Suchergebnisse

Problem setting. The urgency of the analysis of the current experience of sociological assessments of the level of trust in social institutions, in particular, the court, is due to the fact that for European countries the paradox of mass consciousness becomes more and more characteristic: confidence in the court decreases even in conditions of increase of efficiency, accessibility, justice of justice, that are recorded according to the results of ju- dicial reform. Requirements and expectations are growing (especially in more educated or socially adapted categories of the population), and, accordingly, there is a probability of inconsistency of pace of reforms and the presence of positive dynamics of trust in court. Recent research and publications analysis. The assessment of trust in the courts as a factor of trust in public authority is at the center of attention of domestic and foreign scholars. These problems were addressed by B. Barber, M. Buromensky, M. King,I. Lavrinenko, V. Lebedev, N. Luhmann, C. Morgner, O. Serdyuk, T. Habriyeva et al. How- ever, each state is looking for its criteria for monitoring the activities of courts.Paper objective. The purpose of this article is to formulate the main principles of na- tional monitoring of the level of trust in the court and the judicial system on the basis of analysis, firstly, of the most famous international sociological methodologies and, sec- ondly, the peculiarities of the current Ukrainian situation in this area.Paper main body. Trust is a generalized indicator of the norms, attitudes and values that underlie social cooperation, and in public life, trust fosters community unity and com- munity building, and in the economic sphere, it accelerates cooperation and interper- sonal exchanges. As a socio-psychological category of trust, it is a characteristic of anopen, positive relationship between the parties and reflects the confidence in the honesty and benevolence of the other party with which the trust is in one way or another based on his experience. From this point of view, trust has certain limits based on knowing about the other party that is trusted. Full trust is often identified with faith, because the mechanism of such trust is no longer based on rational principles, that is, on experience and on pre- diction and prior knowledge of one side of the second and includes irrational motives of the relationship. In social sciences, the level of trust one party can trust in another is measured in the belief in the honesty, charity and competence of the other party. Based on recent research, distrust can be forgiven much easier when interpreted as lack of compe- tence than inadequate benevolence or honesty. The assessment of trust in the court is recognized as a measure of the rule of law (rule of law). This approach is used in a variety of international and national practical tools for assessing democratic regimes.Conclusions of the research. Institutional trust can be considered as a kind of indica- tor that determines social well-being of the population, in addition, it is an important condition of social communication, through which the consent, understanding and dialogue of the parties is achieved, and it becomes possible to seek new opportunities for further development. The increase of trust in the judicial system of Ukraine is one of the tasks of the judiciary and is outlined in strategic documents of the development of the judiciary of Ukraine in recent years. The level of trust (distrust) of citizens to justice is affected by a number of factors, the most important among which should be called: the quality of leg- islation, on the basis of which decisions are adopted and substantiated; the quality of the judiciary; the degree of accessibility and openness of justice; coverage of court work in the media; the degree of execution of court decisions. From trust in the court it is necessary to distinguish between the perception of justice by citizens, the level of which is influenced by the ability of citizens to protect their rights in court, the application of the law by the court in an appropriate and effective manner, equality and non-discrimination before the law, the legality of the adopted judgments, the effective struggle of the state with corrup- tion, etc. ; Оценка доверия к суду признана в качестве измерения верховенства права (правовластия). Такой подход применяется в различных международных и нацио- нальных практических инструментах оценки демократических режимов. В даннойстатье формулируются главные основания национального мониторинга уровня доверия к суду и судебной системе на основе анализа, во-первых, наиболее известных международных социологических методологий и, во-вторых, особенностей украин- ской ситуации в этой сфере. ; Оцінка довіри до суду визнана у якості виміру верховенства права (правовладдя). Такий підхід застосовується у різноманітних міжнародних та національних прак- тичних інструментах оцінки демократичних режимів. У даній статті формулю- ються головні засади національного моніторингу рівня довіри до суду та судової системи на основі аналізу,по-перше, найбільш відомих міжнародних соціологічних методологій та, по-друге, особливостей сучасної української ситуації в цій сфері.

The African Forum for Research and Education in Health (AFREhealth) held its first symposium in Accra, Ghana, between Aug 1 and Aug 3, 2017. This new organisation is committed to developing health professionals' education and research in Africa, sharing best practices, and reducing health disparities. AFREhealth aims to partner with stakeholders to improve health outcomes, work towards an AIDS-free generation, establish a research agenda for health priorities in Africa, and mobilise vital resources. It is an outcome of the Medical Education Partnership Initiative (MEPI) and the Nursing Education Partnership Initiative. Here we highlight how the achievements of MEPI have inspired the formation of AFREhealth. MEPI was a US$130 million competitively awarded grant by the US President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief and National Institutes of Health to 13 medical schools in 12 sub-Saharan African countries and a Coordinating Center at George Washington University, DC, USA. Implementation was led by principal investigators from the grantee institutions, supported by the Health Resources and Services Administration, National Institutes of Health, and the Coordinating Center, between September, 2010 and August, 2015. Each grantee worked with partner institutions in the USA, Europe, and Africa. The goals were to increase the capacity of the awardees to produce more and better trained doctors, strengthen locally relevant research, promote retention of graduates within their countries, and ensure sustainability of the improvements that the project supported. MEPI implementation was overseen by the Principal Investigators Council, which included principal investigators from grantee institutions, and representatives from the US government and the Coordinating Center. Unlike some other donor grants, MEPI grants were awarded directly to the principal investigator at the African institution, who then determined the direction of their programmes within the context of the Request for Application. MEPI generated excitement and hope among the grantee schools and countries, and recorded the following key achievements. First, the African principal investigators expanded MEPI from 13 grantees to over 60 medical schools in Africa by creating in-country consortia that shared resources and experience. This expansion helped to create strong South-to-South and South-to-North partnerships in medical education and research. To date, MEPI has led to the establishment of ten new schools, doubled student intake in some schools, increased postgraduate student numbers three-fold, and improved faculty expansion and retention.1 Second, grantees changed curricular to competency-based models that were more responsive to the health priorities of each country and ensured better delivery of such curricular by creating Medical Education Units to improve the quality of teaching and learning. All schools embraced e-Learning by enhancing infrastructure, improving internet connectivity (including at off-campus satellite training sites), installing more computers, and restructuring library spaces to facilitate e-Learning. The number of students with personal internet-enabled devices increased from 5% to 90%.1 Third, research support centres were established to promote institutional and collaborative research. These centres facilitated training in research methodology, grant writing, scientific writing, and research administration, which help to build a sustainable research environment. These factors improved the schools' ability to attract funding, recruit and retain faculty, and contribute to the national research agenda and sustainability of the programmes. Fourth, joint learning was facilitated through site visits to grantees for peer learning and management support; annual symposia showcased work through scientific papers, posters, and networking; eight content-based Technical Working Groups held face-to-face meetings and monthly virtual meetings on topics such as community-based education, competency-based education, monitoring and evaluation, graduate tracking, library and information sciences, medical education research, and research support centres. Over 376 peer-reviewed publications, including a special supplement in Academic Medicine in 2014,2 communicated the research findings and medical-education-related successes of MEPI. Fifth, the increase in the number of students intending to remain and work in one of the countries (5% to 80% over the study period) and the creation of new postgraduate courses were early evidence of the successful retention of graduates. For example, the University of Zambia introduced 14 new postgraduate courses—mainly in basic sciences—with an intake of 70 students.2 It is too early to tell if MEPI has affected health systems. Looking ahead, high-quality health professionals are needed in Africa to ensure global health security and achievement of African and global health goals. The international community is interested in what AFREhealth can achieve, given MEPI has demonstrated availability of opportunities for collaboration and joint learning in Africa. Sustained MEPI achievements depend on African leadership, continued stability, and economic growth in African countries. These conditions are needed for to create an environment and fiscal space to employ and retain high-calibre faculty and graduates, support research, and maintain educational infrastructure. The first AFREhealth symposium was therefore greatly anticipated, and was a resounding success. We declare no competing interests. The support of the USA government for MEPI and AFREhealth is highly appreciated.

