose? What of those who really are "just waiting to die," living only on a vegetative, custodial level? I can only suggest two points for reflection: (1) Today certain psychologists and some young thinkers of the counter culture are raising sharp questions about the way our work ethic culture tends to define "mental incapacity" or "mental illness." They point out that in many cultures persons we label as "crazy" or "mentally defective" are considered "wise," "prophetic," or "sacred." Jesus spoke of the wisdom of the child, and St. Paul of the wisdom of those whom the world calls fools. St. Luke pictures those two ancient prophets, Simeon and Anna, who alone recognized the Messiah. I certainly would not subscribe to overromantic ideas about the wisdom of the senile, but I do not think that we should identify the value of human personality with the well-being of the brain. The senile person can still be capable of faith, hope, and charity. The process of spiritual purgation and integration which goes on in later life no doubt can reach its completion even when life has reached its ebb tide. (2) In any case our real problem is not the extremely senile patient for whom nothing remains but custodial care. We will give that care gladly and it raises no great puzzles. The real geriatric problems are the much larger number of religious who are still very much alive, perhaps with many years ahead of them. We must help them live these years as a vigil of hope, of effective prayer for the Lord's Coming and for the establishment of His kingdom on our earth. DAVID A. FLEMING, S.M. Formation and the Discovery of Identity [David A. Fleming, S.M., is a faculty member of Marianist Seholastieate; 2700 Cincinnati Avenue; San Antonio, Texas 78284.1 People in formation today tend to feel uncomfortably like bridges. At one end they cling to the solid but sometimes arid rock of a tradition, while at the other they try to find some footing in the shifting sands of new styles of life and experience. Meanwhile they often feel that people are walking all over them from both directions and fighting their battles on top of them, while they themselves look down at the gaping abyss beneath. Luckily, though, many of us like being bridges, despite the discomforts involved, and we feel that the attempt to reach across the gap is more than worth the effort. Our problem, our sense of battles and abysses, is, 1 think, related to a major cultural shift in the understanding and expression of religious values. This shift became an experiential reality for me not too long ago one evening when I attended two parties in religious communities, one - frequented by older members - celebrating the jubilee 9f a much respected member of my province, and the other a community party in a house of formation celebrating the end of a semester. It struck me very forcibly that what I was doing was observing the ways in which two distinct cultures celebrate. To attempt to summarize cultural differences is a risky undertaking. No one is ever satisfied by someone from the outside attempting to sum up basic commit-ments and ways of seeing. And, of course, none of us is ever or should ever be completely "outside"; our summaries are inevitably colored by our own commit-ments and viewpoints. But if we are to talk meaningfully of the situation in which the person involved in formation finds himself today, it is necessary at least to draw up a schematized and admittedly unnuanced outline of the very real contrasts that govern our situation. By culture I mean simply the sum-total of the social values, ways of thinking, means of expressing human relationships, and habits of life shared by a whole group of people (whether tribes in Africa, villages in France, or social groupings in America). At the two parties I recognized two contrasting ways of celebrating, two approaches to festivity. The older party was characterized by a happy convention-ality. People told the old jokes and sang the old songs, reminisced about the way things used to be, shared common memories about the persons and mores of a true but somewhat idealized past. The younger one was colored by creative expression (new skits, new games and ideas) and fantasy (making up new stories and new songs). At both parties, there was much sharing of laughter at things normally taken very seriously. The cultural differences are not restricted, of course, to behavior at parties. The two groups' means of expressing values are notably different. Both are preoccupied with fidelity, but the older group stresses fidelity to an established role, believing Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 335 that a man's true fulfillment and the greatest service he can give lie in being as faithfully and totally and interiorly as possible what he is called to be by the work assigned to him: a good teacher, pastor, cook, or whatever. For the younger group fidelity means, above all, a continuous search to discover and live out what is one's own unique contribution. True fulfillment for this younger group means the discovery of self, which will then lead to a service to society which may or may not correspond to any pre-established role. The older group stresses perseverance in holding to the role that is given, while the younger group stresses honesty with oneself, even though that honesty may not lead very quickly to stability. The older group sees forgetfulness of self and modesty as prime virtues for relating with others, while the younger group stresses openness, the willingness to let oneself be influenced by the thought and action of the other. The older group stresses the necessity for each individual to stick to what he thinks is right, no matter what social pressures he may be subjected to. The younger one feels that communion with the group is a prime value; although he too knows how to withstand social pressures, they prompt him more quickly to re-examine his position, rather than stiffen his resistance to corruption. The older group speaks much about preserving and enriching a tradition that comes out of the past, while the younger one is more oriented towards building a future that may or may not spring very obviously from the past. The experienced seek a carefully limited, realistic, but wholehearted commitment to the goals they have accepted. This approach seems narrow to the young; fascinated by a multiplicity of goods, they tend rather to become overcommitted to too many things, while at the same time being only partially committed to any one of them. The patterns of thought of the two groups are also quite diverse. For the older, truth is to be achieved above all by method, by a disciplined and patterned application of long-tested paradigms; for the young it is to be sought in dialectic, in conversation and interchange, more by group experience than by individual reflection. The older person wants someone to give him answers to his questions; the younger one simply looks for a person to share the process of discovery. The older man has been educated more in a rhetorical tradition that takes a position asa given and then finds all the supporting reasons and arguments; the younger man's education has increasingly stressed a heuristics that is concerned above all with the search for the position that is (existentially) true. For the older man, knowledge tends more to be a possession (the kind of knowledge denoted by the French verb (savoir), something that is dominated, assimilated, and put to profitable use. For the younger man it tends to be a mode of being-related (conna~tre), a personal or quasi-personal communion. The older man looks in his thinking for stability and attempts to stick to the essence of things; the younger man is taken up with the process and is unimpressed by thinking that relies on stable effsences. Discursive thinking and logic tend to be the natural realm of'the older man; symbol thinking, poetry, and art, that of the younger. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the ways of relating to people and forming friendships differ between the two groups. The way to an older man's heart is to work together with him at a common project perceived as meaningful. The way to a younger man's heart is to listen to him creatively, to share one's own experiences - a process of much dialogue and many hours of deep conversation. Obviously this outline of the two approaches is quite schematized, and most of us - old or young - are somewhere in-between. The purpose of this rather cavalier summary and contrast has been to point up that the two approaches exist (although 336 Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 hardly ever in a "pure" state), that they are, in fact, very different - a difference such as has not often been experienced between any two successive generations in human history - and to intimate, by expressing the values of each in a positive way, that both approaches are very open to living the message of the gospel. It is evident that we have two contrasting ways of being faithful, and we who work in the formation of young religious find ourselves very much in a mediatorial, reconciliational role between them. Our role in this cultural situation is, I believe, best conceptualized today as being of service to individuals and communities in the discovery of an identity. Our most obvious task is to aid the indivMual in developing a social identity with the concrete group which he or she is in the process of joining. Because of the cultural crossroads where we find ourselves at this point in history, however, it is unrealistic to reduce the whole of our role to "socialization" within a given congregation. Neither the individual nor the life of the group can remain static, and a true commitment to the group can happen only as the individual finds within the group a true aid to releasing his own creative potential and an increasingly rich field for expressing that potential. A person can develop an identity with a group only on the basis of a strong personal identity, and. strong personal identity can be developed, paradoxic-ally, only in an interplay with a social group. The person working in formation must therefore deal with both poles of identity - the group and the personal. Hence a second, by no means subordinate, part of our role is to be of service to the young person who comes to us in the absorbing work of his own personal search for identity. Formation people, though they tend. to be "generalists" rather than specialists, should, if anything, be specialists in "human development." Although we should only begin working with young people who have already developed a fairly advanced degree of security, self-identity, and clear-headedness, their entry into religious life, at whatever age, is always part of a search for personal identity and identity within society, and we must be prepared to be of service in that extremely personal search. Given the state of constant evolution in which we more and more consciously find ourselves, the first aspect mentioned above, that of identification with or true membership in the order or congregation can no longer be conceived at any level as identification with a status quo. Commitment to religious life today means rather a commitment to God working in a concrete group of people who are pledged to grow and evolve together, to share the consequences of their lives and decisions. Membership means the willingness to keep growing together, to keep sharing consequences, and to let others within the group continue to influence our lives. Joining religious life is less a flight into a specific desert (for deserts