Suchergebnisse

The purpose of the study is to analyse the relationship between the capitalist hegemonic order and the mass media, with the latter restricted to two elite newspapers (Swedish DN and Slovenian Delo) and the selection of news materials from three bodies of international media coverage: NATO's military intervention in former Yugoslavia, 1999, the political demonstrations against the IMF and the World Bank in Prague, 2000, and 9/11, 2001. There are two sub-purposes, one theoretical-methodological and one political-democratic. The first sub-purpose is to accomplish an integrative kind of media analysis (Williams 1977) in which the approaches of political economy (emphasising the economic/material) and cultural studies/discourse analysis (emphasising the symbolic/discursive) are supposed to interact. The hypothesis is that such a 'third way' approach is possible to achieve through the qualitative analysis of journalistic modes of writing. The second sub-purpose (the political-democratic one) takes an interest in the modes' political dimensions. In what manners do the identified modes counter-act, or co-produce, miscellaneous political struggles? In addition, the purpose of the study also includes a more practical dimension. In the light of the results, how should one nowadays imagine an emancipating kind of journalism that tries to explain, unmask, or even counteract the mechanisms of the contemporary global capitalist system? The news media material consists of 438 items (articles, photos etc.), which are analysed by means of a cultural materialist CDA (critical discourse analysis). An identified journalistic mode is analysed as: (1) a practice with certain cognitive, discursive and linguistic characteristics, (2) a structural product (as constituted by underlying social and material structures), and (3) a dialectical force, being a potentially active part of an ongoing mode of production (the capitalist or another mode). The last analytical moment is the central one. Two categories of journalistic modes are identified. To begin with, the modes of de-permanence (The Remote control mode, Differentiation, Semiotic compression), which comprises modes that are part of the 'new economy', of reflexivity, individualism, consumption, mobility, and flexibility. The political dimension of these modes is that they counteract radical (leftist) politics by reducing emancipation, freedom, justice etc. to a matter of individualism and privatisation. The second category is the modes of permanence (Disconnection, Cognitive recycling), which involves an opposing structural dimension of the capitalist system: the production of reification, i.e. the repression of the complex nature of reality – how seemingly autonomous 'things' (spaces, objects etc.) are de facto interwoven with a 'complex whole' of various social, material, cultural, economic relations that are in constant motion. More precisely, the here identified modes reify and eternalise an explanatory structure (the modern division of explanatory labour), a particular power (the US) and a particular territory (the nation state), generating the impression that social reality works 'as usual' while repressing the complex network-like development of global capitalism and its impact on our lives. By sustaining these increasingly archaic structures, what is politically counteracted is the emergence of 'the new': transnational politics and democracy (Beck 1998). The analysis of modes (in total 8) furthermore demonstrates that Swedish DN is more integrated with the capitalist system than Slovenian Delo. The study emphasises the democratic importance of creating new journalistic modes endowed with a transnational journalistic epistemology that decisively include the reality of global capitalism in everyday (local) news reporting when covering and explaining social, political, cultural etc. issues.

Although many observers consider the Bush administration's "faith-based initiative" a unique breach in the wall of separation between church and state, close ties between the federal government and religious agencies are no novelty in the history of American public policy. Since the end of the Second World War, billions of dollars of public funds have been made available to religiously-affiliated hospitals, nursing homes, educational institutions, and social services - institutions which were regarded as vital to Cold War preparedness. By the same token, government use of religious foreign aid agencies, the donation of surplus land and military facilities to religious charities, and the funding of the chaplaincy in the armed forces have undergirded Cold War foreign policy goals. Based on the principle of subsidiarity, post-war public policy thus integrated religious groups into the framework of the welfare and national security state in ways which underwrote both the expansion of the federal government and the growth of religious agencies. Crucially, public funding relations involved not only mainline Protestant, Jewish and Catholic organizations, but also white evangelicals, who had traditionally been the most outspoken opponents of closer ties between church and state. Cold War Anti-Communism, the fear of Catholic or secularist control of public funds, and pragmatic considerations, however, ushered in the gradual revision of their separatist views. Ironically, the programs of Lyndon Johnson's Great Society, so vilified by the Christian Right, pioneered many of the funding streams most beneficial to evangelical providers. Considering that since 1945 the sprawling and loosely organized evangelical movement has become the largest single religious faction in the US, and that conservative Protestants now form the most strongly Republican group in the religious spectrum, these findings are of particular importance. They suggest that Cold War state-building and the resurgence of Evangelicalism mutually reinforced each other in ways which have been largely ignored by scholarship on conservatism and its focus on the "backlash" against the political and cultural upheaval of the 1960s. Based on newly accessible archival materials and a comprehensive review of secondary literature, this paper suggests that the institutional and ideological ties between evangelicals and the state, which developed in the aftermath of the Second World War, are as important in understanding the political