This paper examines the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development's (OECD) PISA for Schools, a new variant of the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) that compares school-level performance on reading, math and science with international schooling systems (e.g., Shanghai-China, Finland). Specifically, I focus here on a professional learning community – the Global Learning Network (GLN) – of U.S. schools and districts that have voluntarily participated in PISA for Schools, and how this, arguably, helps to normatively determine 'what works' in education. Drawing suggestively across diverse thinking around contemporary modes of governance, and emerging topological spaces and relations associated with globalization, and informed by interviews with 33 policy actors across the PISA for Schools policy cycle, my analyses suggest that GLN allows the OECD to discursively and normatively constrain how 'world-class' schools and systems, and their policies and practices, are defined. However, and in light of the productive capacities of power relations, I also argue that GLN provides opportunities for local educators and leaders to undertake meaningful collaboration and sharing, and to find policy spaces outside of those defined by more performative discursive framings of school accountability. To this end, I explore how GLN may help to foster alternative policy spaces from which educators can 'talk back' to national and state authorities, and potentially promote more 'authentic' understandings of, and possibilities for, schooling accountability. ; Este artículo examina la Organización para la Cooperación Económica y el Desarrollo (OCDE) PISA para escuelas, una nueva variante del Programa Internacional de Evaluación de Alumnos (PISA) que compara el desempeño a nivel de la escuela en lectura, matemáticas y ciencias con sistemas Internacionales (por ejemplo, Shanghai-China, Finlandia). Específicamente, centrarse aquí en una comunidad de aprendizaje profesional - la Red Global de Aprendizaje (GLN) - de los Estados Unidos Que las escuelas y distritos participaron en el PISA voluntariamente para escuelas, y como Esto, sin duda, normativamente ayuda a determinar 'lo que funciona' En la educación. Dibujo sugestivamente a través de un pensamiento diversificado en torno a modos contemporáneos de gobernanza, y espacios topológicos y relaciones asociadas a la globalización emergente, e informó por medio de entrevistas con 33 actores políticos en todo el PISA para ciclo político Escuelas, mis análisis sugieren que GLN Permite la OCDE a la OCDE Discursivamente y normativamente Restringir Cómo se definen las escuelas y los sistemas de "clase mundial" y sus políticas y prácticas. Sin embargo, y teniendo en cuenta las capacidades productivas de las relaciones de poder, defiendo también que GLN ofrece oportunidades para educadores y líderes para emprender una colaboración significativa y compartir, y para encontrar espacios políticos fuera de las definidas por más encuadramientos discursivos performativos de responsabilización de las escuelas locales . A este propósito, explotar cómo GLN puede ayudar a fomentar espacios alternativos de política desde los que los educadores pueden "hablar de vuelta" a las autoridades nacionales y estatales, y potencialmente promover más entendimientos 'auténticos' de, y las posibilidades de, rendición de cuentas en las escuelas. ; Este artigo examina a Organização para a Cooperação Econômica e do Desenvolvimento (OCDE) PISA para escolas, uma nova variante do Programa Internacional de Avaliação de Alunos (PISA) que compara o desempenho ao nível da escola em leitura, matemática e ciências Com sistemas escolares internacionais (por exemplo, , Shanghai-China, Finlândia). Especificamente, foco aqui em uma comunidade de aprendizado profissional - a Rede Global de Aprendizagem (GLN) - dos EUA Que as escolas e distritos participaram no PISA voluntariamente para escolas, e como Isto, sem dúvida, normativamente ajuda a determinar 'o que funciona' na educação. Desenho sugestivamente através pensamento diversificado em torno modos contemporâneos de governança, e espaços topológicos e relações associadas à globalização emergente, e informou por meio de entrevistas com 33 atores políticos em todo o PISA para ciclo político Escolas, minhas análises sugerem que GLN Permite a OCDE a discursivamente e normativamente Restringir Como as escolas e os sistemas de "classe mundial" e suas políticas e práticas são definidos. No entanto, e tendo em conta as capacidades produtivas das relações de poder, defendo também que GLN oferece oportunidades para educadores e líderes para empreender colaboração significativa e partilha, e para encontrar espaços políticos fora das definidas por mais enquadramentos discursivos performativas de responsabilização das escolas locais. Para este fim, eu explorar como GLN pode ajudar a fomentar espaços alternativos de política a partir do qual os educadores podem 'falar de volta' às autoridades nacionais e estaduais, e potencialmente promover mais entendimentos 'autênticas' de, e as possibilidades de, prestação de contas nas escolas.

Spatial management measures are increasingly implemented in the Southern North Sea which is one of the most intensively used marine areas in the world. Various human activities are competing for space while exerting chronic pressures on marine habitats and the associated fauna. The most dominant spatial conflict exists between the development of offshore wind farms (OWF), conservation interests and the fishing sector. The effects of spatial allocations such as for OWF development or the designation of Natura 2000 sites as well as resulting displacement of fishing effort on benthic systems are riddled with uncertainties. The policy landscape governing spatial management processes is likewise highly complex. One of the future governance challenges in European seas will be to align economic growth from the sea ("Blue Growth") with conservation of biodiversity and ecosystem health. Amongst the key policies that members states of the European Union need to conform to is the Marine Strategy Framework Directive (MSFD) which requires achieving good environmental status (GES) of European seas. In addition, member states need to implement maritime spatial plans under the Maritime Spatial Planning (MSP) Directive to achieve sustainable use of marine resources. Both instruments aim at implementing an ecosystem-based spatial management approach. However, a current gap is the lack in spatially explicit indicators and associated management targets that could describe the achievements towards multi-objective planning. In addition, holistic assessment procedures are lacking which facilitate information needs of policy objectives and allow evaluating risks, opportunities and uncertainties of spatial management options on the ecosystem. These gaps provided the motivation for this thesis and led to the following three research questions: 1. How can community-level biodiversity indicators best be represented spatially to provide information in an EB-MSM context? 2. Can a community-level biodiversity indicator be operationalised to link changes in biodiversity state to fishing pressure? 3. What are the likely risks of integrating Blue Growth and conservation objectives on fish biodiversity and the vulnerability of benthic communities in the German Bight? These research questions were subsequently addressed in the previous chapters. The methodological comparison presented in Chapter 2 of two dominant mapping approaches revealed that modelling species distributions first and subsequently calculating index values per unit area (indirect approach) provided more useful information to represent community-level biodiversity. The comparison was performed using taxonomic biodiversity indices (species richness (S), Hill's N1) as well as the here developed Community Sensitivity Index to fishing (CSI). The CSI was designed to be sensitive and responsive to fishing pressure by incorporating life-history traits which indicate how susceptible a species is to additional fishing mortality. Its capacity to quantify pressure-state relationships with bottom trawling was tested in Chapter 3. A suite of regression-based techniques revealed significantly lower index values in areas with high fishing pressure of the coastal small beam trawl fleet. The CSI could thus be operationalised for this fleet. Responses in other areas or with other fleets were less clear or even reversed and mostly driven by environmental factors such as depth. Results stress the difficulty in quantifying precise pressure-state relationships in a chronically disturbed system and hint to risk-based approaches that look at relative rather than absolute changes. In Chapter 4 an established risk assessment framework was applied to the case study area to spatially quantify the risk of fishing effort displacement due to Offshore Wind Farm (OWF) developments onto the vulnerability of the benthic community. This was described by a Disturbance Index (DI) defined as a ratio between relative local mortality by demersal trawling fleets and recovery potential of benthic communities. The risk analysis was conducted by coupling a Bayesian Belief Network (BN) with a Geographical Information System and suggested a minor worsening in DI values. Finally, in Chapter 5, a similar approach was applied to test effects of OWFs and Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) as well as resulting fishing effort displacement to explore associated risks and uncertainties on fish biodiversity (CSI, S & abundance distribution of cod). Scenarios incorporated amongst others fishermen compliance, protection effects of MPAs and temperature increases to mimic climate change. Results revealed that conservation effects through area closures outweighed negative effects from the relocation of fishing effort. Nevertheless, non-compliance could locally hamper recovery. EEZ wide effects were only caused through a simulated change in temperature and suggest likely increases in species richness and abundance of cod and significant decline in CSI. Based on the three research questions this chapter synthesises results, discusses strength and weaknesses of the methodologies used and defines future research and data needs. Taken together, the results of this thesis allow some indications on the level of risks that fish biodiversity and the vulnerability of benthic communities is likely to face in the German Bight. Further, institutional barriers and scientific limitations to operationalise the EB-MSM approach are discussed.