can become rather comfortable, as full of fleshpots as any Egyptian oasis) than a going on pilgrimage together, a common movement toward the God who speaks in our lives and calls us forward through history. Religious life, if it is to give its most telling witness to mankind today, must become (as Schillebeeckx has put it) a '~sacrament of dialogue," a living sign, open and visible to men, of the fact that people can live together and share the search for God's concrete will for them in the present, and that this common search can become a fascinating, absorbing, and fulfilling life project. If we view religious life in this dynamic, search-centered way, it becomes increasingly evident that formation must involve a great deal of contact between the candidates and the experienced members. A decision to throw in one's lot with a given order or congregation can be made only on the basis of knowing and Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 337 experiencing the sacrament of dialogue as it really is. Isolated formation houses no longer fill the need, at least not for the totality of the period of basic formation. They were viable in a day when the problem of formation was simply that of taking on an accepted and rather standardized culture. They are good at providing the deeply spiritual motivation that is alone adequate to sustain a person in the challenges which the communal search for God demands. But they do not give an experience of the communal search to which the community as a whole is pledging itself. They rather give another experience - that of a group of peers struggling with commitment together - an experience which will happen anyway, with or without an isolated house of formation, and one that can too easily create a kind of sub-culture, spiritually and emotionally alienated from the group as a whole. They accentuate cultural differences, rather than helping all - young and old -go beyond them to a deeper unity. Identification with the group is complicated today by the problem that many of us are in fact probably better at being of service to personal growth than at helping develop social roles. We tend to have some competence in psychology, none at all in sociology. Yet as each individual grows personally, he becomes more conscious of his unique contributions and personal richness, and he usually discovers the fact that there are no ready-made social roles into which he can easily fit. Because of the rapid change in our society, many of the traditional service roles which religious have filled (teaching, nursing, pastoral work) are themselves in search of an identity, and many religious want to alter these service roles in significant ways. In this crucial area of both personal and community growth, it is above all important that as much of the whole community as possible be involved in developing and living with social roles. Our own personal identity, that of our younger members, and that of the order or congregation as a whole are inextricably entangled. They can either enrich or discourage one another. Rather than a pledge to adopt unquestioningly a given service'role, a commitment today means a pledge to share in mutual growth as we reexamine our traditional service roles. In turning to the question of our service in the area of each one's personal quest for identity, we will find it helpful first to consider the psychological characteristics of the typical young person with whom we have to deal today, his problems and prospects. The most striking strength of the typical candidate we meet today is his sensitivity. Impressionable, responsive to friendship, and anxious to give a service that is personally perceived, he is capable of developing a pers6nality that will be richly responsive to people. The weakness of our candidate is the typical weakness of a sensitive person. He is quite unsure of himself, uncertain of the best way to respond to the heavy pressures of the experience in which he becomes so deeply involved. He does not take all kinds of values, ways of acting and thinking, for granted. He has grown up in a scattered, fragmented world, and he has not yet had the time and the experience to build up a very firm personal stance - a coherent and well-articulated system of values, beliefs, and ways of acting. Because of his own insecurity and his sensitivity to influences, he tends to waver from position to position with what (for us) seems like astonishing rapidity. Growing up in a period when informational input has been reaching and surpassing overload capacity, our candidate has become aware of far more than we knew at his age, but he has simply not had the stabilizing and strengthening influence that we now enjoy nor even the stabilizing influence that we had at the same stage of our own growth. Hence he is very cautious about taking stands. He wants to continue to be "open" to experience, and he does not want to close too many doors too fast. He has come to 338 Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 religious life because he is struggling for an identity that is out of the normal; he will not be satisfied with the ready-made roles which society presents so per-suasively to him. Hence he is, in his own peculiar way, cautious about making commitments, and he wavers through many possibilities before finally determining upon one. Our candidate's experience of the past twenty years has taught him that institutions and ideologies fall with great regularity, and that those who build their lives upon them do not survive. What he can perhaps trust is people. He is person-oriented, deeply conscious of his need for friends. He may find trust difficult; but once he has achieved it, he easily becomes dependent, and he is unashamed of finding strength in the support of his friends. He .is less concerned with building an institution, or an ideology than a friendship. He frequently seems to us to have an "affective" problem. His needs are enormous (or so it seems for those of us who have not lived through his cultural experience) in the area of personal friendship and support. He tends to think that the satisfaction of these needs will solve all his problems in life. He can easily be moved, even manipulated (and here we must be careful to respect his person), by motives of personal friendship, less easily by other motivations. In helping our candidate in his search for identity, we are often tempted to solve his problem for him, to shower on him the rich fruits of our own experience and expect him to respond with profound gratitude. Actually though, the nature of his problems (perhaps the nature of all human problems) is such that only he can solve them. Only he can discover and create an identity for himself. Our genuine help can be in sharing the process of discovery with him; in asking sensitive, helpful, but challenging questions; in sharing, but in a non-coercive way, something of our own search and some of its outcomes. In her fascinating little book Culture and Commitment, Margaret Mead has pointed out that the days of the "postfigurative culture" (the one in which the adults are supposed to have answered all questions and to provide a reproducible pattern for the young to imitate with exactitude) are gone. She believes that we are in a "cofigurative culture," one in which everyone, both young and old, determine the solutions to their problems and the answers to their questions by learning from their peers, with the danger of never being able to open up to an experience that is foreign to them. Our future lies, she believes, in a "prefigurative culture," one in which different age-groups and people with quite different experience can work together in the process of discovering new answers. Youth can contribute the special wisdom of its sensitivity, lack of complacency, and pertinent questioning; experience can enrich the dialogue by sharing, in a genuine search, some of the answers and guideposts it has met on its pilgrimage. Even though many of us still like to think we are quite young, we are on the side of "experience" when it comes to formation. The best that we can do for our candidate is engage in an intelligent, open, ongoing dialogue with him. One of the major problem arias that this dialogue will have to confront is that of authority, freedom, and independence. Because of our typical candidate's lack of security and wavering personal identity, he can become very dependent. He can mistakenly think that he has solved his identity problem by patterning his life after a respected elder. Thus he may be, in the judgment of many, a "model religious" for a time, until he discovers that what he was trying to be was not really himself. When the dependence has been considerable, especially when it has begun at an early stage of maturity and resulted in a rather far-reaching superego acceptance of Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 339 norms that are not internalized (an inauthentic identity plastered on from the outside), the young person, if he is healthy, will sooner or later rebel against the artificiality. More or less intensely and for a longer or shorter time, he will rej6ct much of his past experience, what he might call the "system" of religious life, the structures which characterize it, and possibly even some of the people, especially those with whom he has most closely identified. This rejection will be all the stronger if it is the first significa.nt one, if it has not already taken place in regard to home and parents, for it seems to be an almost inevitable part of growing up in the tensions of present-day society. In this area we need, therefore, to be especially careful. Most of us tend, like the generality of human beings, to be over-protective. We enjoy having someone a bit dependent on us. It is, in fact, a beautiful experience of spiritual fatherhood or motherhood, but it is not something which we, as celibate persons, can cling to. At this point a caution against "overcounseling" deserves special attention. Even though the ongoing dialogue is, I am convinced, of the essence of our task, it is sometimes possible to use counseling as a means of manipulating the young person's emotions, of forcing a growth for which he is not yet ready, of protecting him from learning by experience, and of re-enforcing the tendency toward dependence rather than helping him achieve freedom and self-actualization. Recognizing and accepting the psychodynamics of rejection enables us to maintain enough distance to be helpful rather than compound the problem. But this recognition should not lead us to discount the criticisms of the young person. The period of rejection may be a very special occasion for surfacing some real and deep-going problems, and it may point out some genuine weaknesses of our structures, our demands, and our means of formation. Creative listening and discernment of spirits at this critical juncture may be painful, but it may also help us see the )/bung person far more clearly and truly than ever before, and it may in turn reveal to us some of the deepest-penetrating dynamics of our own interaction. In working through this critical state, many young people come to the conviction that religious life is not what they want, that it does not correspond to the authentic identity which they. finally see themselves developing. They may often seem wrong, and we may sometimes realize better than they that their decision is simply part of the rejection process. At best we can keep it from becoming a particularly bitter or scarring part. Nevertheless, some of the most painful decisions we have to face come at this critical