mobilization of conservative Protestants as the more recent "culture war" sentiments. ; Beobachter der amerikanischen Politik deuten die so genannte "faith-based initiative" der Bush-Regierung, die eine staatliche Mitfinanzierung religiöser Sozialeinrichtungen ermöglicht, zumeist als einen Versuch, die traditionelle Trennung von Kirche und Staat in den USA zu unterminieren. Bei näherem Hinsehen zeigt sich jedoch, dass bundesstaatliche Gelder bereits seit dem zweiten Weltkrieg in großem Umfang zum Aufbau religiöser Krankenhäuser, Universitäten, internationaler Hilfsorganisationen und sozialer Dienste beigetragen haben. Unter der Ägide des Kalten Krieges wurden religiöse Gruppen institutionell und ideologisch in die Staatsbildung der Nachkriegszeit integriert, die weder eine Rückkehr zum "Nachtwächterstaat" der zwanziger Jahre darstellte, noch auf dem Staatsbegriff des New Deal beruhte. Stattdessen war das spezifische Merkmal des "Cold War state", dass er auf dem Prinzip der Subsidiarität aufbaute, welches den Staat in erster Linie als Geldgeber für den Aufbau einer von privaten, gemeinnützigen und kirchlichen Einrichtungen getragenen sozialstaatlichen Infrastruktur ansah. Zu den besonderen Charakteristika des sich daraus entwickelnden neuen Verhältnisses zwischen Kirche und Staat gehörte, dass konservative protestantische Gruppen, die bislang auf einer strikten Trennung beider Bereiche bestanden, zunehmend in die subsidiaristischen Strukturen eingebunden wurden. Vor allem die Identifikation der Evangelikalen mit dem Antikommunismus und ihre Furcht vor katholischer Dominanz bei der staatlichen Förderung trug zu ihrer neuen Staatsnähe bei. Darüber hinaus profitierten konservative Protestanten insbesondere während der Ausweitung des Wohlfahrtsstaates in den sechziger Jahren (Great Society), die sie ansonsten als Beginn des moralischen Verfalls und staatlichen Versagens angreifen, zunehmend von öffentlichen Mitteln. Dies wirft die Frage auf, welche Rolle diese neue Hinwendung zum Staat für die politische Mobilisierung der Evangelikalen spielte, die in der Forschung zumeist erst in den achtziger Jahren als Resultat der Ablehnung gegenkultureller Impulse angesiedelt wird. Unter Rückgriff auf Theorien der sozialen Bewegungen zeigt der Beitrag auf, dass die ideologische und institutionelle Integration in den Staatsbildungsprozess seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg ebenso wichtig war für das politische Wiedererwachen der Evangelikalen wie ihre Reaktion gegen "sex, drugs, and rock'n'roll" seit den späten siebziger Jahren.

In a world that has become increasingly interconnected over the past decades –economically, politically, socially, and culturally– new challenges are posed to development. Since the 1980s, development has increasingly become interpreted in terms of increasing integration into the world economy. Export-oriented manufacturing became widely viewed as the surest recipe for realizing economic growth while reducing income inequality, and the role of foreign direct investments became increasingly important in development strategies worldwide. However, not every region, industry and social group managed to become successfully integrated into the world economy. In order to explain why these processes of economic restructuring have had such a differential impact, this study situates developments within a wider historical social and political context to establish how these processes of globalization are mediated at the regional and local level. The main object of study concerns the drastic socioeconomic transformation that has taken place in the state of Coahuila –situated in the northeast of Mexico, bordering the United States– over the past three decades. In particular since the start of NAFTA in 1994, Coahuila has become one of Mexico's most successful export-oriented manufacturing states, most importantly as a result of the large number of foreign direct investments it received. However, the effects of these developments have been unevenly distributed among its sub-regions. The main research findings have demonstrated that Coahuila's dominant development strategy since the 1970s has become increasingly successful in its own terms. However, this study also indicated that the spread of these investments throughout Coahuila's sub-regions has been highly uneven, both in a quantitative and qualitative sense. These differential outcomes strongly depend on the role of specific local conditions and local actors. The research findings have identified several important social and political key variables that have shaped the specific regional development outcomes, and which hold general value for further study of the global-local nexus: the role of local private initiatives; the role of local industrial traditions; the role of local labor relations and the role of the local political environment. Questions must also be raised about its ability to contribute to sustained, long-term growth with equity. The strong increase in foreign direct investment, as evidenced in Coahuila, had resulted above all from the strong growth of the U.S. economy in the 1990s and the low Mexican wage levels in the aftermath of the 1994-1995 peso crisis, rather than on endogenous economic growth. Since the turn of the century, many foreign-owned export-oriented companies in Mexico, in particular labor-intensive assembly industries, moved their operations to lower wage-regions resulting from decreasing consumer demand in the United States, in combination with the prospect of heightened international competition from Central America and China. The key issue appears to be not whether, but how regions and localities become linked to the world economy. The more capital-intensive and value-added foreign direct investments –which are generally considered to offer the best prospects for local development– usually prefer urban regions that already possess a strong industrial tradition, institutes of higher (technical) education, skilled labor, etceteras. Most labor-intensive assembly industries –which generally tend to counter competitive pressures by cutting costs rather than by innovation and upgrading– are attracted to localities with an abundance of cheap, unskilled labor, which are found mostly in localities with little economic alternatives. This development strategy –at best– only provided short-term economic success.