У статті здійснено соціологічний аналіз проблеми безробіття серед сучасної української молоді. Незважаючи на невисокий рівень безробіття в Україні порівняно із загальноєвропейським рівнем, молодь являє особливу категорію, в якій проблема зайнятості має яскраво виражений характер і вимагає перманентного державного моніторингу та розробки політики молодіжної зайнятості як частини загальної політики зайнятості в країні.За допомогою різних соціологічних досліджень детально розглянута структура безробіття серед української молоді. За даними 2015 року лише 9% молоді безробітні. Великою проблемою визнається низька можливість працевлаштування за обраною спеціальністю.Оцінено вплив на структуру молодіжного безробіття таких факторів як вікові групи та розподіл за видами діяльності. Встановлено, що найбільш уразлива до безробіття є вікова група 15-24 роки. Велика увага приділена відповідності рівня освіти молоді та вимог роботодавців до своїх працівників. Виявлено, що є необхідним корекція роботи всієї системи освіти.Запропоновано в якості важливого кроку для регулювання проблеми безробіття серед молоді поліпшення роботи Державної служби зайнятості, якій варто звернутися до міжнародного досвіду та здійснити реформування механізму державної підтримки підприємницької діяльності шляхом надання пільг, дотацій або державної допомоги для розвитку бізнесу тощо. Саме молодь є найбільш психологічно гнучкою до сприйняття нових сучасних технологій підприємницької діяльності. ; В статье проведен социологический анализ проблемы безработицы среди современной украинской молодежи. Несмотря на относительно низкий уровень безработицы в Украине по сравнению с общеевропейским уровнем, молодежь относится к особой категории, в которой проблема занятости имеет ярко выраженный характер и требует перманентного государственного мониторинга и разработки политики молодежной занятости как части общей политики занятости в стране.В свете различных социологических исследований подробно рассмотрена структура безработицы среди украинской молодежи. По данным 2015 года только 9% молодежи являются безработные. Большой проблемой признается малая вероятность трудоустройства по избранной специальности.Оценено влияние на структуру молодежной безработицы таких факторов как возрастные группы и распределение по видам деятельности. Установлено, что наиболее предрасположена к безработице возрастная группа 15-24 года. Большое внимание уделено соответствию уровня образования молодежи и требований работодателей к своим работникам. Определена необходимость коррекции работы всей системы образования.Предложено в качестве важного шага для регулирования проблемы безработицы среди молодежи – улучшение работы Государственной службы занятости, которой следует обратиться к международному опыту и осуществить реформирование механизма государственной поддержки предпринимательской деятельности путем предоставления льгот, дотаций или государственной помощи для развития бизнеса и тому подобное. Именно молодежь является наиболее психологически гибкой к восприятию новых современных технологий предпринимательской деятельности. ; This article provides a sociological analysis of the problem of unemployment among modern Ukrainian youth. Despite the low unemployment rate in Ukraine compared with European levels, youth is a special category in which the problem of employment has a distinct character and needs permanent state monitoring and policy youth employment as part of total employment policies in the country. Continuously declining proportion of young people to the total population. In Ukraine, for the last ten years the number dropped from her 22 to 20%. According to all forecasts, this trend will continue. With various sociological studies reviewed in detail the structure of unemployment among Ukrainian youth. According to 2015 only 9% of young people are unemployed. The big problem is recognized low employment opportunities in the chosen specialty. A major problem completely for all graduates, regardless of their theoretical training, enterprises consider isolation of knowledge from practice unprepared to work in real business and a lack of understanding of how the business works. Thus it is necessary to orient the student during the training in higher education with the requirements of the employer. The analysis of the youth labor market in Ukraine showed that the highest levels of unemployment youthful equip individuals 24 years of age, it gives reason to include young people in this age groupe highest risk for difficulties first search of employment are not only with general economic and political crises, but also to the volatility of attitudes of young people, too ambitious position of young workers from the essence of practical skills and experience and, consequently, low professional status.The effect on the structure of youth unemployment factors such as age groups and distribution activities. Found that the most vulnerable to unemployment is the age group 15-24 years. Much attention is given to matching the level of education of young people and requirements of employers to their employees. Revealed that the necessary correction of the entire education system. Thus, the main conclusion is significant opportunity to improve the efficiency of the State Employment Center as one of the basic tools of the modern state youth policy. Proposed as an important step to regulate the problem of youth unemployment improvement of the State Employment Service, which should appeal to the international experience and to reform the mechanism of state support for entrepreneurship by providing incentives, subsidies or state aid to business expansion and others. That young people are the most responsive to the psychological perception of new technologies entrepreneurship.

Although the term "cluster" is widely used in academic and political circles since the 1990s, we will see that cultural clusters take different forms. This analysis will underline the characteristics of a very specific type of cluster: the metropolitan cultural cluster. Their construction is part of a double intention : building new policy objects in an original way. These clusters can be considered as new public policy tools because of their hybrid nature. They depend on urban, economic and cultural dynamics. To better understand our research object we will use a multidisciplinary scientific approach at the intersection of these three perspectives. This is the originality of our approach.To sum up our work, we will see how the development of these clusters is structured through the relationship between stakeholders. We will focus on the logics that are behind these projects, choices, conflicts and changes in stakeholder's positions.Less sectional, metropolitan cultural clusters are based on projects where the process is more important than the result. These processes are at the centre of our analysis and we will focus on their dynamics. The "new way of doing things" directly echoes with governance. The projects at the basis of metropolitan cultural clusters advocate an organic development where strategies are not static and where they evolve according to opportunities. Despite these intentions, the cultural clusters we study are largely influenced by earlier forms of clusters. The term itself is inherited from industrial policy. The methods of governance in these clusters seem frozen in old models and less flexible than they are supposed to be. They derive from a top-down approach, decided "by the top for the bottom". Starting from case studies and through an international comparative analysis, we will highlight the complexity behind the term cultural cluster. Adopting a continuous approach, we will trace the evolution of their objectives and seek to identify evolution factors. This thesis proposes a new perspective on the dynamics of cultural clusters. It draws on concepts from evolutionary theories. How do these concepts allow us to better understand the bifurcation strategies in the clusters of Nantes, Barcelona and Quebec? In other words, what do these concepts teach us on the determinants of flexibility?The conclusion will highlight the regular mechanisms that drive the evolution processes of metropolitan cultural clusters. ; Bien que le terme de « cluster » soit largement répandu dans les milieux académiques et politiques depuis les années 1990, nous verrons que le cluster culturel revêt différentes formes. Nous tenterons de montrer à travers cette analyse, quelles sont les spécificités d'un type de cluster bien particulier : les clusters culturels métropolitains. Leur édification s'inscrit dans une volonté qui est double celle de construire de nouveaux objets politiques d'une nouvelle manière. Ces clusters peuvent être considérés comme de nouveaux objets politiques de par leur nature hybride. Ils dépendent à la fois de politiques publiques et de dynamiques urbaines, économiques et culturelles. Pour mieux appréhender notre objet de recherche nous adopterons une approche scientifique pluridisciplinaire pour se situer à l'intersection de ces trois perspectives. Telle est l'originalité de notre démarche.En somme, il s'agit de voir comment se structure l'évolution de ces clusters à travers les rapports entre acteurs, d'éclairer les logiques qui sont derrières ces projets, les choix, les conflits et les changements de position des acteurs.Moins sectoriels et plus territorialisés, les clusters culturels métropolitains sont basés sur des projets où les processus comptent plus que les résultats. Ces processus constitueront le cœur de notre analyse et nous chercherons à comprendre leurs dynamiques. La « nouvelle manière de faire » fait directement écho à la gouvernance. Ces projets se défendent d'adopter une approche top down, décidée « par le haut pour le bas » et assument un développement qui serait organique, dont les stratégies ne seraient pas figées et évolueraient en fonction d'opportunités. Malgré ces volontés, les clusters culturels que nous étudions portent les stigmates du passé. Le terme de cluster est hérité en effet de politiques industrielles. Les méthodes de coordination des acteurs de ces clusters semblent figées dans d'anciens modèles et bien moins ouverts qu'ils ne le laissent supposer.En partant d'études de cas, et grâce à une analyse comparée internationale, nous mettrons en exergue la complexité qui se cache derrière ce terme de cluster culturel. Grâce à une approche longitudinale nous retracerons l'évolution de leurs objectifs dont nous chercherons à identifier les facteurs. Cette thèse propose une lecture renouvelée de la dynamique des clusters culturels. Elle s'appuie sur les concepts issus des théories évolutionnistes. Comment, en les mobilisant, peut-on mieux appréhender les bifurcations stratégiques des clusters de Nantes, Barcelone et Québec ? Autrement dit, que nous apprennent ces concepts sur les déterminants de la flexibilité ? Les conclusions mettront en exergue les mécanismes réguliers qui conduisent les processus d'évolution des clusters culturels métropolitains. Le cluster culturel apparait comme un prétexte pour étudier plus finement les logiques de construction de projets dans les villes contemporaines.