period. It is the strains and stresses of this period that especially urge the wisdom of taking candidates at an older, more mature period, since the strength of the rejection is more or less directly in proportion to the levels of inauthenticity and false docility that have to be uncovered and the depth with which the false super-ego identity has penetrated the person. But° we must ask ourselves whether our tendency to defer entrance is in each case a matter of prudence or pusillanimity. The dynamics of identity growth happen in late adolescence in a never-to-be-repeated fashion. The period can be so painful precisely because it is a time of so much growth. Many can develop a true personal i~lentity as religious if we can work sympathetically and understandingly with them through this difficult period. Once the person has passed this crisis, he usually begins to experience the need for building again, for discovery of means to live his religious commitment that correspond to his new found, more authentic self. For example, he will often reject prayer structures at one point only to find himself later, but more genuinely, seeking again to find true means to express his prayerful attachment to God, in 340 Review fog Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 concert with the community. The end result can be very creative - but oniy, of course, if we know how to keep concerns and realities alive without stifling the individual's periods of docility, rejection, and new growth. Our best role, throughout the whole process, I am convinced, is to engage in an ongoing dialogue with the person, to serve as one who can sympathetically share the process, avoiding as much as possible the danger of becoming an object of too great dependence and thus the eventual target of rebellion. Our most useful help will be to aid the young person to handle his dependence, his rebellion, and his new, more authentic independence, to help him find his true place within life and especially within our congregation. We can facilitate the search; we cannot do the discovering for him. The lines between dependence, independence, helpful ques-tioning, and coercive probing are so delicate at this period and so different for each individual that we must face the fact that we will sometimes succeed and sometimes fail. That is part of the joy and suffering of our mission. Another major problem area that we must face in our ongoing dialogue with our candidates is that of psychosexual identity. Here I am of course thinking more than ever in a male context, and those who work with women must make whatever applications they find appropriate. The problem seems to be somewhat different for them. At any rate, our typical male candidate today is not very' sure of his masculinity or even of what masculinity means. Popular society gives him some images of the male hero which he is rather quick intellectually to reject, but which he cannot easily replace: the strong man, excelling in sports, never expressing powerful emotions, capable of handling his drink and his women. The young man today is caught between this image, which it is hard for him to avoid, and his value system, which calls into question most of this image and lays a heavy stress on the goodness of emotion and sensitivity, which makes him very conscious of his own needs and his own very active life in these areas. He is part of the so-called "generation without a father," for his relations with his father have probably been rather occasional and distant. He feels very much the lack of a strong masculine image, and he even doubts at times his own true virility. If this young man is to undertake a life project involving celibacy, he must be able to reassure himself that he can find friends to fill his affective needs. He is horrified by the prospect - one which he is quick to detect, accurately or not, about him - of the middle-aged religious who has no real friends. He can be willing to undertake celibacy only if he is able to experience it as a unique way of loving others. He feels that it is as great a sin to be celibate without love as it is to have sexual relations without love. Very conscious of the eros within himself, he has to grapple with ways of discovering, releasing, and expressing that eros that corres-pond to the identity which he is seeking as a religious. In simpler terms, he wants to learn how to love (as all young inert do), but if he i,s to be a religious, he must learn to love in such a way that his focus is sharing the Spirit - in such a way that the peace and joy and goodness of God is the focus of his interchange with people. He can be attracted by the ideal of a love that is selfless, but not by one that is isolated or theoretical; the selflessness he seeks, if he is capable of celibate love, is the self-emptying of moving together with other human beings beyond the self and towards the God who calls us on. Too often we older religious have biocked the unique experience of celibate love in our hearts. We may have been celibate, but we have perhaps not always been fully loving. Sometimes the experience of wanting to be possessive, protective, jealous, and competitive, to dominate another person instead of freeing him, may Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 341 be an almost inevitable part of learning to love and to find self in relation to God. The aim of the genuine celibate is to share the Spirit and not bind the persqn to ourselves. The usual challenge for the young person is learning to share the SPIRIT, rather than himself; the challenge for many of us is learning to SHARE that Spirit whom we find within ourselves but often tend to stifle. Only by finding his identity as a celibate person in the midst of genuine love and friendship can a young religious man today achieve a secure psychosexual identity. Much of our work consists of helping him through that painful process - not, again, by expecting him to repeat our own experience, but rather by sharing with him in as understanding a way as possible the progress of his search, Many other areas would have to be touched if our aim were to exhaust the questions that confront the young person in formation: discovery of a meaningful relationship with God in prayer and in service, growth in self-awareness and self-confidence, discovery of identity as a worker and a professional person, and so forth. But what has been said suffices to show how the person who works in formation today is in a very delicate situation, one that can be riddled with anxiety - the anxiety of not knowing exactly where we are going, having a sense of the fragility of human life and commitment, recognizing the precarious religious identity of many of our candidates and longing to protect it, but still having to deal creatively with each one's personal quest and realizing that only he, under the guidance of the Spirit, can fashion his own life. If I may conclude, in Pauline fashion, with a catalogue of the virtues to which we are called, I believe they include a buoyant, persevering zest for life; a willingness to live with some anxiety, to let things and people be as they are; and a creative acceptance that affirms all the good in each person and helps him but does not coerce him to channel it towards the growth of mature religious identity. Abov.e all we need to develop a capacity for creative listening - listening to people as they are, without passing judgment, yet giving them our honest insights and letting the call to growth in the kingdom sound through us. All of this demands what Paul characterizes again and again as "patience" and "magnanimity" - hypomone, the gift of persevering zest, of withstanding pr.essures with love and graciousness; and makrothymia, the "great big heart" that is able to let God and men touch it and fill it and call on it no matter what. There is probably no role in religious life today that calls more than ours for deeper prayer, more hope, and more faith in God's loving strength - for more "waiting on the Lord." Perhaps our motto should be taken from Isaiah: "Those who wait for the Lord renew their strength, run and do not grow weary, walk and never tire" (Is 40:30). THOMAS N. McCARTHY Entry Age for Church Vocations [Thomas N. McCarthy is Vice President for Student Affairs at La Salle College; Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19141.] Optimum age for entry into Church vocations continues to be a controversial subject. During the 1960's many seminaries and religious institutes, yielding to both internal and external pressures, raised entrance age requirements from early to late adolescence, and during that decade many permitted the demise of high school juniorates. Pressures for further change persist. The thrust of the early 1970's appears to be toward a further delay of entry from ageseventeen or eighteen to twenty, twenty-one, or beyond and with this a growing trend to phase out college level minor seminaries and scholasticates. At the same time that delayed entry for younger candidates is being encouraged, the admission of older candidates, that is, those over thirty years of age, is being actively encouraged. The purpose of this paper is to provide some empirical information on the relationship of applicant age to entry/non-entry rates among those who present themselves as candidates to Church vocations during post high school years and to persistence/attrition rates among those who enter then. The figures reported here are taken from a larger study currently being completed in which 750 candidates to two institutes of teaching brothers, 360 candidates to an institute of religious priests, and 1100 candidates to four institutes of teaching sisters were followed up for periods ranging from three to thirteen years to find out who entered and who did not, who had persisted and who had withdrawn. The relationship of these outcomes to characteristics of the people at the time they became applicants was then analyzed. Some of the applicant characteristics studied were age, education', ability, personality, and interests. The results of this study provide some empirical grounds on which to base policies about when people should be admitted to Church vocations - information which is currently not available in the literature. There are, of course, many relevant factors, of which empirical evidence is one, in a policy decision of this sort. Some Influences on Postponing Entry Among reasons for the demise of early adolescent entry to Church vocations in the United States are support from Rome for the delay, changes in family life, psychological and sociological theory, evidence of very high drop-out rates among high school age entrants, and feelings of interpersonal deficiencies among the current generation of religious leaders. While Rome has declined to officially condemn early entry - indeed it continues to encourage 12-13-year-old entry in some countries - in 1969 the Sacred Congregation for Religious and for Secular Institutes issued a document,Instruction on the Renewal of Religious Formation, recommending the practice of postponing Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 343 entrance for a year or two after high school graduation. The document moved beyond the recommendation that seminaries and religious orders get out of high school age formation - the cause c61~bre of the sixties - to getting out of some college age formation work as well. The recommendation rests on the assumption that older entrants would be more mature and consequently better able to profit from spiritual training. It also rests on the related assumption that, being