The paper scrutinizes the consequences of the adoption of a currency board arrangement (CBA) by some emerging economies during the 1990s. Considering the justifications o f this choice and the different setting-up contexts, it focuses on the implications of a CBA on the financial system and the real economy. A high degree of liquidity of the banking system is required in the absence of a lender-of-last-resort, and the automatic money supply process strictly disciplines the fiscal policy. Monetary stability is restored; but in most o f these economies where capital markets are underdeveloped, CBA's rules make the domestic credit supply dependent on the ability o f the economy to maintain over the time net flows o f the reserve currency, and so set up a precarious growth dynamics. When it is not so (Bulgaria), CBA brings about stagnation. When this is the case, the growth rate can be high but not regular in the medium term. Indeed CBA prevents the use of an exchange rate change and precludes the active u se of monetary policy (interest rates setting) to stabilize the domestic economy. So, the adjustment rests on the ability of the real sector and o f the labour market to absorb exogenous shocks. High unemployment persistence in Argentina and in Estonia shows that the process can be costly and painful. To limit these negative effects, some forms of lender-of-last-resort functions and discretionary power are sometimes established, but these new arrangements alter currency board principles and weaken the monetary credibility. ; La communication a pour objet Vévaluation des trajectoires suivies par les économies qui ont adopté récemment un régime de Currency Board. Après avoir identifié les motivations de ce choix et différencié les contextes de mise en application de cet arrangement monétaire institutionnel singulier, les implications de ce dernier sur le système financier et Véconomie réelle sont mises en lumière. Outre une contrainte de liquidité exacerbée qu'elle fait peser sur le système bancaire confronté à Vabsence de prêteur en dernier ressort, l'automaticité de rémission de monnaie centrale limite tout activisme budgétaire. Les règles du Currency Board rétablissent certes la stabilité monétaire ; mais dans un contexte où les marchés nationaux de capitaux restent peu développés, elles instaurent les bases d'une croissance fragile, en rendant la dynamique de financement de la production largement tributaire de la capacité de Véconomie nationale à dégager des entrées nettes de monnaie de réserve. Le cas bulgare montre que lorsque la condition n'est pasremplie le Currency Board tend à conduire à la stagnation. Dans le cas contraire, le taux de croissance p eu t être élevé et accélérer le processus « d'émergence » ou de « rattrapage », mais le régime de croissance révèle une instabilité chronique. L'ajustement par le taux de change étant rendu caduc par la relation de parité fixe, et l'action de l'autorité monétaire sur les taux d'intérêt étant exclue, les entreprises et le marché du travail doivent absorber les chocs exogènes dans leur totalité : la stabilité monétaire qu'impose le Currency Board nécessite la flexibilité de l'économie réelle. Les exemples argentin et estonien, qui mêlent à la fois croissance (instable) et chômageélevé, montrent que dans un environnement international marqué par l'instabilité, les coûts de cet ajustement peuvent devenir élevés. Pour limiter leurs effets, certains ont cherché développer des formes originales de prêt en dernier ressort et à réintroduire Une certaine dose de pouvoir discrétionnaire, quitte à dénaturer les règles de l'arrangement monétaire et à remettre en question l'effet-crédibilité qu'il est censé apporter.

The processes of transformation resulting from the pressure to adapt to the level of western and international markets has led to the loss of traditional economic bases and jobs in eastern German big cities, especially in the secondary sector. A process linked with this is the fact that trade and industrial fallows have come into being. What was first of all characteristic for the formation of the service society was the development outwards to suburbanisation and the fact that the city has lost its function. At the present, the development inwards, meaning opening up possibilities through renewing and refunctionalising areas, is becoming more and more important in the framework of sustained urban development. The mixed areas that are in the area of the city centre and that are developed in the architectural style of the period of promoterism are under special pressure to either undergo change or be crowded out. Because of the attractive historical buildings and the favourable location in relation to the city centre, they are especially affected by processes of gentrification and assume the functions of areas for service organisations to expand from the city centre. We would like to take the example of a mixed area in the City of Leipzig to investigate in greater detail the process of deterioration of traditional structures, their persistence as well as introducing new economic, social and cultural functions. This area bordering immediately on the eastern side of the city centre bears the designation of the Graphic District because it was once concentrated in one space and the fact that the paper, publishing and printing trade dominated here. In the first portion, we will present a historical and geographic analysis of the development of the utility structure in various important time periods. Based upon this, we will take stock of the present mixed structures in the second portion and make an analysis of the location with the aid of utilisation mapping and a standardised oral survey of entrepreneurs. The freedom of movement to be found in the Graphic District, the larger industrial fallows as well as residential and commercial buildings from the period of promoterism that still exist there from the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century offer sufficient space for the development of an expanding service sector in the city with its office space needs. It is already one of the main locations of Leipzig's large office complexes that have come about partially as a result of new buildings being built and partially as a result of reconstructing historical buildings. Residential buildings are also being built to a great extent and flats renovated at a high standard in the city centre. Since the Graphic District was not especially promoted either as a select commercial area or as a "model area" of the city, it has primarily been groups of private economic protagonists who have had an essential influence upon its development. We can also observe a varying process of occupying office space over a staggered period of time, whereby the amount of empty space is somewhat high. Furthermore, enterpriseorientated service suppliers utilise the benefits of this location, the fact that it is favourable to traffic and the historical or newly formed image of the district. In conclusion, we will make a critical evaluation of the Graphic District location from our studies as an office and business site for individual sectors from the point of view of the group of protagonists from commercial, trade and service suppliers and view for the future development.