Although the term "cluster" has been widely used in academic and political circles since the 1990s, we will see that the cultural cluster takes different forms. We will try to show through this analysis, what are the specificities of a particular type of cluster: metropolitan cultural clusters. Their edification is part of a dual desire to build new political objects in a new way. These clusters can be considered new political objects by their hybrid nature. They depend on both public policies and urban, economic and cultural dynamics.To better understand our research subject we will adopt a multidisciplinary scientific approach to be at the intersection of these three perspectives. This is the originality of our approach. In short, it is a question of seeing how the evolution of these clusters is structured through the relationships between actors, of clarifying the logics behind these projects, the choices, the conflicts and the changes of position of the actors. Less sectoral and more territorialized, metropolitan cultural clusters are based on projects where processes matter more than results. These processes will be the core of our analysis and we will seek to understand their dynamics. The "new way of doing things" directly echoes governance. These projects defend themselves from adopting a top down approach, decided «from the top to the bottom» and assume a development that would be organic, whose strategies would not be frozen and would evolve according to opportunities. Despite these wishes, the cultural clusters we are studying bear the stigma of the past. The term cluster is inherited from industrial policies. The coordination methods of the players in these clusters seem to be fixed in old models and much less open than they suggest. Starting from case studies, and thanks to an international comparative analysis, we will highlight the complexity behind this cultural cluster term. Through a longitudinal approach we will retrace the evolution of their objectives, whose factors we will seek to identify. This thesis proposes a renewed reading of the dynamics of cultural clusters. It is based on concepts derived from evolutionary theories. How, by mobilizing them, can we better understand the strategic bifurcations of the Nantes, Barcelona and Québec clusters? In other words, what do these concepts teach us about the determinants of flexibility? The conclusions will highlight the regular mechanisms that drive the evolution processes of metropolitan cultural clusters." ; Bien que le terme de « cluster » soit largement répandu dans les milieux académiques et politiques depuis les années 1990, nous verrons que le cluster culturel revêt différentes formes. Nous tenterons de montrer à travers cette analyse, quelles sont les spécificités d'un type de cluster bien particulier : les clusters culturels métropolitains. Leur édification s'inscrit dans une volonté qui est double celle de construire de nouveaux objets politiques d'une nouvelle manière. Ces clusters peuvent être considérés comme de nouveaux objets politiques de par leur nature hybride. Ils dépendent à la fois de politiques publiques et de dynamiques urbaines, économiques et culturelles. Pour mieux appréhender notre objet de recherche nous adopterons une approche scientifique pluridisciplinaire pour se situer à l'intersection de ces trois perspectives. Telle est l'originalité de notre démarche. En somme, il s'agit de voir comment se structure l'évolution de ces clusters à travers les rapports entre acteurs, d'éclairer les logiques qui sont derrières ces projets, les choix, les conflits et les changements de position des acteurs. Moins sectoriels et plus territorialisés, les clusters culturels métropolitains sont basés sur des projets où les processus comptent plus que les résultats. Ces processus constitueront le cœur de notre analyse et nous chercherons à comprendre leurs dynamiques. La « nouvelle manière de faire » fait directement écho à la gouvernance. Ces projets se défendent d'adopter une approche top down, décidée « par le haut pour le bas » et assument un développement qui serait organique, dont les stratégies ne seraient pas figées et évolueraient en fonction d'opportunités. Malgré ces volontés, les clusters culturels que nous étudions portent les stigmates du passé. Le terme de cluster est hérité en effet de politiques industrielles. Les méthodes de coordination des acteurs de ces clusters semblent figées dans d'anciens modèles et bien moins ouverts qu'ils ne le laissent supposer. En partant d'études de cas, et grâce à une analyse comparée internationale, nous mettrons en exergue la complexité qui se cache derrière ce terme de cluster culturel. Grâce à une approche longitudinale nous retracerons l'évolution de leurs objectifs dont nous chercherons à identifier les facteurs. Cette thèse propose une lecture renouvelée de la dynamique des clusters culturels. Elle s'appuie sur les concepts issus des théories évolutionnistes. Comment, en les mobilisant, peut–on mieux appréhender les bifurcations stratégiques des clusters de Nantes, Barcelone et Québec ? Autrement dit, que nous apprennent ces concepts sur les déterminants de la flexibilité ? Les conclusions mettront en exergue les mécanismes réguliers qui conduisent les processus d'évolution des clusters culturels métropolitains ».

At a time of growing inequality and under-investment in public infrastructure, my re- search has focused on understanding governments' constraints in raising tax revenue and providing redistribution. These challenges are particularly important for low and middle- income countries: despite improvements in their institutional capacity in the last decades, their ratios of tax revenue to GDP remain much lower than OECD countries' (Besley and Persson 2013a), and their tax and transfer systems are often distributionally neutral, instead of progressive.In the first chapter, I ask whether developing countries with limited information and tax capacity can use the corporate income tax to raise additional revenue, and design it optimally given these constraints. I explore this question for Costa Rica, using the universe of corporate tax returns and a novel methodology which exploits the country's unique tax design: firms with marginally different revenue face discontinuously higher average tax rates. This notch feature allows me to first estimate the elasticity of profits with respect to the tax rate, and second to separate it into its components, namely the revenue and cost elasticities. I find that firms facing a higher tax rate slightly decrease reported revenue, but considerably increase reported costs, leading to a large drop in reported profits. Using additional data sources, firms' behavioral responses appear to occur through tax evasion, with no evidence of production responses. Taken together, this implies that Costa Rican firms evade taxes on a massive 70% of their profits when faced with a 30% tax rate. In this context, lowering corporate tax rates could increase tax revenue, since we estimate the revenue maximizing rate to be below 25%. Alternative tax rules, that limit the deductibility of costs could be preferable since they would reduce evasion opportunities on this crucial margin. The results highlight the limitations of standard business taxation as an instrument to raise revenue in developing countries.The first chapter points to limitations for revenue collection, when given the current enforcement environment. In the Second Chapter, I study how third-party information might spread to the government, in order to improve tax enforcement. Firm level tax compliance depends on the stock of information accessible to the government. Theoretical work(Gordon and Li 2009b, Kleven, Kreiner, and Saez 2016) highlights two specific information trails: access to formal finance and the number of employees. I test whether firms with more employees and with access to formal finance are more likely to be audited and less prone to evading taxes. I use firm-level data on 108,000 firms across 79 countries in the World Bank Enterprise Surveys and construct instruments for finance and worker-size at the industry level, using an out of sample extrapolation strategy related to Rajan and Zingales (1998). The instruments isolate variation in industry technological demand for labour and formal finance by taking the US industry distributions as undistorted benchmarks. I find that firms with more employees are more likely to be audited and to comply, but find no evidence that firms using the financial sector are under higher scrutiny.Finally, in the third chapter, I turn to the redistributive role of governments, and study how a new technology to deliver cash transfers can be used to impact transfer beneficiaries' trust in financial institutions and their savings behavior. It is well documented that trust is an essential element of economic transactions, however trust in financial institutions is especially low among the poor, which may explain in part why the poor do not save formally. Debit cards provide not only easier access to savings (at any bank's ATM as opposed to the nearest bank branch), but also a mechanism to monitor bank account balances and thereby build trust in financial institutions. I study a natural experiment in which debit cards were rolled out to beneficiaries of a Mexican conditional cash transfer program, who were already receiving their transfers in savings accounts through a government bank. Using administrative data on transactions and balances in over 300,000 bank accounts over four years, I find that after receiving a debit card, the transfer recipients do not increase their savings for the first 6 months, but after this initial period, they begin saving and their marginal propensity to save increases over time. During this initial period, however, they use the card to check their balances frequently; the number of times they check their balances decreases over time as their reported trust in the bank increases. Using household survey panel data, I find the observed effect represents an increase in overall savings, rather than shifting savings; I also find that consumption of temptation goods (alcohol, tobacco, and sugar) falls, providing evidence that saving informally is difficult and the use of financial institutions to save helps solve self-control problems.