more mature, older entrants should be more stable vocationally. These assumptions have not been put to an empirical test for religious candidates. It is not known if being older would in fact be related to greater maturity nor is it known if being older would be associated with higher persistence. The purpose of this paper is to provide information for testing the latter assumption among post high school age candi-dates. On theoretical grounds "one would expect that post high school entry, that is, entering when about seventeen or eighteen years old, should be associated with more stable career choices than entering prior to that time. That expectation is based on changes in family life, typical career choice patterns in the United States, Erikson's theory of ego identity, and Super's career development theory. The question of achieving greater vocational stability by delaying entry to even later ages, however, remains an open one. The American family, often mother dominated during the thirties when fathers suffered crushing economic humiliation and during the first half of the forties when men were off to war, has come more under the influence of father in the past twenty-five years, Undoubtedly this is one of the reasons for the decline in vocations which began to occur in the mid to late sixties. There is ample evidence that mother is most frequently the primary inspiration and support of religious vocations. Fichter is quoted by Rooney (1970) as reporting evidence for the greater influence of priests than of mothers in priestly vocations. Later research, especially that of Potvin and Suziedelis (1969), however, clearly supports the primary role of mother. In all likelihood there is no essential disagreement between these findings. I suspect that maternal influence is probably the major predisposing factor in the development of priestly or religious interests and that the influence of a given priest or'religious is generally the precipitating factor associated with a specific choice of institute. Mothers generally are more religious in orientation than fathers are, and with declining maternal influence and a corresponding increase in paternal influence, I think it can be safely assumed that today's teenagers are not as subject to family p.ressures to enter church vocations as was formerly true. It can be assumed further that pressures of this sort are felt most greatly in early teen years, that is, before an independent sense of self is well developed, than in the late teen years when eg.o identity normally is firmer. Thus a strong maternal influence on Church vocation choices most likely would be associated with both early entry and high rates of entry, while waning maternal influence would be associated with later and declining entry rates. Furthermore, if the dynamics of husband-wife, parent-child relation-ships have indeed changed with father re-assuming greater ascendancy since the"mid " 1940's, one could also infer support for a psychoanalytical interpretation that children in their early teens today should feel less heavy maternal emotional demands than was true of youngsters in the past. Consequently today's youth should feel less need to escape the home and these demands. Also instrumental in supporting delay of entry until after high school is the general tendency in America today to put off professional career choices until 344 Review for Religious~ Volume 31, 1972/3 college. Typical career development patterns now c~ll for a tentative choice of broad field and entrance into training for it around age eighteen. This generally is foll6wed by a period of narrowing course and career selection from around age 20 which eventually culminates for those who successfully complete career training in actual job entry around age 22-25. The near universality of this pattern for professional careers appears to be having a persuasive influence on Church pers.onnel practices. Both advocates and adversaries of delayed entry accept the premise that there must be substantial differences between preparation for Church vocations and preparation for secular careers. Education for the Church requires both an academic and a personal formation side, whereas preparation for secular careers is almost always restricted to the former. Paradoxically, agreement about this has fed the controversy about optimum entry age, both sides using it to make their case. Advocates of early entry have argued that the seed of a vocation is typically implanted early, will not be properly cultivated and is unlikely to grow outside a religious house of formation, and that vocations will be reduced unless early admission is permitted. Adversaries have argued that a person in his early teens does not know his own mind and that he needs the broader experiences - especially heterosocial ones - of ordina~'y family and social life before he is mature enough to profit from the spiritual formation side of Church vocation preparation. The immense popularity of Erikson's theory of adolescent identity crisis has had a remarkable effect on the attitudes of Church authorities toward proper entry age. Erikson's views about the development of a sense of self-identity, more than the views of any other theoretician, have provided the rationalization for delaying entry until an individual has achieved sufficient psychological independence from the primary adults in his life to have an ego identity of his own. That independence is thought to occur generally around age eighteen rather than at the beginning of the teens when so many youngsters formerly were funneled into religious or clerical life. Two recent religious writers, Mitchell (1970) and Gerlach (1971), have argued the viewpoint that the nature of a Church vocation requires entrants to have resolved not only the teenage identity crisis but also to have achieved a successful resolution of the problem of how to be intimate with another, the next level in Erikson's developmental theory. This viewpoint is offered as a basis for a further delay of entry age to twenty or so. Other than the theory behind the position, I find little else to support it. To my knowledge there is no published empirical information comparing the eventual social adjustment and persistence of entrants at one age to entrants at another age. Nor am 1 aware of any evidence that learning how to be intimate outside of religious life generalizes to the special circumstances within the life. On the contrary, this strikes me like a girl telling an interested boy to go learn how to make love and then come back when he knows how. He'll probably go elsewhere and learn all right, but it is not likely that he'll return to her. Super's career development theory, thanks to the promulgation of it among Church leaders by people like Kinnane (1970), also has influenced the move toward post high school entry. Super has proposed that the specification of a career choice, that is, electing a given career and taking concrete steps to prepare for it, normally occurs between ages eighteen and twenty-one and follows a period of roughly four years (ages 14-18) during which a career preference is crystalized out of an individual's growing awareness of his own interests, values, abilities, and opportuni-ties. Following Super's reasoning, entering the preparatory stage of a career before Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 345 age eighteen would have, for most people, the effect of foreclosing other options before the individual knows himself and the world of careers well enough to make a sound choice. For Super the choice of career involves a way of implementing one's concept of oneself, and a person is not ready to do that until the self-concept is relatively clear. Drop-out rates have never been well publicized even in professional literature and as a result are hard to document, especially over long periods of time. An occasional master's dissertation (see Verstynen, 1948) and studies dealing with some other aspect of seminary life sometimes report this information. People involved in Church personnel administration also generate a reservoir of information, often more anecdotal than systematic, about attrition rates. By the middle 1960's these varied sources, admittedly not rigorously scientific, had provided some foundation for the belief that drop-out rates are inversely related to age at entry. Patterson (1942), for example, reported a drop-out rate of over 80% for those who entered one seminary after grade eight declining to just over 75% for those who entered after having had some high school. So far as I know, to date there has been no systematic attempt to establish relationships between age of candidature and entry/nonentry, persistence/attrition rates across different types of church voca-tions. Is age of candidacy related to entry/nonentry or persistence/attrition in the same way for brothers, priests, and sisters? Dissatisfaction with interpersonal aspects of their lives is evident among a large number of the current generation of priests and professed religious. This is one of the most common complaints to come out of several studies over the past five years (see Schneider and Hall, 1970; Louis, Bowles, and Grace, 1967). Many in Church vocations feel that interpersonal deficiencies could have been corrected had candidates been required to remain outside the walls for a longer period of time. While there is no direct evidence that this in fact would happen, the desire to have better interpersonal relationships has been strong enough to persuade many to this viewpoint. All of these factors appear to have contributed to the demise of entry before high school graduation and to support of the current trend to delay entry for another year or two after that. It is a curious comment on the times that during all the controversy over this matter of optimum age for entry very little research was carried out to assess the actual psychological impact of formation on individuals at different ages. Keefe's study (1965) is the only one I know of which compared individuals of the same age in seminary and non-seminary high schools to see if there was a differential effect on maturity associated with one type of school as opposed to the other. He concluded that neither group was more mature than the other. Other doctoral dissertations done at Fordham (Mastej, Sandra, Vaughan) have shown increasing signs of maladjustment during college years of formation, but the cross-section methodology used in those studies leaves open the question of whether the subjects themselves actually changed or whether the group average changed as a result of better adjusted people having dropped out. 1 think the weight of the evidence on theoretical grounds, social changes, and on what empirical information exists clearly justifies delay of entry until the comple-tion of high school. As to justifying delay beyond this, it seems to me that empirical evidence is currently lacking and that the implications of theoretical positions such as Erikson's developmental views are open to conjecture. At the same time, however, there does appear to be a growing trend among college 346 Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 students to put off career decisions longer than was true in the recent past. Some Empirical Evidence In 1970 I did a follow-up study of approximately 2200 candidates I had examined for seven Church institutes during the years 1957-1967. Information about age at the time they applied for entry was available for 742 candidates to two provinces of the same institute of teaching brothers, 354 candidates to an order of religious priests, and 1089 candidates to four institutes of teaching sisters. Their age when they were examined for admission was then studied in relationship to their having entered or not and to their having persisted or not for those who entered. The examinations were conducted on the average 3-9 months before actual entry. On the average when they sought entry the candidates to the brothers were 17 years, 11 months, to the priesthood 19 years, 2 months, and to the sisters 18 years, 5 months (see Table 1). The half-year difference between candidates to the brothers and sisters, the eight month difference between candidates to the sisters and the priesthood, and the fourteen month difference between candidates to the brothers and priesthood were all statistically significant and could not be accounted for by chance. Thus each type of institute attracted candidates of somewhat different ages. Table 1. Mean ages in months of candidates, nonentrants, entrants, persisters, and withdrawers for seven institutes of brothers, priests, and sisters.