Presence of aflatoxins is relatively high in temperate, as well as in subtropical and tropical regions, causing large pos-harvest losses. Government regulations for fungi or micotoxin contamination on stored grains are not available in Colombia. This study was conducted to determine actuallevels of incidence, frecuency and distribution of such metabolites in order to provide the basis for government regulations. Samples of sorghum grain grown in the region of Huila and Tolima (Alto Magdalena) were analized for aflatoxin using High Performance Liquid Chromatography. The results indicated that non e of the sorghum samples collected immediately after harvest time (n=3o) had detectable aflatoxin levels (lowest detectable level=1 µg/kg). However, 18.0 % of the samples stored under commercial conditions at the Savanna of Bogotá for a 6 month period had aflatoxin B, with a mean value of 5.1 µg/kg, ranging from 1.0 to 22.4 µg/kg. On the other hand, samples taken from the outer storage facility had the lowest levels with a 7.4 % incidence, and the samples taken from the inner had the highest values with an incidence of 26.5%. This finding indicates that presence of aflatoxin in sorghum is not homogenously distributed. Aflatoxin contamination were below the maximun international allowable levels (20 µg/kg); thus, these levels are similar to the values reported worldwide in sorghum samples. These results indicate that sorghum handled and stored similarly as to the present study do not represent hazard for humans health or livestock in relation to the natural presence of aflatoxins. ; La ocurrencia de afiatoxinas en los granos es relativamente alta en las regiones templadas y los climas subtropicales y tropicales; su presencia ocasiona considerables pérdidas biológicas y económicas en la fase de poscosecha. Colombia carece de un programa serio y continuo de monitoreo sobre la contaminación por hongos y micotoxinas en las materias primas de los alimentos balanceados. El presente trabajo se realizó con el fin de establecer los niveles reales de incidencia, frecuencia y distribución de dichos metabolitos, datos con los cuales sea posible ofrecer directrices de regulación a nivel gubernamental para la comercialización de los granos. Con este objetivo se tomaron diferentes muestras de sorgo producido en Colombia (en la zona agrícola de los departamentos de Tolima y Huila, región conocida como Alto Magdalena), las cuales se analizaron para determinar analíticamente su contenido de aflatoxinas mediante la técnica de cromatografía líquida de alta eficiencia. Ninguna de las muestras de sorgo recolectadas inmediatemente después de la cosecha (n=30) mostró niveles detectables de atlatoxinas (límite de detección de la técnica analítica = 1µg/kg). Sin embargo, las muestras provenientes de sorgos almacenados durante seis meses en bodegas y silos comerciales de la Sabana de Bogotá, presentaron una incidencia de atlatoxina B1 del 18,0%, con un contenido promedio de 5,1 µg/kg y un rango entre 1,0 y 22,4 µg/kg. Las muestras tomadas en el exterior de las planchas de almacenamiento, mostraron una incidencia mucho menor de infestación (7.4%) que aquellas tomadas en el interior de las mismas (26,5%), lo cual pone de manifiesto que la presencia de atlatoxinas en los granos almacenados no se distribuye de manera homogénea. Los niveles de contaminación por aflatoxinas se encuentran por debajo del nivel máximo permisible según patrones internacionales (20 µg/kg) y coinciden con lo reportado a nivel mundial para muestras de sorgo. Los resultados indican que el sorgo analizado no constituye una amenaza para la salud pública y la producción pecuaria en cuanto a la contaminación con atlatoxinas se refiere.

Es indudable que el proceso de transformaciones económicas, políticas y sociales que se llevó a cabo en Cuba a partir de 1959 eliminó las bases en las que se sustentaba la existencia de la prostitución. La mujer cubana fue beneficiaria de un conjunto de medidas aplicadas como resultado del triunfo revolucionario. El estudio, el trabajo, la salud, la seguridad social, fueron posibles entonces y ahora.El resurgimiento de este fenómeno en los últimos años de forma explosiva tiene sus causas principales en la profunda crisis económica a que nuestro país fue sometido como resultado del recrudecimiento del bloqueo norteamericano (hoy evidenciado en la Ley Helms-Burton) y el derrumbe del socialismo europeo, lo que provocó la pérdida de ventajas comerciales.La necesidad de reflexionar sobre el problema nos lleva, en primer lugar, a tener en cuenta ante todo que la solución del mismo pasa por la comprensión de que en toda relación mercantil se prostituye no sólo la mujer que vende sino el hombre que paga. Hay también todo un conjunto de factores que incidieron en el resurgimiento de la prostitución: problemas con la transmisión de valores y medidas económicas imprescindibles de tomar para enfrentar la situación económica a partir del año 1989.Asumir un paradigma en el tránsito al nuevo orden social que señalaba la desaparición de la prostitución por sí sola en cuanto se resolviera el contexto macrosocial, ha traido consecuencias inesperadas para el modelo establecido. Es de esperar que en la medida que Cuba se enfrente, como lo está haciendo ya, a la crisis que ha deteriorado el nivel de vida de su población, en la medida que se elimine el efecto de espejismo del turismo internacional, en la medida que se revaloricen los elementos clave que contribuyeron a su aparición, esa prostitución sui generis, peculiar en sus manifestaciones, pierda su razón de ser.La dimensión cultural a la que hacemos referencia en el trabajo es importante para cualquier solución en el caso cubano, exluiría un tratamiento moralista del problema y todo tipo de discriminación hacia la mujer que en el plano subjetivo aún pudiera subsistir. ; It goes without saying that the process of economic, political and social transformations of Cuba since 1959 have eliminated the grounds for the existence of prostitution. Cuban women benefited from political measures according to revolutionary principles which helped women study, work, health and social security.In the last few years prostitution has experiencede an increase because of the economic crisis due to American blocage (Helms-Burton law) and the declive of European socialism.It is necessary to think on this problem to soloe it. It is clear that the commercial relation prostitution means affect not only women but men who pay for such activity. There are other factors which affect the resurgence of prostitution value system and economic policies to deal with the economic situation since 1989.The construction of a paradigm of the transition towards a new social order that implicitly denied prostitution at the macrosocial level has had non-attended consequences. As far as Cuba shall confront the actual economic crisis which has greatly decreased her population life estandards, controls international tourism and recovery her key elements, prostitution sui generis well disappear.Cultural dimension is central to the Cuban case aprecially to the problem of women discrimination.