Although the term "cluster" is widely used in academic and political circles since the 1990s, we will see that cultural clusters take different forms. This analysis will underline the characteristics of a very specific type of cluster: the metropolitan cultural cluster. Their construction is part of a double intention : building new policy objects in an original way. These clusters can be considered as new public policy tools because of their hybrid nature. They depend on urban, economic and cultural dynamics. To better understand our research object we will use a multidisciplinary scientific approach at the intersection of these three perspectives. This is the originality of our approach.To sum up our work, we will see how the development of these clusters is structured through the relationship between stakeholders. We will focus on the logics that are behind these projects, choices, conflicts and changes in stakeholder's positions.Less sectional, metropolitan cultural clusters are based on projects where the process is more important than the result. These processes are at the centre of our analysis and we will focus on their dynamics. The "new way of doing things" directly echoes with governance. The projects at the basis of metropolitan cultural clusters advocate an organic development where strategies are not static and where they evolve according to opportunities. Despite these intentions, the cultural clusters we study are largely influenced by earlier forms of clusters. The term itself is inherited from industrial policy. The methods of governance in these clusters seem frozen in old models and less flexible than they are supposed to be. They derive from a top-down approach, decided "by the top for the bottom". Starting from case studies and through an international comparative analysis, we will highlight the complexity behind the term cultural cluster. Adopting a continuous approach, we will trace the evolution of their objectives and seek to identify evolution factors. This thesis proposes a new perspective on the dynamics of cultural clusters. It draws on concepts from evolutionary theories. How do these concepts allow us to better understand the bifurcation strategies in the clusters of Nantes, Barcelona and Quebec? In other words, what do these concepts teach us on the determinants of flexibility?The conclusion will highlight the regular mechanisms that drive the evolution processes of metropolitan cultural clusters. ; Bien que le terme de « cluster » soit largement répandu dans les milieux académiques et politiques depuis les années 1990, nous verrons que le cluster culturel revêt différentes formes. Nous tenterons de montrer à travers cette analyse, quelles sont les spécificités d'un type de cluster bien particulier : les clusters culturels métropolitains. Leur édification s'inscrit dans une volonté qui est double celle de construire de nouveaux objets politiques d'une nouvelle manière. Ces clusters peuvent être considérés comme de nouveaux objets politiques de par leur nature hybride. Ils dépendent à la fois de politiques publiques et de dynamiques urbaines, économiques et culturelles. Pour mieux appréhender notre objet de recherche nous adopterons une approche scientifique pluridisciplinaire pour se situer à l'intersection de ces trois perspectives. Telle est l'originalité de notre démarche.En somme, il s'agit de voir comment se structure l'évolution de ces clusters à travers les rapports entre acteurs, d'éclairer les logiques qui sont derrières ces projets, les choix, les conflits et les changements de position des acteurs.Moins sectoriels et plus territorialisés, les clusters culturels métropolitains sont basés sur des projets où les processus comptent plus que les résultats. Ces processus constitueront le cœur de notre analyse et nous chercherons à comprendre leurs dynamiques. La « nouvelle manière de faire » fait directement écho à la gouvernance. Ces projets se défendent d'adopter une approche top down, décidée « par le haut pour le bas » et assument un développement qui serait organique, dont les stratégies ne seraient pas figées et évolueraient en fonction d'opportunités. Malgré ces volontés, les clusters culturels que nous étudions portent les stigmates du passé. Le terme de cluster est hérité en effet de politiques industrielles. Les méthodes de coordination des acteurs de ces clusters semblent figées dans d'anciens modèles et bien moins ouverts qu'ils ne le laissent supposer.En partant d'études de cas, et grâce à une analyse comparée internationale, nous mettrons en exergue la complexité qui se cache derrière ce terme de cluster culturel. Grâce à une approche longitudinale nous retracerons l'évolution de leurs objectifs dont nous chercherons à identifier les facteurs. Cette thèse propose une lecture renouvelée de la dynamique des clusters culturels. Elle s'appuie sur les concepts issus des théories évolutionnistes. Comment, en les mobilisant, peut-on mieux appréhender les bifurcations stratégiques des clusters de Nantes, Barcelone et Québec ? Autrement dit, que nous apprennent ces concepts sur les déterminants de la flexibilité ? Les conclusions mettront en exergue les mécanismes réguliers qui conduisent les processus d'évolution des clusters culturels métropolitains. Le cluster culturel apparait comme un prétexte pour étudier plus finement les logiques de construction de projets dans les villes contemporaines.

Although the term "cluster" has been widely used in academic and political circles since the 1990s, we will see that the cultural cluster takes different forms. We will try to show through this analysis, what are the specificities of a particular type of cluster: metropolitan cultural clusters. Their edification is part of a dual desire to build new political objects in a new way. These clusters can be considered new political objects by their hybrid nature. They depend on both public policies and urban, economic and cultural dynamics.To better understand our research subject we will adopt a multidisciplinary scientific approach to be at the intersection of these three perspectives. This is the originality of our approach. In short, it is a question of seeing how the evolution of these clusters is structured through the relationships between actors, of clarifying the logics behind these projects, the choices, the conflicts and the changes of position of the actors. Less sectoral and more territorialized, metropolitan cultural clusters are based on projects where processes matter more than results. These processes will be the core of our analysis and we will seek to understand their dynamics. The "new way of doing things" directly echoes governance. These projects defend themselves from adopting a top down approach, decided «from the top to the bottom» and assume a development that would be organic, whose strategies would not be frozen and would evolve according to opportunities. Despite these wishes, the cultural clusters we are studying bear the stigma of the past. The term cluster is inherited from industrial policies. The coordination methods of the players in these clusters seem to be fixed in old models and much less open than they suggest. Starting from case studies, and thanks to an international comparative analysis, we will highlight the complexity behind this cultural cluster term. Through a longitudinal approach we will retrace the evolution of their objectives, whose factors we will seek to identify. This thesis proposes a renewed reading of the dynamics of cultural clusters. It is based on concepts derived from evolutionary theories. How, by mobilizing them, can we better understand the strategic bifurcations of the Nantes, Barcelona and Québec clusters? In other words, what do these concepts teach us about the determinants of flexibility? The conclusions will highlight the regular mechanisms that drive the evolution processes of metropolitan cultural clusters." ; Bien que le terme de « cluster » soit largement répandu dans les milieux académiques et politiques depuis les années 1990, nous verrons que le cluster culturel revêt différentes formes. Nous tenterons de montrer à travers cette analyse, quelles sont les spécificités d'un type de cluster bien particulier : les clusters culturels métropolitains. Leur édification s'inscrit dans une volonté qui est double celle de construire de nouveaux objets politiques d'une nouvelle manière. Ces clusters peuvent être considérés comme de nouveaux objets politiques de par leur nature hybride. Ils dépendent à la fois de politiques publiques et de dynamiques urbaines, économiques et culturelles. Pour mieux appréhender notre objet de recherche nous adopterons une approche scientifique pluridisciplinaire pour se situer à l'intersection de ces trois perspectives. Telle est l'originalité de notre démarche. En somme, il s'agit de voir comment se structure l'évolution de ces clusters à travers les rapports entre acteurs, d'éclairer les logiques qui sont derrières ces projets, les choix, les conflits et les changements de position des acteurs. Moins sectoriels et plus territorialisés, les clusters culturels métropolitains sont basés sur des projets où les processus comptent plus que les résultats. Ces processus constitueront le cœur de notre analyse et nous chercherons à comprendre leurs dynamiques. La « nouvelle manière de faire » fait directement écho à la gouvernance. Ces projets se défendent d'adopter une approche top down, décidée « par le haut pour le bas » et assument un développement qui serait organique, dont les stratégies ne seraient pas figées et évolueraient en fonction d'opportunités. Malgré ces volontés, les clusters culturels que nous étudions portent les stigmates du passé. Le terme de cluster est hérité en effet de politiques industrielles. Les méthodes de coordination des acteurs de ces clusters semblent figées dans d'anciens modèles et bien moins ouverts qu'ils ne le laissent supposer. En partant d'études de cas, et grâce à une analyse comparée internationale, nous mettrons en exergue la complexité qui se cache derrière ce terme de cluster culturel. Grâce à une approche longitudinale nous retracerons l'évolution de leurs objectifs dont nous chercherons à identifier les facteurs. Cette thèse propose une lecture renouvelée de la dynamique des clusters culturels. Elle s'appuie sur les concepts issus des théories évolutionnistes. Comment, en les mobilisant, peut–on mieux appréhender les bifurcations stratégiques des clusters de Nantes, Barcelone et Québec ? Autrement dit, que nous apprennent ces concepts sur les déterminants de la flexibilité ? Les conclusions mettront en exergue les mécanismes réguliers qui conduisent les processus d'évolution des clusters culturels métropolitains ».