* Brothers Standard (2 Provinces) N Mean Deviation t p Candidates 742 215.3 19.7 Non-Entrants 389 216.8 24.9 Entrants 353 212.9 15.9 2.56 .05 Persisters 151 214.0 18.1 With'drawers 202 212.2 14.0 1.01 ns. Priests Standard (1 Institute) N Mean Deviation t p Candidates 354 229.6 34.4 Non-Entrants 60 239.8 45.2 Entrants 294 227.5 31.3 2.00 .05 Persisters 98 227.8 29.1 Withdrawers 196 227.3 32.3 ,13 ns. Sisters Standard (4 Institutes) N Mean Deviation t p Candidates " 1089 221.2 24.4 Non-Entrants 222 228.8 32.5 Entrants 867 220.5 21.5 3.60 .01 Persisters 469 219.7 18.2 Withdrawers 398 221.4 24.8 1.13 ns. *Age refers to how old the person was when he was examined as a part of the application process. Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 347 Older candidates to all three types of institutes were less likely to enter than were younger candidates. As shown in Table 1 the differences between the average ages of entrants and nonentrants were statistically significant beyond chance expectancy in all three cases. For the brothers nonentrants were on the average four months older than entrants, for the seminary a full year older, and for the sisters eight months older. Clearly promise, at least from the viewpoint of entrance, was not associated with being older for these seven institutes during the eleven years from 1957 through 1967. It would not be correct to conclude from this that superiors had a tendency to deny admission to older candidates on the basis of age alone. The more usual situation was that being older tended to be associated with some other factors considered signs of poor promise: indecisiveness, family problems, psycho-sexual problems, and questionable motivation being common. Only eleven of the 2185 candidates were over thirty years old. The brothers had two such candidates and neither entered; the priests had five, of whom three entered; the sisters had four, of whom two entered. All of the other candidates were in their late teens or twenties. At the lower end of the continuum 78 of the brothers' candidates were sixteen in comparison to 6 seminary candidates and 27 candidates to the convents in that age group. The brothers had 2 candidates who were fifteen and the seminary 1. The sisters had none that young. All of these younger candidates have been lumped in the 17 and under category in Table 2. Table 2. Proportions of entrants, non-entrants, persisters, and withdrawers by age of candidates to seven institutes of brothers, priests, and sisters. Total Candi- Non- Institute Age dates Entrants Entrants Persisters Withdtawers N N % N % N %* %** N %* P 5 2 40 3 60 1 33 20 2 67 40 S Base Ratet (17%) (83%) (34%) (28%) (66%) (54%) S 4 R S Base Rater * Proportion of entrants (All figures ~e for age at 115 19 506 81 274 54 44 232 46 37 60 19 256 81 142 55 44 114 45 36 37 28 93 72 49 53 37 44 47 33 8 44 10 56 4 40 22 6 60 33 2 50 2 50 0 0 0 2 100 50 (20%) (80%) (54%) (43%). (46%) (36%) ** Proportion of candidates ~- Proportions without regard to age time the person was examined during the application process). B 2 2 100 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 E R Base Rate~ (52%) (48%) (42%) (20%) (58%) (27%) S 348 Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 The largest single age group applying to all three types of institutes were seventeen years old: 94% of the brother candidates, 46% of the seminary candidates, and 55% of the sister candidates. This was followed by those in the eighteen and nineteen-year-old bracket who comprised 19%, 30%, and 29% of the candidates to the brothers, seminary, and sisters respectively. Five percent of the candidates to the brothers were between twenty and twenty-four, 19% of those applying to the seminary, and 12% to the convents. Very few candidates to any of the institutes were between twenty-five and twenty-nine (see Table 2 for all of these figures). The base rate figures in Table 2 indicate the overall proportions of nonentrants, entrants, persisters, and withdrawers without regard to age. If being a given age was a "good sign" for entry, the proportion of those entering from that age group should be above that of the base rate. For the brothers and priests the 17-year-olds had the best entry rates and for the sisters those in the 17-19 age brackets had the best entry rates. For the brothers all ages over 17 had entry rates lower than the base rate; for the priests those in the 20-24 and over 30 age groups had lower entry o rates; and for the sisters all those 20 and over had lower entry rates. Do these same patterns hold with regard to persistence and attrition for the seven institutes? The data are not nearly so clear on this point. The figures in Table 1 show no appreciable age differences between those remaining in and those who left. It is important to bear in mind that all figures are for the ages of persisters and withdrawers at the time they applied for entry, not at the time of the follow-up. Two base rate figures are given for persisters and withdrawers in Table 2. The first refers to the proportion of those who entered who eventually remained or left; the second refers to the proportion of total candidates wt~o remained or left. Brothers For the brothers 42% of the 353 entrants were still in when the follow-up was done. The best persistence record was for those few entrants (1 I) who were between 20-24 when they applied for entry. On the other hand, the best persistence record for all candidates was for those who were either 17 years old or between 25-29 when they sought entry. Only two persisters were in the latter age group, however, versus 122 in the l~-year-old group. Clearly, delaying entry for candidates to these institutes w~uld have resulted in a very heavy loss of people who are still persisting. This, of course, assumes that the interest of the 17-year-olds would not have been sustained while waiting for a later entry - an outcome which I think is highly likely, though not amenable to proof from these data, even with lots of tender loving care in extramural aspirancies. The normal training period for these brothers extends for six years. In general, though this was not true for everyone at the time of the follow-up in 1970, it can be assumed that those still persisting from among candidates who had applied during the years from 1957 through 1962 were finally professed. These men would have been in their respective institutes anywhere from eight to thirteen years. In absolute numbers far and away the greatest number of final professed came from among candidates who had applied at age 17. There were 63 professed from that age bracket versus 5 from those who had applied at age 16, 13 from the 18-19- year-old applicants, and 3 from the 20-24-year-olds. On the basis of the proportions of candidates within each age group who remained to be finally professed, again the highest proportion was found among the 17-year-olds, though the differences from one age group to another were Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 349 relatively small: 17% of the 16-yea.r-old candidates eventually were finally pro-fessed, 23% of the 17-year-olds, 15% of the 18-19-year-olds, and 20%of the 20-24- year-olds. The entrants in each age group who had taken final vows were distributed as follows: 45% of the 16-year-olds, 48% of the 17-year-olds, 37% of the 18-19-year-olds, and 60% of the 20-24-year-olds. With only 3 people in the latter category, one could hardly justify delaying entrance to that age unless one could also demonstrate their superiority over the 81 professed who had entered at the younger age. The differences between the persistence rates of candidates and the persistence rates of entrants suggest that pre-ad.mission screening improves persistence rates rather substantially at every age. Priests In the case of the priests the overall persistence rate for the 294 entrants was 34% in comparison to 28% for the 354 candidates. The best persistence record for entrants was achieved by those who had applied when they were between 20-24 followed by the 17-year-old applicants. The best persistence record for candidates was achieved by 17-year-olds followed by those 20-24. There were fairly sizeable numbers of persisters in all the age brackets from 17 through 24 but substantially greater numbers who withdrew. Thus it would be very difficult to generalize about an optimum age for entering this seminary aside from being under age 25. At the time of the follow-up 19 of 118 candidates who had applied during the years 1961 and 1962 had been in the seminary eight or nine years. On the average they had been 19 years, 9 months when they sought entry. Of the 19 a total of 10 were ordained. The youngest candidate among the ordained had been 18 when he applied. The majority (6 of the 10) had been between 20-24; 1 was 27; 2 were 19. There is a strong suggestion from these few figures that for this seminary being in one's early twenties was a better sign of promise for eventual ordination than being younger. It needs to be pointed out, however, that older candidates had less education to complete when they entered and were thus more likely to have been ordained within the eight-to nine-year span covered by this study than were younger entrants. When the follow-up was done 9 non-ordained of the 19 persisters over this time span had been 18 or younger on becoming candidates: 1 was 16; 5 were 17; and 3 were 18. Accordingly, one might still be reluctant to deny admission to 17-year-olds. Looked at another way and assuming the 6 remaining 16 and 17-year-old persisters all accept ordination, that would result in an expected ordination rate of 13% for the 46 candidates in that age bracket during the years 1961-62 versus an actual ordination rate of 26% for the 23 candidates who were between 20-24. The comparable ordination rates for entrants in these age brackets would be 15% versus 37%, respectively. For candidates 18-19 years old, 3 already were ordained and assuming ordination of the remaining 3, their ordination rate against the total candidates in that age bracket would be. 14% versus 18% for entrants in that age group. Though the numbers involved are very small to draw firm generalizations, the ordination rates, both actual and assumed, give rather clear support to the view that candidates in their early twenties show greater promise than do those in their late teens. Sisters Fifty-four percent of the 867 who entered the four convents were still in as of 1970 in comparison to 43% of the total 1089 candidates. The persistence rates of 350 Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 