Book reviewed in this article:A CONTEMPORARY CRITIQUE OF HISTORICAL MATERIALISM: VOLUME TWO, THE NATION‐STATE AND VIOLENCE, By Anthony Giddens.ARGUING FOR SOCIALISM: THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS. By Andrew Levine.WOMEN OF THE MEDIEVAL WORLD. Edited by J. Kirschner and S.F. Wemple.ENTERPRISE AND HISTORY: ESSAYS IN HONOUR OF CHARLES WILSON. Edited by D.C. Coleman and Peter Mathias.THE CRISIS OF PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY. By Carl Schmitt.HISTORY FROM BELOW: STUDIES IN POPULAR PROTEST AND POPULAR IDEOLOGY IN HONOUR OF GEORGE RUDÉ. Edited by Frederick Krantz.READING ALTHUSSER, AN ESSAY ON STRUCTURAL MARXISM. By Steven B. Smith.POLITICAL THINKERS. Edited by David Muschamp.MODELS IN POLITICAL ECONOMY. By Michael Barratt Brown.SURVEYS OF AUSTRALIAN POLITICAL SCIENCE. Edited by Don Aitkin.POLITICAL THEORIES OF MODERN GOVERNMENT: ITS ROLE AND REFORM. By Peter Self.RETHINKING MODERN POLITICAL THEORY. By John Dunn.IMPERIALISM AND AFTER: CONTINUITIES AND DISCONTINUITIES. Ed. by W.J. Mommsen and J. Osterhammel.LECTURES ON THE PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL OBLIGATION AND OTHER WRITINGS. By T.H. Green.MEN AND WOMEN OF PORT PHILLIP. By Martin Sullivan.COMMUNITY OF FATE: MEMOIRS OF GERMAN JEWS IN MELBOURNE. Edited by John Foster.THE GERMAN CONNECTION: SESQUICENTENARY ESSAYS ON GERMAN‐VICTORIAN CROSSCURRENTS 1835–1985. Edited by Leslie Bodi and Stephen Jeffries.DAISY BATES: THE NATIVE TRIBES OF WESTERN AUSTRALIA. Edited by Isobel White.PADRE. AUSTRALIAN CHAPLAINS IN GALLIPOLI AND FRANCE. By Michael McKernan.THIS IS WHAT HAPPENED: HISTORICAL NARRATIVES BY ABORIGINES. Edited by Luise Hercus and Peter Sutton.RECOVERY: THE POLITICS OF ABORIGINAL REFORM. By Charles Rowley.NO CONCEIVABLE INJURY: THE STORY OF BRITAIN AND AUSTRALIA'S ATOMIC COVERUP. By Robert Milliken.CURTINS COWBOYS: AUSTRALIA'S SECRET BUSH COMMANDOS. By Richard and Helen Walker.HATE ON TRIAL: THE MEDIA AND PUBLIC OPINION IN CANADA. By Gabriel Weimann and Conrad Winn.BLOCKING THE SPREAD OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS: AMERICAN AND EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVES.ANATOMY OF A WAR: VIETNAM, THE UNITED STATES, AND THE MODERN HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE. By Gabriel Kolko.IDEAL AND REALITY: SOCIAL AND POLITICAL CHANGE IN MODERN CHINA 1860–1949. Edited by David Pong and Edmund S.K. Fung.MODERN CHINA, A HISTORY. By Edwin E. Moise.EAGLE AGAINST THE SUN: THE AMERICAN WAR WITH JAPAN. By Ronald H. Spector.THE VATICAN, THE BISHOPS AND IRISH POLITICS 1919–1939. By Dermot KeoghA HISTORY OF EUROPE 1648–1948: THE ARRIVAL, THE RISE, THE FALL. By Paul Dukes.THE TOTEM AND THE TRICOLOUR: A SHORT HISTORY OF NEW CALEDONIA SINCE 1774. By Martyn Lyons.FRANCOPHONIE: ORGANISATION, CO‐ORDINATION, EVALUATION. By William W. Bostock.SOWJETISCHE MILITÄRHILFEPOLITIK GEGENÜBER ENTWICKLUNGSLÄNDERN. By Joachim Krause.DER OSTBLOCK: ENTSTEHUNG, ENTWICKLUNG UND STRUKTUR, 1939–80. By Jens Hacker.SOCIALISM IN HISTORY — POLITICAL ESSAYS OF HENRY PACHTER. Edited and introduced by Stephen Eric Bronner.STORMTROOPERS — A SOCIAL, ECONOMIC AND IDEOLOGICAL ANALYSIS, 1929–35. By Conan Fischer.TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE IN THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC. By Raymond Bentley.DIE GESCHICHTE DER WLASSOW‐ARMEE. By Joachim Hoffman.THE GERMAN STUDENT CORPS IN THE THIRD REICH. By R.G.S. Weber.A SOCIALIST ANATOMY OF BRITAIN. Edited by David Coates, Gordon Johnston and Ray Bush.PATRONAGE AND POLITICS IN SCOTLAND, 1707–1832. By Ronald M. Sunter.THE FAMILY IN ANCIENT ROME: NEW PERSPECTIVES. Edited by Beryl Rawson.THE THATCHER GOVERNMENT. By Peter Riddell.TRADE UNIONS AND POLITICS. By Ken Coates and Tony Topham.MASTERLESS MEN. THE VAGRANCY PROBLEM IN ENGLAND 1560–1640. By A.L. Beier.HISTORY AND HERITAGE. THE SOCIAL ORIGINS OF THE BRITISH INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS SYSTEM. By Alan Fox.THE GREAT ARCH: ENGLISH STATE FORMATION AS CULTURAL REVOLUTION. By Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer.THE AMATEUR AND THE PROFESSIONAL: ANTIQUARIANS, HISTORIANS AND ARCHAEOLOGISTS IN VICTORIAN ENGLAND, 1838–1886. By Phillipa Levine.WRITING MARXIST HISTORY: BRITISH SOCIETY, ECONOMY AND CULTURE SINCE 1700. By R.S. NealeENCYCLOPEDIA OF THE UNITED NATIONS AND INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS. By Edmund Jan Osmanczyk.