Australia's Embassy in Syria's capital of Damascus was closed in 1999 under the Howard Government. In order to explore the possibility of reopening the Embassy, there needs to be a clear understanding of Australian foreign policy and also of Syria's value to Australia. Decisions in Australian foreign policy are made by the Prime Minister. He is influenced however, to varying degrees, by Parliament, the media, lobby groups, industry, non-governmental organisations and the general public. The more economic and political power these groups possess, the more likely they are to influence foreign policy. Foreign policy priorities are quite vulnerable to changes in government and context. Just as foreign policies have transformed over time, over the next few years the Rudd government will develop a new foreign policy. The current policy priorities have been depicted by Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and Foreign Minister Stephen Smith as constituting three pillars. The first pillar is Australia's alliance with the United States. The second pillar is Australia's membership of the United Nations. Finally, the third pillar is regional engagement in the Asia-Pacific. Syria occupies an interesting political position in relation to its region and to key powers such as the United States and Europe. Events of the recent past have resulted in Syria representing the Middle East as a state with a clear alliance with Iran, enjoying good relations with Iraq, supportive of lebanon and assisting the Palestinians. All the same, Syria appears to be seeking a peace accord with Israel, and is considered by many to be an essential player in the Arab-Israeli peace process. Syria does not currently enjoy a good relationship with the United States, however recent diplomacy has led to improved relations with Europe and it is anticipated that when the United States receives a new President in January 2009, Syria's relationship with the United States could follow suit. The current state of relations between Syria and Australia, on the other hand, does not amount to much. There is little trade between the two countries, and small levels of tourism, neither of which justify the initiative to reopen Australia's Embassy in Damascus. While socio-cultural links do exist to an extent between Syria and Australia, these are not enough to promote this cause. Fortunately, Syria also represents great political opportunities for Australia in line with its strategic interests, if the Australian government were to capitalise on these. Syria may provide a situation where Australia could fulfil a number of Kevin Rudd's foreign policy goals. Greater Australian engagement in Syria - ideally in the reestablishment of the Embassy - would provide an opportunity to signal the forthcoming United States President that Australia is serious about continuing its alliance with the United States. This meets the first pillar of foreign policy. The second pillar, steadfast membership to the United Nations, could be fulfilled through Australia's bid to the Security Council for the 2013 term. Increased political relations in the Middle East region could assist in securing this place for Australia. Furthermore, greater engagement in Syria could present an opportunity for alliance building, intelligence gathering, growth in trade prospects, increased regional stability, the promotion of nuclear non-proliferation, and the development of a clear counter-terrorism strategy- all of which represent Australia's interests in the region. Two key developments that should occur in the near future have the capacity to influence Australian foreign policy regarding Syria. In January 2009, with the arrival of a new President at the White House, the United States will be revisiting its foreign policy, that concerning the Middle East in particular. Also, Syria and Israel begin to show signs of thawing relations, hinting at the prospect of an Arab-Israeli peace accord in the near future. The reason the Embassy in Syria was closed originally was due to budget constraints at the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. While it can be argued that in almost ten years Syria has again reached a level of strategic importance for Australia, the fact remains that the Department faces financial limitations, and may perceive better value in spending the money for the Embassy elsewhere. In identifying this fact, several alternative solutions to the issue of improving Australian-Syrian relations without reopening the Embassy suggest themselves. While adequate funds for opening an Embassy may not be available, it may be possible to employ another senior diplomat out of Cairo to assist in overseeing activities in Syria. Also, a visit by the Foreign Minister would send a message of friendship to Syria. Moreover, increased intergovernmental ties culminating in visits from varying Australian governmental departments would result in the growth of cooperation and political relations between Australia and Syria. Syria is becoming an increasingly important diplomatic player today. The promotion of Syrian-Australian relations should therefore form an integral component of Australia's foreign policy initiatives. The ideal way to do this would be to reopen the Australian Embassy in Damascus.

'Beneath the Southern Cross: Increasing Trade Between Argentina & Australia' is a research report designed to demonstrate the benefit to be attained by Australia broadening its trade relationships from the traditional markets of USA, EU and Asia into the newly developing region of Latin America. As a means of establishing this, the report argues Australia has the capacity for this increase and Argentina provides a viable entry point. Argentina's ability to act as a conduit to the rest of Latin America is due to the size of its economy and membership in MERCOSUR, which would place Australia in a favourable position with other members. The motivation for increasing the importance given to Latin America now, while it is still a developing region, is to establish close business and political links before development accelerates and creates greater competition in the region. Although the report is designed to demonstrate Australia will enjoy longer-term benefits when development accelerates, it also argues there are short-term benefits associated with the expansion of trade and the three focus areas for initial expansion will enjoy both immediate and longer-term increases. Education, tourism and nuclear technology were elected as focus areas for increasing trade for several reasons. Education and tourism exports in Australia contribute significantly to Australia's exports and are arguably capable of further increasing their importance in the Australian economy by expanding into new markets. Nuclear technology on the other hand, is a recent development in the Australian political arena in which Argentina has the capacity to increase its exports to Australia. Education and tourism both increase beneficial relationships between nations and act as cures to the negative stereotypes occasionally attributed to Latin American nations which label them poor and insignificant in terms of world trade. Education in particular is a mutually beneficial area for increasing trade by allowing Australia to provide the high quality education of a developed nation which is not available in Argentina on a broad scale. In doing so, Australia gains increased profit and demand for universities whilst also gaining the added contribution to the economy of students living in Australia and increasing the education of local students by broadening the cultures and ideas they come into contact with. The report recommends that Australia should actively increase the export of education to Argentina by increasing the priority given to Argentina as a source of international students and for the Federal Government and the Department of Education, Science and Training to assist this increase through increasing their relationships with Argentine counterparts and their overall presence in the region. The effort begun by the Australian Vice-Chancellors Committee was also commended and encouraged in the report as was the importance of continuing to increase the exchange of students, academics and information between Australian and Argentine universities. The report also argued for increasing the funding for universities to preserve or improve their global rankings as among the best universities in the world. The report further demonstrated that due to the large disparity in income distribution in Argentina, that there was a significant market of Argentine tourists which Australia was failing to attract due to an overall neglect at marketing and presence in the region. The report also argued the overly-invasive procedures which have to be endured by Argentines to gain visas act as deterrents to potential tourists and that this situation requires review. Although education and tourism were focused upon as areas in which Australia could increase its trade, nuclear power was included to demonstrate an area in which Argentina might increase its exports to Australia. As a very recent and therefore relevant topic, nuclear technology was argued to be an area in which Argentina has significant expertise from which Australia could benefit. The successful OPAL project is testament to Argentina's capacity, therefore increasing the level of interaction between our nations in this area is fitting given the strong basis which has developed as a result of the project. The report argued that due to Australia's resources of uranium and Argentina's resources of technology and expertise, a mutually beneficial relationship should be pursued by both governments. Ultimately, Beneath The Southern Cross demonstrates that Australia and Argentina no longer have any valid reasons for continuing to neglect trade relationships with one-another and by continuing to do so, are losing many opportunities. The report argues that delaying any improvement in the level of trade and relationships between our nations until Argentina's development accelerates would hinder our ability to successfully engage with Latin America as competition from other nations would also have increased. It took large scale political and economic effort to engage with Asia once development had accelerated during the late 1980s and early 1990s and consequently, Australia should be trying to avoid a repetition of this by utilising foresight and longer-term market planning to engage with emerging areas earlier.