all entrants under 25 years old differed very little from one another: 54% of the 17-year-old entrants were still in, 55%of the 18-19-year-olds, and 53%of the 20~24- year-olds. Entrants over age 25, a very small number (10), were less likely to persist (40%) than the others. Using the total pool of candidates as a reference point the best persistence risks came from those who were between 17 and 19 (44%) when they applied. The poorest risks were those over 30 (0%), followed by those between 25 and 29 (22%), and 20-24 (37%). A separate analysis was done of the 209 candidates who had applied to three of the convents sometime between 1958 and 1962 and who were still in as of 1970. The fourth convent did not begin psychological evaluations until 1963 and was excluded for that reason. Thus for the other three institutes those persisting had been in their respective convent for eight to twelve years and normally would have been finally professed by that time. For these people essentially the same persistence rates were found for all ages between 17 and 24. Of the 17-year-old entrants 53% were professed compared to 54% of the 18-19-year-olds, and 56% of the 20-24-year-olds. Using candidates as the base for comparisons, 47% of the 17-year-olds were professed, 47% of the 18-19-year-olds, and 42% of the 20-24-year olds. In absolute numbers far and away the greatest number of professed (I 13) applied when they were 17 followed by 67 18-19-year-olds, 23 20-24-year~olds, 3 25-29-year-olds, and 3 16-year-olds. No candidate over thirty remained in.Sixteen-year- old candidates were a rarity. There were only four and all applied to one convent. Three of the four were eventually professed. What can one make of the figures for the convents? With about one-half of the 17- year-old candidates having remained in the convent at least eight to twelve years, it would be hard to support the contentii3n that they are a less stable group than older candidates and thus should be delayed from entering for another year, two years, or more. Profession rates for 18-19-year-old entrants are no better than theirs and after that age the persistence rates drop off. Unless one could assume holding the interest of 17-19-year-olds during a period of delay, a large drop in absolute numbers of those who eventually take final vows can be predicted and probably without much change in overall persistence rates given the same amount of screening done in the past. Summary Observations An increase in the number of nonentrants among candidates to Church vocations is one likely consequence of postponing entry beyond high school graduation. Age in itself would not be the reason for this increase. However, age-related factors such as career indecisiveness, social and sexual adjustment, and similar factors probably would be. A second consequence very likely would be a sharp decline in the number of candidates making application. This already is evident for institutes which have adopted a policy of postponed entrance for a year or more after high school graduation. The brothers, in particular, would be affected by this. The two brothers institutes in this study do not conduct colleges whereas the institute of priests and the four institutes of sisters each conduct at least one college and in some cases :two or more. 1 do not know if this was a contributing factor to brothers attracting the youngest candidates of all three types of institutes and having had relatively small numbers of candidates in their early twenties, but 1 suspect that was the case. In addition, for the brothers almost three times the proportion of candidates in their early twenties failed to enter than was true for the seminary and convents. I take Review for Refigious, Volume 31, 1972/3 351 this to mean that applicant proximity to the age group with which the Church institute works may be a significant factor both in becoming a candidate and in entering. Persistence was related to ag~ differently for the three types of institutes. Considering only those who had remained in for periods ranging from eight to thirteen years, for the brothers 17-year-old entrants had the best persistence records and in absolute numbers constituted by far the largest group of persisters compared to other ages; for entrants to the priesthood being in the early twenties was associated with a persistence rate twice that for 17-year-olds and approximately twice that for 18-19-year-olds as well; for the sisters essentially the same persistence rates were found for all ages between 17 and 24. The absolute number of persisters was much higher for 17-year-olds, however, than for any other age group. These figures indicate that it is unwise to generalize about optimum' age for entry without taking into consideration the type of institute. Given the same set of circumstances for the future that prevailed in these institutes through 1970 - an admittedly questionable assumption - one would have to predict that postponing entry to age 20 for the brothers could shortly put those institutes out of business. For the seminary reported on here to do that could result in a reduction of up to 50% of those who remain in to be eventually ordained, though I would estimate~ the more likely reduction would be on the order of 20-25%. For the convents to postpone entry to age 20 one would predict a very sharp drop in total number of entrants but without appreciably improving persistence rates of those eventually admitted. The net effect would be a substantial drop in new professed. All of this obviously assumes a simpler relationship between age and persistence than fits the facts, but the estimates have some empirical foundation. I think the more important question than simple persistence is whether one can identify among post high school candidates those who are mature enough to hold promise for an effective ministry. On the side of negative characteristics, there is firm evidence that candidates with poor motivation and poor prognosis due to family problems can be identified with a high degree of success (Weisgerber, 1969). The very sharp differences for the brothers in persistence rates for entrants from the different age groups in comparison to candidates from the different age groups probably reflects the results of effective screening. The brothers admitted only about 50% of their candidates. Similar differences in persistence rates were not found between entrants and candidates to the seminary which had not screened nearly so rigorously. Some institutes prefer to admit candidates without putting strong emphasis on the psychological evaluation. This typically results in higher entry rates and lower persistence rates, an outcome which indirectly suggests that signs of promise among candidates can be identified with some accuracy by pre-admission evaluation. So, too, does the much higher long-term persistence rate for the brothers than for the seminary, the former institutes having been more selective than the latter. The research project of which this report is a part is also concerned with specifying psychological attributes which distinguish successful 17-year-old candi-dates from nonsuccessful ones, success defined in terms of interpersonal relation-ships and job competence after final profession. Preliminary results suggest this can be done to some extent for a given institute but that the findings are not generalizable even between two similar institutes, for example, between two institutes of brothers engaged in the same work. This, too, would argue against 352 Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 making specific entry age recommendations for all Church vocations and would argue instead for institutes establishing entry age policies based on studies of their own candidates. REFERENCES Gerlach, J. Form. ation: Some Reflections and Convictions. Review for Religious, Vol. 30, No. 5, September, 1971. Keefe, J. Maturity io the High School Seminary: An Empirical Approach. The Catholic Psychological Record, 1969, 6, 1, ,I 5-29. Kinnane, J. F., Career Development for Priests and Religious. Washington, D.C.: C.A.R.A. 1970. Lewis, A., Bowles, W. and Grace, R. Attitude Study Among Priests and Religious in New Orleans Archdiocese. Project ~560, May, 1967 Unpublished paper. Mitchell, K. R. Priestly Celibacy from a Psychological Perspective. The Journal of Pastoral Care, Vol. 24, No. 4, December, 1970. Patterson, H. A Study of Student Mortality at St. Anthony's Seminary and Suggestions for Improving the Situation. Master's Dissertation, Catholic University of America, | 942. Potvin, R. H. and Suziedelis, A. Seminarians of the Sixties. Washington! C.A.R.A. 1969. Rooney, J. J. Psychological Research on the American Priesthood: A Review of the~ Literature in E. C. Kennedy and V. J. Hecker, The Loyola Psychological Study of the Ministry and Life of the American Priests (Washington: National Conference of Catholic Bishops, 1971). Sacred Congregation of Religious and for Secular Institutes. Instruction on the Renewal of Religious Formation. Washington, D.C.: United States Catholic Conference, 1969. Schneider, B. and Hall, D. T. The Role of Assignment Characteristics in the Career Experiences of Diocesan Priests. in W. E. Bartlett (ed.) Evolving Religious Careers, Washington, D.C.: C.A.R.A. 1970. Verstynen, R. J. A Study of Perseverance in Relation to Vocations to the Priesthood. Master's Dissertation, Catholic University of America, 1948. Weisgerber, C. A. Psychological Assessment of Candidates for a Religious Order. Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1969. JOHN R. SHEETS, S.J. Soundings on the Present State of Religious Life [John R. Sheets, S.J., is professor of theology at Marquette University; 1131 West Wisconsin Avenue; Milwaukee, Wisconsir~ 53233.] Anyone who attempts to assess the present state of religious life in America today is in a position similar to that of a weatherman who might try to give a neat presentation of the weather across the country. It defies any neat categories. In one part it is calm, in another stormy. In one, it is warm; in another, below zero. High in the atmosphere there are currents of air which no one picks up without the proper instruments, while close to the earth there are other currents which everyone can feel. Changing the comparison, we would like to present some "soundings" concerning the present condition of religious life in America. "Soundings" is a safe word for what we would like to do. Taking soundings of the ocean floor, for example, is always a combination of accurate analysis plus some educated guesswork. At the same time, the nature of sounding what lies beneath the surface respects the fact that the picture can change very suddenly because of the constant movement of the currents. There are two assumptions underlying all that is said below. They are quite obvious, but it is necessary to mention them in order to put the rest of" the remarks in their proper context. The first assumption is this: There are certain fundamental components involved in all change which must interact harmoniously if there is to be growth and development. These components of change are mainly concerned with permanence and variability, sameness and newness, unity and diversity, continuity and discon-tinuity, conservation and innovation. When these components are mutally suppor-tive, there is progressive growth. When they fail to mesh and are at odds, the result is frustration, stagnation, fragmentation, and disintegration. The second assumption concerns the vital synthesis of these components. They are held together only through vision and values which are shared. The