Book reviewed in this article:1975 CRISIS — An Historical Review. By H.O. Browning.THE AUSTRALIAN ECONOMY: A VIEW FROM THE NORTH. Edited by Richard Caves and Lawrence Krause.AUSTRALIAN DEMOCRACY IN THEORY AND PRACTICE. By Graham MaddoxREVOLUTIONARIES AND REFORMISTS: Communism and the Australian Labor Movement 1920–1955. By Robin GollanASCENT TO POWER: WRAN AND THE MEDIA. By Brian Dale.A FEDERAL LEGISLATURE: The Australian Commonwealth Parliament 1901–1980. By Joan Rydon.WHO OWNS THE PAST? PAPERS FROM THE ANNUAL SYMPOSIUM OF THE AUSTRALIAN ACADEMY OF THE HUMANITIES. Edited by Isabel McBryde.DIVORCE IN 19TH CENTURY NEW SOUTH WALES. By Hilary Golder.ESSAYS ON VICTORIAN POLITICS. Edited by P.R. Hay, J. Halligan, J. Warhurst and B. Costar.PROGRAM FOR CHANGE. Edited by Marian Sawyer.TO LIVE IN PEACE: AUSTRALIA'S DEFENCE POLICY. By Michael O'Connor. CarltonTHE JEWS IN VICTORIA, 1835–1985. By Hilary L. Rubinstein. Appendix by W.D. Rubinstein.RUPERT MURDOCH. A PAPER PRINCE. By George Munster.DANIEL MANNIX. THE QUALITY OF LEADERSHIP. By B.A. Santamaria.WHY CHINA? RECOLLECTIONS OF CHINA 1923–1950. By C.P. Fitzgerald.TRADE UNIONS IN CHINA 1949 TO THE PRESENT. The Organisation and Leadership of the All‐China Federation of Trade Unions. By Lee Lai To.JAPAN TODAY. By Roger Buckley.SUPER POWERS IN COLLISION. THE NEW COLD WAR OF THE 1980s. By Noam Chomsky, Jonathan Steele and John Gittings.NUCLEAR WINTER. By Owen GreeneALL THINGS TO ALL MEN: The False Promise of the Modern American Presidency. By Godfrey Hodgson.THE CANADIAN HOUSE OF COMMONS: ESSAYS IN HONOUR OF NORMAN WARD. Edited by John C. Courtney.TOWARDS AN ALTERNATIVE FOR CENTRAL AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN. By George Irvin and Xabier Gorostiaga.MONKS, HERMITS AND THE ASCETIC TRADITION. Ed. by W.V. Sheils.THE BARBARIAN WEST 400–1000. By J.M. Wallace‐Hadrill.POWERS AND LIBERTIES: The Causes and Consequences of the Rise of the West. By John A. Hall.A FINANCIAL HISTORY OF WESTERN EUROPE. By Charles P. Kindleberger.EAST‐CENTRAL EUROPE IN TRANSITION: From the Fourteenth to the Seventeenth Century. Ed. by A. Maczak, H. Samsonowicz, and P. Burke.THE SCAREMONGERS. The Advocacy of War and Rearmament 1896–1914. By A.J.A. Morris.THE DECISION TO DISARM GERMANY: BRITISH POLICY TOWARDS POSTWAR GERMAN DISARMAMENT, 1914–1919. By Lorna S. Jaffe.HISTORY AND HERITAGE: The Social Origins of the British Industrial Relations System. By Alan Fox.FACTION AND PARLIAMENT. Essays on Early Stuart History. Edited by Kevin Sharpe.POLITICS AND IDEOLOGY IN ENGLAND 1603–1640. By J.P. Sommerville.THE ECONOMY AND THE 1984 BUDGET. Edited by Michael Keen.FROM MUNICH TO THE LIBERATION, 1938–1944. By Jean‐Pierre Azema.THE NAZI DICTATORSHIP: PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES OF INTERPRETATION. By Ian Kershaw.ÖSTERREICH‐LAND DER BEGRENZTEN UNMÖGLICHKEITEN. (Austria‐the Land of Limited Impossibilities). By Karl Pisa.ZION BEFORE ZIONISM, 1838–1880. By Arnold Blumberg.COUNTER—INSURGENCY IN RHODESIA. By J.K. Cilliers.DARWINISM AND DIVINITY: Essays on Evolution and Religious Belief. Edited by John Durant.SEX, IDEOLOGY AND RELIGION: THE REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN IN THE BIBLE. By Kevin Harris.THE POLITICS OF ECONOMIC POLICYMAKING. By Wyn Grant and Shiv Nath.THE ECONOMICS OF THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION. Edited by Joel Mokyr.THE PHOSPHATEERS: A History of the British Phosphate Commissioners and the Christmas Island Phosphate Commission. By Maslyn Williams and Barrie Macdonald.THE FOODMAKERS. By Sarah Sargent.BEYOND DEPENDENCE. By Kosmas Tsokhas.PAYING AND CHOOSING: The Intelligent Person's Guide to the Mixed Economy. By Leo Pliatzky.MARX'S LOST AESTHETIC. Karl Marx and the visual arts. By Margaret A. Rose.THE RISE AND DECLINE OF WESTERN LIBERALISM. By Anthony Arblaster.LIBERALISM AND ITS CRITICS. Edited by Michael J. Sandel.BURKE'S REFLECTIONS ON THE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE. By F.P. Lock.THE DIVIDING DISCIPLINE: HEGEMONY AND DIVERSITY IN INTERNATIONAL THEORY. By K.J. Holsti.THE STATE. By Anthony de Jasay.A COMMON SENSE GUIDE TO WORLD PEACE. By Benjamin B. Ferencz.