It was shown that the risk profiles that threaten normal, stable functioning of political power, risks of delegitimation of power are important. This is due to increased of delegitimation trends, increase destructive, dysfunctional processes, growing crisis in the political sphere. It is proved that in modern conditions the risk of delegitimation of political power complicated processes of subpoliticization of society. The main areas of their display is the state, transnational economy, science and technology, privacy. It was found that sources of risk of delegitimation of political power are: institutionalized corruption in public administration and in the judiciary; domination of media-politics and political scandals in the management of public relations; failure of the ruling political actors election programs violation of the rules of democratic procedures, decision-making outside the democratic system of decision-making or when lawfully elected politicians exercise power, concluding agreements and reaching compromises with some political, social or commercial structures, thus spoiling its reputation; weakening traditional channels of influence on the government (through voting or press) members of certain social circles simultaneously with the deterioration of their socio-economic status; non rising expectations of society and opportunities of power available means to satisfy them and others. Determined to overcome these strategic directions delegitimational trends: real or formal expansion of citizens' participation in political decision-making; shifting responsibility to individual authorities or officials; entire arsenal spin-doctoring activities; any reasoned or emotive promises of political parties and individual politicians, elections are the power. It is shown that an effective means of combating of delegitimation of political power or have clear steps to improve the procedures for making political decisions (in terms of fairness and transparency) with exemplary punishment in violation of, or gradually meet the basic interests of society. ; Показано, що у профілі ризиків, які загрожують нормальному, стабільному функціонуванню політичної влади, ризики делегітимації посідають провідне місце, оскільки з посиленням делегітимаційних тенденцій збільшуються деструктивні, дисфункціональні процеси, наростають кризові явища у владно­політичній сфері. Обгрунтовано, що в сучасних умовах ризик делегітимації політичної влади ускладнюється процесами субполітизації суспільства, головними сферами прояву яких є держава, транснаціональна економіка, наука і технології, приватне життя. З'ясовано, що джерелами ризику делегітимації політичної влади є: інституціоналізована корупція у державному управлінні та в судових органах; домінування медіаполітики та політики скандалів в управлінні суспільними відносинами; невиконання правлячими політичними суб'єктами передвиборчих програм, порушення ними правил демократичних процедур, ухвалення рішень поза рамками демократичної системи ухвалення рішень або коли законно обрані політики здійснюють владу, укладаючи угоди та досягаючи компроміси з деякими політичними, суспільними чи комерційними структурами, тим самим псуючи свою репутацію як суверенно та незалежно правлячих суб'єктів; послаблення традиційних каналів впливу на уряд (через голосування чи пресу) представників певних суспільних кіл одночасно з погіршенням їхнього соціально­економічного становища; невідповідності зростаючих очікувань суспільства та можливостей влади їх задовольнити наявними засобами та ін. Визначено такі стратегічні напрями подолання делегітимаційних тенденцій: реальне чи формальне розширення участі громадян у прийнятті політичних рішень; перекладання відповідальності на окремі органи влади чи посадових осіб; весь арсенал спіндокторської діяльності; будь­які аргументовані чи емоційно забарвлені обіцянки політичних партій та окремих політиків, які виборють владу. Показано, що дієвим засобом протидії делегітимації політичної влади є або чіткі кроки з удосконалення процедур ухвалення політичних рішень (у плані чесності та прозорості) з показовим покаранням винних у порушенні, або поступове задоволення інтересів основних верств суспільства. ; Показано, що у профілі ризиків, які загрожують нормальному, стабільному функціонуванню політичної влади, ризики делегітимації посідають провідне місце, оскільки з посиленням делегітимаційних тенденцій збільшуються деструктивні, дисфункціональні процеси, наростають кризові явища у владно­політичній сфері. Обгрунтовано, що в сучасних умовах ризик делегітимації політичної влади ускладнюється процесами субполітизації суспільства, головними сферами прояву яких є держава, транснаціональна економіка, наука і технології, приватне життя. З'ясовано, що джерелами ризику делегітимації політичної влади є: інституціоналізована корупція у державному управлінні та в судових органах; домінування медіаполітики та політики скандалів в управлінні суспільними відносинами; невиконання правлячими політичними суб'єктами передвиборчих програм, порушення ними правил демократичних процедур, ухвалення рішень поза рамками демократичної системи ухвалення рішень або коли законно обрані політики здійснюють владу, укладаючи угоди та досягаючи компроміси з деякими політичними, суспільними чи комерційними структурами, тим самим псуючи свою репутацію як суверенно та незалежно правлячих суб'єктів; послаблення традиційних каналів впливу на уряд (через голосування чи пресу) представників певних суспільних кіл одночасно з погіршенням їхнього соціально­економічного становища; невідповідності зростаючих очікувань суспільства та можливостей влади їх задовольнити наявними засобами та ін. Визначено такі стратегічні напрями подолання делегітимаційних тенденцій: реальне чи формальне розширення участі громадян у прийнятті політичних рішень; перекладання відповідальності на окремі органи влади чи посадових осіб; весь арсенал спіндокторської діяльності; будь­які аргументовані чи емоційно забарвлені обіцянки політичних партій та окремих політиків, які виборють владу. Показано, що дієвим засобом протидії делегітимації політичної влади є або чіткі кроки з удосконалення процедур ухвалення політичних рішень (у плані чесності та прозорості) з показовим покаранням винних у порушенні, або поступове задоволення інтересів основних верств суспільства.