components are only mutually supportive if they are held together from above through faith enriched by love. Where faith is lost, these components lose their synthesizing center. They tend to break off and live a life of their own when the center is gone. On the other hand, where they are rooted in a common faith, then, while there may be stress and strain, there will inevitably be growth. We would like to make our soundings of religious life on the basis of these two assumptions. It seems that our soundings pick up an antagonism between these components of change as well as approaches to synthesis. We would like to hazard the opinion that this antagonism comes largely from an overreaction to what we 354 Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 can vaguely call a "classical" view of religious life. This is the first point we would like to make. In the second place, we would like to comment on the fact that in many instances the synthesis is lost because the vision and values that were shared are no longer shared. In the third place, we want to call attention to the phenomenon of fresh synthesis that is taking place in many religious personally as well as in their congregations. Overreaction to the "Classical" Mentality We said above that growth depends on the harmonious interaction of the various components of change and that frustration occurs where these begin to be antagonistic to each other instead of supportive. One of the main sources of this antagonism today comes from an overreaction to the past. Today one often hears our own age of rapid change contrasted with a "classical" world view. This term is a hard one to nail down adequately. Among other things it connotes a mentality which is static, uniform, traditional, symmetrical. No period and no person in history ever verified this description perfectly. It is for the most part a mental construct. Nevertheless, in comparison with our present age, it does serve as a useful category. Our own age takes its orientation not only from the various forces that are at work, but also from the fact that these forces are fed by undertows of reaction toward the past. This is not an unusual phenomenon. Other periods of history have been marked largely by the way in which they reacted .to the past. The period of Romanticism, for example,took its shape and force largely as a reaction to the Enlightenment. The same process takes place in individuals as well as in groups. A person who has been brought up in a home that is overrestrictive can turn his initial taste of freedom into a spree of irresponsibility. It seems that many problems in religious life today come not simply from a legitimate reaction but from an overreaction to what can be vaguely called a "classical" form of religious life. Reaction in itself is not necessarily harmful. It can in fact provide impetus to move a person or a group forward. When it becomes an overreaction, however, it moves a person or a group into a position of imbalance. Overreaction can act like a blind force pushing a person or a group into a position beyond the point where they would normally go if they had full control of the situation. Where there is overreaction, reason does not lead. It is only called upon to legitimate the position a person has been forced into by overreaction. Similarly, overreaction is not the product of freedom and choice but of a passion generated by antagonism against a previous state of things. Reaction, as was said, can be an incentive to move beyond the point where one finds himself. Reaction can be the realm of the Spirit. Overreaction, on the other hand, is the realm of the demonic. Reaction can be the activity of the prophet. Overreaction is characteristic of the fanatic. Reaction is power under control. Overreaction is power without control. We can ascribe three main characteristics to the "classical" mentality. They are (1) anonymity, (2) structure, (3) subordination of the individual to the community. In lining up these characteristics we repeat the caution that they are largely a mental construct we put on the past. While they are verified, they are never found in an unmixed form. At the same time we want to avoid the idea that we are condemning the "classical" mentality. It is like pointing out a particular style of architecture that characterized a certain period in history. It is no reflection on the Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 355 genuinity of religious dedication in the past. Our contemporary "architecture" will become "classical" to the generations that follow us. The Reaction against Anonymity One of the reactions to what we called the classical mentality is the reaction against "being a nobody." It is a reaction against a certain kind of anonymity that was part of religious life. Perhaps anonymity is not the right word. In any case, the religious was not to call attention to himself as an individual. He was in a sense to " be a symbolic presence, where what he stood for shone through the individual characteristics. For this reason, particularly with religious women, the religious garb itself served an important function, not only in its positive value as sign, but also in what could be called a negative sense. Individual characteristics were "blacked out," very often to the point where only the face was visible. Whenever religious women today reminisce about the kind of clothes they used to wear, they usually do so with a mixture of humor, wonder, and relief, somewhat in the same way that children react to the old pictures in an album. However, when one realizes the thinking behind that manner of dress, it is not all that ridiculous. The dress was in some way to reduce what was purely individual in order to manifest the personal. Individual characteristics were suppressed to make room for what was beyond the individual. We are not calling for a return to those particular modes of dress. It is important, however, to understand the rationale behind them. The same thinking was behind the custom of changing one's name. When a religious gave up his family name and assumed a new name, this change was symbolic of a new mode of existence. This anonymity was a kind of a general condition in which religious, especially religious women, worked and lived. It monitored one's whole life. One's home, background, family, were kept hidden like a precious secret. We can all remember (except the ~,ery youngest of us) when one of the greatest childhood thrills was to discover the color of sister's hair, or to find out her real name. The cloister itself was a graphic symbol of this hiddenness. Today there is a strong reaction against any factor which is associated with anonymity. As HammarskjiSld observes in his diary, "Our final wish is to have scribbled off the wall our 'Kilroy was here.' " We all want to be recognized, not to be a nobody, but to be a somebody, and to have what we do acknowledged by others as our own work. Though we boast about our being able to go it alone, wo are very dependent on the recognition given us by others. No one can deny the value in such a reaction where it makes someone a more genuine person. Often, however, it results in making someone more of an individual, but less of a person. The difference between the individual and the personal is the difference in the color of one's eyes and the light in his eyes, or the shape of one's body and the genuineness of one's love. What is individual in us is (to use St. Paul's expression) the earthenware vessel in which we carry the personal. Where the individual is cultivated at the expense of the personal, we find something like those tiny Japanese trees which are very beautiful but unfruitful. While each of us has the temptation to sacrifice the person on the altar of the individual in us, the overreaction to the anonymity of the past has in many cases brought about a cult of individualism rather than a deepening of the personal. There is a difference between the liberation of the person and the liberation of what is individual in us. Often what passes for liberation of the personal.:in us is simply a disguised form of individualism. 356 Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 Another aspect of this reaction against the anonymity of the past is evident in the strong movement to have a say in what is happening. In the past, religious, especially religious women, were to be seen, not heard. They never had a share in the decision-making in the parish, diocese, or Church. They were always obediently "there." Decisions from Rome, the Sacred Congregation of Religious, or the chancery office were accepted with unquestioning obedience, at least as far as execution was concerned. There was a certain mystique to the whole idea of authority in the Church. An interesting reaction has taken place, which in many instances has assumed the proportions of an overreaction. If in the past there was a mystique about authority, today there is a de-mystification of authority to the point where the very ¯ foundations of ecclesial authority are denied. Ecclesiastical authority, especially if it is of the unAmerican type, is relegated to something like baroque architecture, which is a relic of the past. In a very brief span of ten years, many religious, as individuals and as groups, have come of age, and issued their declaration of independence, often in the words dictated to them by some other authority. Chesterton's remark, though written decades ago, is apropos. He said: "Thousands of women rose up and said, 'We shall not be dictated to!' Then they sat down to be stenographers." It is unfortunate that an overreaction to a "classical" mode of exercising authority has led many to reject or to question the authority of the Church itself in matters touching their religious life. When this happens, another authority comes in to take the place of the one rejected. Nature abhors a vacuum. An authority vacuum is soon filled with another authority. Often the situation is like that described in the gospel, where seven devils enter who are worst than the first. In something of a similar vein, religious are feeling their "political oats." There is also a reaction to anonymity here. They are beginning to realize that they can and should have a voice in the affairs of the Church and society. Much of this is on the positive side of the ledger. There is a danger, however, that some may lose sight of the fact that a religious group does not exist primarily to exercise political pressures through the use of political tactics. Their political influence in fact is mainly exercised through witness to the gospel values in a manner which ve.ry often is incompatible with the strategies involved in politics. The Reaction against Structure We have commented on the imbalance that comes from an overreaction against a kind of "classical" arlonymity which we associate with religious life of the past. This same kind of a phenonmenon occurs in reaction to "structure." It is hard to pin down exactly what is contained in the word "structure?' Many use it in different ways. In any case, it seems to be loaded with many of the connotations we described as being part of the "classical" mentality. It conjures up spectres of impersonalism, inflexibility, regulation, and stereotype. In the past, at least in the case of many religious, practically every detail of their lives was regulated, the way they dressed, the order of the day, their manner of dealing with externs, their correspondence, and so forth. It is understandable that there should be a reaction to this type of regulation. But, as in the case with the reaction against