Books Reviewed in this Article: THE ADMINISTRATION OF HEALTH AND WELFARE SERVICES by B. Scammels, Manchester University Press, 1971, 124 pp., £1.80. VARIATIONS IN SERVICES FOR THE AGED by Bleddyn P. Davies, Andrew J. Barton, Ian S. McMillan and Valerie Williamson. Occasional Papers in Social Administration, Bell, 1971, 164 pp. (including diagrams), £1.70. HELPING THE AGED by E. Matilda Goldberg, Allen & Unwin, 1971, 216 pp. £3.25 cloth, £1.50 paper. SURVIVAL OF THE UN FITTEST by Bernard Isaacs, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972, 170 pp., £2.50. THE PROCESS OF BECOMING ILL by David Robinson, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971, 131 pp., £2.10 THE BRITISH OMBUDSMAN by Frank Stacey, Oxford University Press, 1971, viii + 349 pp., £4.00. STYLE IN ADMINISTRATION: READINGS IN BRITISH PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION edited by R. A. Chapman and A. Dunsire, Allen & Unwin for Royal Institute of Public Administration, 1971, 496 pp., £4.95 hardback, £2.95 paper. LOCAL GOVERNMENT by R. J. Buxton, Penguin, Law and Society Series, 1970, 287 pp., 18s. NEW REVENUES FOR LOCAL GOVERNMENT by A. H. Marshall, Fabian Research Series, No. 295, 1971, 27 pp., 25p. ITALY CHOOSES EUROPE by F. Roy Willis, Oxford University Press, New York, £3.90 hardback, £1.40 paper. NTRODUCING SOCIOLOGY by Peter Worsley and others, Penguin Education, 970, 416 pp., 75p. MODERN SOCIOLOGY: INTRODUCTOR Y READINGS edited by Peter Worsley and others, Penguin Education, 1970, 511 pp., 75p. SOCIOLOGY: SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND CHANGE by Bernard S. Phillips, Collier‐Macmillan Ltd., 1969, xvi + 432 pp., £2.25. THE SOCIOLOGY OF THE FAMILY edited by Michael Anderson, Penguin Education, 1971, 352 pp., 50p. PEASANTS AND PEASANT SOCIETIES edited by Teodor Shainin, Penguin Education, 1971, 448 pp., 50p. FUNCTIONALISM, EXCHANGE AND THEORETICAL STRATEGY by M. J. Mulkay, Routledge and Kegan Paul, International Library of Sociology and Social Reconstruction, 1971, ix + 260 pp., £2.70. SOCIOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF CRIME AND DELINQUENCY by Michael Phillipson, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971, 184 pp., £1.60. THE SOCIAL IMPACT OF MODERN BIOLOGY edited by Watson Fuller, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971, £1.00. TECHNOLOGY TODA Y edited by Edward de Bono, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971, 144 pp., £1.75. THE EVANGELISTIC BUREAUCRAT by John Gower Davies, Tavistock Publications, 1972, 239 pp., £3.00. DICTIONAR Y OF SOCIAL SERVICES: POLICY AND PRACTICE by Joan Clegg, Bedford Square Press, 1972, 126 pp., 90p. EXPLORATION INTO CHILD CARE by Peter Boss, Routledge and Kegan Paul, Library of Social Policy and Administration, 1971, viii + 116 pp., $1.50. A PLACE LIKE HOME: A PIONEER HOSTEL FOR BOYS by W. David Wills, Allen & Unwin, 1970, 136 pp., £1.75. YOUNG PEOPLE AND LEISURE by John Leigh, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971, £2.50. HOUSING: THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC ELEMENTS by Wallace F. Smith, University of California Press, Berkeley & Los Angeles, 1970, xiv + 511 pp. AN EQUAL CHANCE by D. Birley and A. Dufton, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971. 211 pp., £2.50 THE WORKER AND THE LAW 2nd ed., by K. W. Wedderburn, Penguin, 1971, 587 pp., paper, 75p. FAMILY LAW by Margaret Puxton, Penguin, 1971, 60p. CRIMES, COURTS AND FIGURES—AN INTRODUCTION TO CRIMINAL STATISTICS by Nigel Walker, Penguin Education (Law and Society), 1971, 160 pp., 60p. MANAGEMENT AND UNIONS—THE THEORY AND REFORM OF INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS by Allan Flanders, Faber and Faber, 1970, 317 pp., £3.50. MEASURE FOR MEASURE—REFORMING THE TRADE UNIONS by Stephen Fay, Chatto & Windus, Charles Knight, 1970, vii + 131 pp., £1.25 hardback, 50p paper. WORKERS' PARTICIPATION IN MANAGEMENT—EXPECTATIONS AND EXPERIENCE by J. Y. Tabb & A. Goldfarb, Pergamon, 1970, xv + 302 pp. THE EMPLOYMENT OF YOUNG WORKERS by Nancy B. Keene, Batsford, Modern Management Series, 1969. COMMUNICATION IN AN EXPANDING ORGANISATION by Eric Moonman, Tavistock Publications, 1970, vii + 182 pp., £1.80.