Deals with modern features and trends shaping values of students as a factor of its creative and personality development. Based on the realities of our time and the modern requirements of the process of education of students, defines the socio-professional of values. The study identified and trends that suggest that, in the study of occupational choice students in high schools and colleges it is necessary to study more deeply the different combination of objective and subjective factors of professional choice of modern students.Experimental way, you revealed the dynamics of professional choice of students in vocational schools and count Ledge shows the role and importance of values influencing this choice. Emphasizes the special role of the teacher in the formation of personal creative development . It is argued that the socio-professional values of students, acting as a factor of its creative and personal development necessitate problem solving in several areas, in particular: - study in depth the real political, economic and social situation, which affects the development of modern youth - identify and analyze the specifics of the formation of social and professional values of a young man at all stages of its formation: - impregnated with young people's information culture for the purpose of minimizing the risks of the Internet, reducing its negative impact on their mind - to teach them to learn preparedness STI world with a judicious combination of natural and humanitarian knowledge, - to seek ways of transition to active learning based on the type of search and creative activity of pupils, including design, engineering, forecasting with emphasis on their creativity - to maximize the opportunities of the cultural development of the people , the growth their morals and high moral qualities - use the practice- oriented training of the teacher for help in the present situation. ; Рассматриваются современные особенности и тенденции формирования сациально-профессиональных ценностей учащейся молодежи как фактора её творческого и личностного развития. Исходя из реалий нашего времени и современных требований к процессу воспитания учащейся молодёжи, даётся определение социально-профессиональным ценностям. В ходе исследования были выявлены и тенденции, которые позволяют говорить о том, что, при исследовании профессионального выбора учащихся лицеев и колледжей необходимо более глубоко изучать разные комбинации объективных и субъективных факторов профессионального выбора современных учащихся. Экспериментальным путем выявлена динамика профессионального выбора учащихся профессиональных лицеев и колледжей, показаны роль и значение ценностей, влияющих на этот выбор. Подчеркивается особая роль педагога в формировании творчески развитой личности. Утверждается, что социально-профессиональные ценности учащейся молодёжи, выступающие как фактор её творческого и личностного развития, обуславливают необходимость решения задач по нескольким на-правлениям, в частности: - глубоко изучать реальную политическую, экономическую и социальную ситуацию, влияющую на развитие современной молодёжи; - выявлять и анализировать специфику процесса формирования социально-профессиональных ценностей молодого человека на всех стадиях его становления: - воспитывать у молодых людей информационную культуру с целью минимизирования рисков Интернета, уменьшения его негативного воздействия на их сознание; - учить их готовности познавать мир при разумном сочетании естественнонаучных и гуманитарных знаний, - искать пути перехода к активному типу обучению на основе поисково-творческой деятельности учащихся, включая конструирование, проектирование, прогнозирование при ориентации на их креативность; - максимально использовать возможности культурного развития людей, роста их нравственности и высокоморальных качеств; - использовать практико-ориентированный поиск подготовки педагога в современной ситуации. ; Розглядаються сучасні особливості та тенденції формування соціально - професійних цінностей учнівської молоді як фактора її творчого та особистісного розвитку. Виходячи з реалій нашого часу і сучасних вимог до процесу виховання учнівської молоді, дається визначення соціально-професійними цінностям. У ході дослідження були виявлені і тенденції, які дозволяють говорити про те, що, при дослідженні професійного вибору учнів ліцеїв і коледжів, необхідно більш глибоко вивчати різні комбінації об'єктивних і суб'єктивних факторів професійного вибору сучасних учнів.Експериментальним шляхом виявлена динаміка професійного вибору учнів професійних ліцеїв і коледжів, показані роль і значення цінностей, що впливають на цей вибір. Підкреслюється особлива роль педагога у формуванні творчо розвиненої особистості. Стверджується, що соціально-професійні цінності учнівської молоді, що виступають як фактор її творчого та особистісного розвитку, зумовлюють необхідність вирішення завдань по декількох напрямках, зокрема:- Глибоко вивчати реальну політичну, економічну та соціальну ситуацію, яка впливає на розвиток сучасної молоді;- Виявляти і аналізувати специфіку процесу формування соціально-професійних цінностей молодої людини на всіх стадіях його становлення:- Виховувати у молодих людей інформаційну культуру з метою мінімізації ризиків Інтернету, зменшення його негативного впливу на їх свідомість;- Вчити їх готовності пізнавати світ при розумному поєднанні природничих і гуманітарних знань,- Шукати шляхи переходу до активного типу навчання на основі пошуково-творчої діяльності учнів, включаючи конструювання, проектування, прогнозування при орієнтації на їх креативність;- Максимально використовувати можливості культурного розвитку людей, зростання їх моральності і високоморальних якостей;- Використовувати практико -орієнтований пошук підготовки педагога в сучасній ситуації.

En el presente proyecto se desarrolló una plataforma estratégica para mejorar los resultados, la competitividad e incrementar el valor del Hotel Tayrona Imperial de la ciudad de Bucaramanga – Colombia, con el cual se pueda desarrollar una eficiente gestión organizacional y comercial que aumente el retorno de la inversión de los accionistas de la organización. Inicialmente se realizó un diagnóstico sobre la situación actual del hotel, a través de una auditoría externa para analizar la empresa respecto al factor externo, donde se tuvieron en cuenta las siguientes fuerzas económicas, sociales, culturales, demográficas y geográficas; jurídicas, gubernamentales y políticas; tecnológicas y competitivas. Igualmente se desarrolló un diagnóstico sobre la situación interna del hotel mediante una investigación de mercados de tipo descriptiva transversal. Posteriormente se estableció la declaración de la misión y visión de la empresa, al igual que los objetivos estratégicos. De acuerdo al análisis de la información interna y externa de la empresa se extrajeron las fortalezas, oportunidades, debilidades y amenazas junto con sus respectivas estrategias. De igual forma se establecieron los proyectos a corto, mediano y largo plazo al igual que las actividades, los responsables y los indicadores de acuerdo a cada perspectiva del cuadro de mando integral. En el capítulo cuatro se estableció el análisis financiero sobre la estructura de costos, el estado de resultados, balance general junto con el flujo de efectivo y el retorno sobre la inversión. Finalmente se establecieron las conclusiones y recomendaciones planteadas a la luz de los resultados obtenidos. ; Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey ITESM ; INTRODUCCIÓN 23 1. PROBLEMA 24 2. JUSTIFICACIÓN 28 3. OBJETIVOS 30 3.1. OBJETIVO GENERAL 30 3.2. OBJETIVOS ESPECÍFICOS 30 4. MARCO REFERENCIAL 31 4.1. ESTADO DEL ARTE 31 4.2. MARCO TEÓRICO 36 4.2.1. Descripción de Planeación estratégica 36 4.2.2. Importancia de la Planificación Estratégica 38 4.2.3. Cuadro de mando integral (CMI) o Tablero de comando 44 4.2.4. Análisis financiero 54 4.3. MARCO HISTÓRICO 57 4.3.1. Historia del Hotel Tayrona Imperial 57 4.3.2. Marcas, patentes y derechos de autor 59 4.3.3. Contexto y competitividad del sector hotelero local 59 4.4. MARCO LEGAL 61 5. ANÁLISIS METODOLÓGICO 64 5.1. ETAPA 1: DIAGNÓSTICO DE LA SITUACIÓN ACTUAL DEL HOTEL 64 5.1.1. Fuerzas Económicas 65 5.1.2. Fuerzas Competitivas 85 5.1.3. Matriz de Evaluación del Factor Externo (EFE). 88 5.1.4. La Matriz de Perfil Competitivo (MPC). 92 5.2. ETAPA 2: ESTABLECIMIENTO DEL DIRECCIONAMIENTO ESTRATÉGICO DEL HOTEL TAYRONA IMPERIAL. 111 5.2.1. Declaración de la misión 111 5.2.2. Declaración de la visión 112 5.2.3. Objetivos a largo plazo 113 5.2.4. Aspectos Operativos 113 5.2.5. Permisos y Aspectos Legales 120 5.2.6. Análisis FODA (Fortalezas, Oportunidades, Debilidades y Amenazas) 126 5.2.7. Matriz de la posición estratégica y evaluación de la acción (PEEA). 130 5.2.8. Matriz IE 134 5.2.9. Matriz de Evaluación del Factor Interno (EFI). 134 5.2.10. Matriz MPEC 137 5.3. ETAPA 3: IMPLEMENTACIÓN DEL CUADRO DE MANDO INTEGRAL PARA EL HOTEL TAYRONA IMPERIAL 147 5.3.1. Mapa estratégico. 147 5.3.2. Registro de indicadores de acuerdo a cada perspectiva. 148 5.3.3. Definir Proyectos a Corto, Mediano y largo Plazo 152 5.4. ETAPA 4: ANÁLISIS FINANCIERO PARA EL HOTEL TAYRONA IMPERIAL 156 5.4.1. Análisis de la Estructura de Costos 159 5.4.2. Estado de Resultados 161 5.4.3. Balance General 161 5.4.4. Flujo de Efectivo 162 5.4.5. Retorno de inversión (ROI) 163 5.4.6. Análisis de rentabilidad 164 6. CONCLUSIONES 165 7. RECOMENDACIONES 166 8. BIBLIOGRAFÍA 167 ; Maestría ; In this project was developed a strategic platform to improve results, competitiveness and increase the value of the Tayrona Imperial Hotel in the city of Bucaramanga - Colombia, with which it may be able to develop an efficient organizational and business management to increase the return on investment of the organization's shareholders. A diagnosis of the current situation of the hotel, was initially made through an external audit to analyze the company with respect to the external factor, which took into account the following forces economic, social, cultural, demographic and geographic; legal, governmental and policy; technological and competitive. Also was developed a diagnosis on the internal situation of the hotel through a transversal descriptive market research. Subsequently established the statement of the mission and vision of the company, as well as the strategic objectives for the long term. According to the analysis of the company's internal and external information was extracted the strengths, opportunities, weaknesses and threats along with their respective strategies, a definition of the projects and an assessment of the importance of each of these proposals. Similarly settled in the short, medium and long term projects as in the established activities, managers and indicators according to each perspective of the balanced scorecard. The financial analysis of the cost structure, the status of results, balance sheet with cash flow and return on investment was established in chapter four. Finally settled the conclusions and recommendations raised in the light of the results obtained.