anonymity, which has become the cult of the individual, here also the overreaction against structure has often turned into adolescent immaturity. There is almost an allergy to any type of regulation at all. Even language itself has to be purged of words that suggest anything like regulation. The word "rule" has Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 357 gone into the limbo of forbidden words and has been replace.d with safe words like "guidelines," "directives." As an overreaction to the regulation of everything, many are spastic about the regulation of anything. In many cases even the revised constitutions, the product of much work, prayer, study, discussion, are very careful to be "safe" in their terminology. Words that have any connotation of structure are carefully avoided. Very often these constitutions are written on the tide of overreaction and are careful to play down any idea of subordination of self to anything like structure. Yet it is a matter of common sense that structure is one of the components of growth that we spoke of earlier. It is like the branches of a tree through which the life flows to produce the fruit. Of course, structure without life is dead, and life without structure is aimless. Along with this reaction to overregulation, there is also the reaction to oversupervision. Some religious consider their duty is done if they "check in" occasionally to let superiors know what is happening. In many cases, superiors themselves have abdicated any real role of authority. They see their role only as serving as a kind of check point to keep the traffic running smoothly. These remarks should not be construed as hankering after the days of yore, where every detail in a person's life was regulated, and being an authority was identified with giving orders. They serve to point out a fact, however. Overreaction to that kind of a life has often resulted in a caricature not simply of religious life, but of any kind of life, which needs a certain structure and regulation if there is to be concerted work for a goal. The Reaction to Institution Along with the reaction against anonymity and structure, there is the reaction against institution. While this word is related to structure, when we use it here we are thinking of the corporate nature of the religious group. It takes into consideration the relationship of the part to the whole, and the whole to the part. We see the same phenomenon here that we have commented on above. There is a profound malaise with everything connoted" by the word "institutional." Once again, as a reaction against certain features of our institutional life, this movement can be very healthy. However, when it becomes an overreaction, the components of change begin to clash instead of supporting each other. One aspect of the reaction to "institution" is the movement to small commu-nities. It is an attempt to "de-institutionalize" one's life. It is too early to assess the results of this. In some cases, it has resulted in a more genuine community life, both within the small community, and in the relationship of the small community to all of the other communities. In other instances, the s~ into individuals who share the same rooms without sh~ As part of this reaction against institution, there i., vision of one's apostolate to one's personal career. apostolate of many religious communities has lost tl~ has been reduced for all practical purposes to a group own flight plans. The apostolates that have suffered areas, where hospitals and schools have closed and r facing an uncertain future, because they have no !~ whether religious will still be interested in such work. Now I feel I must tread where even angels fear religious garb. A few years ago (though it seems like a concerned with modifying the religious garb. Now it nail communities degenerate ing anything else. the tendency to narrow the is a great tragedy that the community dimension and individuals turning in their the most are those in rural aany others find themselves uarantee from year to year walk. It is the matter of ',entury) the discussions were a matter in many cases of 358 Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 adoption of a mode of dress which in no way disti.nguishes a person as a religious. This is a very touchy subject. Though the question of clothing is trivial in itself when compared with values like faith and charity, it assumes in practice an importance out of all proportion to the fact that it is something extrinsic, while the other values are intrinsic. This phenomenon should already give us a hint concerning the nature of clothing. Clothes are never merely extrinsic. They are like the face. They mirror forth the person behind the face. We have been speaking of the reaction against anonymity, structure, and institution, where an overreaction results in individualism instead of personalism, fragmentation instead of integration, careerism instead of group apostolate. It seems that the question of clothing is of particular importance because it becomes as it were the symbol of the reaction against all of these classical features, not just against one of them. On the other hand, is it not possible that it has become an anti-symbol, where it symbolizes individualism, fragmentation, and careerism? We hope that, even though this is such a sensitive subject, most of us are beyond the stage where rational discussion is swallowed up in emotional reactions. We seem to have forgotten that the social sciences have given us much insight into the matter of clothes. All studies of human clothing point out the basic fact that clothes are not just things. They are part of the body-person, t Leaning on the research of the social sciences, we would like to comment on two aspects of clothing: what we wear gives visible shape to our inner attitude, and in turn what we wear shapes the attitudes. In both cases, this comes from the fact that clothes have a symbolic nature. Our inner attitudes are expressed in the way we speak, act, and dress. This is the law of our being. Human clothing is not just a protection against the elements. It forms an important link in that interlocking network of symbols in which we communicate with one another. Clothes are a function of meaning even more than words. They do in fact provide the light in which people interpret our words. We all recall the story of the Turkish astronomer in The Little Prince. No learned society accepted the report of his discovery of the new asteroid until he changed from Turkish clothes into European costume. Clothing, therefore, is never neutral. While this is true for every human being, it seems that it is especially true. for women. Clothes are not blank cartridges. When Judith prepared to meet Holofernes, she knew what every woman knows. Clothes are a manifestation of inner intentionality. The medium is the message. There are three levels of our existence, each of which is manifested by the way we dress. On the first level, clothes manifest our inner attitudes. On the second level, they manifest something more superficial, a job that we have, as we see in the uniform of a policeman, a soldier, a nurse. On the third and most profound level, they symbolize our meaning. A wedding dress, for example, is more than a symbol of an inner attitude, more than a uniform someone wears to get married. It symbolizes the meaning of a person's life, which from this point on is to be a life-with-another. The same is true of the vestments worn by the priest when he is celebrating. They symbolize more than a mentality. They are not a uniform used for worship. They serve to draw the worshippers into a new mode of existence. The symbolic aspect of clothing is obvious. There is another aspect of clothing, I see for example in Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences the entries under "Dress," "Fashion," and so forth; see also: J. C. Flugel, The Psychblogy of Clothes (New York, 1950), and Mary Shaw Ryan, Clothing: A Study in Human Behavior (New York, 1966). Review for Religious, Volume 31, 1972/3 however, which we do not think about as often. Clotl as the saying goes, "clothes make the man." In a ge man more really than man makes the clothes. All psychologists, and for that matter anyone w aware that the most sure way to change a person's v the symbols which surround his life. A person's changing his ideas alone. The change comes fr( meaningful sense symbols which gradually change sudden a person finds himself thinking in a different way a person dresses affects the way he thinks. self-image; they create it. Clothes are like reflectors. are, but they also act as reflectors in which we see of what we see. It is of great importance for religious to avail the~ matter of clothing provided by the social scientists. 0 that clothes are a way of speaking. The question to be To what extent should what I wear speak to others' inner character, or my job, or my meaning? Similarb psychological effect that clothes have on our thinking" Let us sum up our remarks for this first part. We r~ growth depend on the harmonious interworking of t many cases we saw th, at these components, insteac ended up in antagonistic positions. This can be trace overreaction to what is called a classical mentality. Ma from reaction, but where reaction gets out of bound: frustrate progress. We pointed out three areas in whi have been particularly strong: against anonymity, : nature of religious life which we globally describ~ commented on the fact that attitudes toward, religi influenced by the same type of reaction. The Loss of Shared Values and Shared Vision We mentioned above that the components of c! synthesis through shared faith and shared values. Whe works and lives at cross purposes. They are like rowe trying to row in his own direction. There is no doubt that the atmosphere of seculari~ and hearts of many religious. This is a process of h that are distinctively Christian are leveled to a vague, h betterment. Those values of the gospel which are rationalistic mind and sinful nature are de-scandaliz~ categories of relevance. Those gospel values which res Such are the scandal of the cross, the virtues of h~ renuntiation, repentance, and penance. In some cases secularization has not only de-Christ: even infected the ideas that some religious have about To all appearances some religious seem to have lost the Sometimes the gospel values crystalized in the tra chastity, poverty, and obedience, are lost in the perf~ vows is "updated" into some more meaningful an~ 359 es not only manifest the man; luine sense, clothes make the no knows human nature, are ,hole personality is to change character is not changed by ,m the pressure exerted by the concepts, until all of a way than he did before. The They not only express his ['hey not only reflect what we urselves and assume the shape tselves of the insights into the ne cannot avoid the basic fact answered by everyone is this: ' Should clothes manifest my ,, we have to be aware of the entioned that all progress and ~e components of growth. In of supporting one another, at least in great part, to an ny positive features can come ~ it delivers ultimatums which .~h this overreaction see.ms to ;tructure, and the corporate d ds institution. Finally we ~us garb are to "some extent ~ange are kept in a healthy a these are lost, a community rs in a boat, each of whom is ation has infected the mind~ arizontalization where values umanistic concern for human a perennial scandal to the d and adapted to the bland st adaptation are abandoned. ~nility, docility, abnegation, anized the gospel, but it has God, Christ, and the Church.