The dissertation consists of three studies examining three different regulatory issues that affect the auditing profession. The first study has two main foci. First, the study investigates the impact of Sarbanes-Oxley Act (SOX) on the Big 4 fee premium. Second, the study investigates the relationship between the size of an audit client and annual fee change. The results show that in the post-SOX environment, clients of non-Big 4 firms have experienced greater increases in audit fees than the clients of the Big 4 firms, resulting in a diminishing Big 4 premium. This is consistent with the notion that non-Big 4 clients had to make significant adjustments to meet post-SOX quality requirements by increasing their effort (and consequently audit fees). The results also show audit firms' large clients experience the largest percentage increase in audit fees. This is consistent with the theoretical view of consumer surplus, where the large clients, with more resources, have greater levels of consumer surplus, which is being captured by the audit firms. The study contributes to our understanding of the impact of SOX on audit fee premium and the economics of audit market competition in different client segments. The second study is focused on three main areas: 1) the relationship between audit fees and audit market concentration on a country level; 2) the effect of a country's litigation regime on the relationship between audit fees and market concentration and 3) the inter-relations between competition, fees, and quality in the market for audit services. The study is motivated by the current debate in the United States and the European Union about the possible problems associated with the current oligopolistic structure of the audit market. The contribution of this study lies in the fact that it provides a multi-national empirical investigation of the audit competition-fee relationship, and examination of how country-level fees affect the competition-quality relationship, while controlling for country level factors. Results show a negative relationship between country-level market concentration and audit fees but only in highly litigious countries, suggesting that the firms are able to obtain economies of scale in more concentrated markets and are willing to pass savings down to their clients. However this relationship only holds for the clients of the Big N firms. Analysis of audit quality suggests that audit quality is higher in more concentrated markets but mediation analysis did not show that the fees mediate the relationship between audit quality and market concentration. The third study addresses current regulatory debate about the responsibility of the principal auditor in the group audit environment. Current United States standards allow the principal auditor to disavow responsibility for parts of the audit which were performed by a third party auditor by referencing them in the auditor's opinion and then indicating the part of the audit which was performed by them. This disclaimer of responsibility is prohibited under the international auditing standards, which require the principal auditor to be responsible for the entire group audit. Specifically, this study examines 1) audit quality implications related to such opinions, and 2) the relationship between having a shared opinion and audit fees. The results show that the audit quality is significantly lower for the firms whose audit opinion referenced a third party auditor. The results also provide some evidence that audit fees are lower in shared responsibility situations. ; 2013-08-01 ; Ph.D. ; Business Administration, Dean's Office CBA ; Doctoral ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

SummarySeen as a whole, the failure to solve the world's food problem has also to be considered as a realtive failure of rural sociology. The inherited emphasis on micro‐sociological analysis within an accepted social order has led to research mainly concerned with adjustment problems and petty change. But a successful contribution by rural sociology to solve development problems has been hampered by other factors also.To attack real‐life problems, all relevant factors related to the problem at hand and their inter‐relatedness have to be considered. This is not possible within the borderlines of one of the existing disciplines (be it economics, sociology, anthropology, natural sciences, etc.).It seems, that the behavioural sciences can serve the function of really integrating the relevant disciplines (instead of only adding them).To bring about and direct change one needs to know the practical problems arising in practical development efforts. Research then has to be close enough to these development activities to ask the really relevant questions. The concepts, therefore, have to be action‐oriented and the research activities should be directed ‐ more than it is the case so far ‐ to provide for problem‐solving proposals.Only relatively few sociologists and rural sociologists are working in planning and action agencies. It seems that sociologists most often feel at home at the universities, not trying to bring scientific knowledge into use in development activities. On the other hand, it is obvious that the conditions for work in the existing institutions are often not favourable for sociologists (political pressure to show quick results, etc.). The present state of knowledge in relation to development is still inadequate; what is known is poorly disseminated to practitioners of development; administrators and development agents are often unwilling or unable to change their own established attitudes and the existing working procedures.If the points stated are really crucial, and rural sociologists become aware of them, it can be hoped and expected that the discipline has the capacity to bring important contributions to intentional efforts at development to solve the main pressing problems.ZusammenfassungAufgrund der Entwicklung dieser noch jungen Disziplin hat sie sich vorwiegend mit mikro‐soziologischen Studien innerhalb von Gesellschaftssystemen befaßt, die als solche unbefragt akzeptiert wurden. Die Forschung konzentrierte sich infolgedessen fast aus‐schließlich auf Anpassungsprobleme und peripheren Wandel. Da‐neben haben aber andere Faktoren einen fruchtbaren Beitrag der Ländiichen Soziologie zur Lösung von Entwicklungsproblemen verhindert:Zur Lösung realer Problemsituationen müssen alle für das jeweilige Problem relevanten Faktoren und die Beziehungen dieser Faktoren untereinander berücksichtigt werden. Das ist nicht möglich innerhalb der historisch bedingten Grenzen einer Disziplin (sei es Volkswirt‐schaftswissenschaft, Betriebswirtschaft, Soziologie, Anthropologic oder eine der naturwissenschaftlichen Disziplinen). Einen fruchtbaren Ansatz zu der notwendigen Integration (nicht einfacher Addition) der relevanten Disziplinen scheinen die Verhaltenswissenschaften zu bieten.Um Wandel hervorzubringen und ihm Richtung zu geben muß man die Probleme kennen, die sich bei praktischen Entwicklungs‐bemühungen stellen. Forschung muß daher diesen Entwicklungs‐bemühungen nahe genug sein, um die tatsächlich relevanten Fragen stellen zu können. Entsprechend müssen auch die Forschungskonzepte aktions‐orientiert sein, und die Forschungsbemühungen müssen ‐ mehr als das bisher der Fall ist ‐ darauf gerichtet sein, Problem‐losungsvorschläge zu entwickeln.In den zahlreichen nationalen und internationalen Planungs‐ und Entwicklungsinstitutionen sind unverhältnismäßig wenig Soziologen und Ländliche Soziologen tätig. Augenscheinlich fühlen sich Soziologen eher an den Universitäten zu Hause und versuchen kaum, wissenschaftliche Kenntnisse in Entwicklungsbemuhüngen zur An‐wendung zu bringen. Andererseits ist es unverkennbar, daß die Arbeitsbedingungen in den existenten Institutionen für verantwort‐liche Soziologen oft recht ungünstig sind (politischer Druck, rasch sichtbare Ergebnisse vorzuweisen etc.).Gegenwärtig ist unser Wissen hinsichtlich gezielter Entwicklung noch recht unvollkommen. Der begrenzte Bestand relativ gesicherter Einsichten wird den Praktikern in Entwicklungsaufgaben nur sehr ungenügend verfügbar gemacht. Die Zuständigen in den Planungs‐, Verwaltungs‐ und Entwicklungsinstitutionen sind häufig unfähig oder unwillig ihre eigenen etablierten Haltungen und die bestehenden Verfahrensweisen zu ändern.Wenn die vorgenannten Faktoren wirklich die wesentlichen sind hinsichtlich eines positiven Beitrages der Ländiichen Soziologie, und die Angehörigen dieser Disziplin die Bedeutung dieser Faktoren wahrnehmen, dann steht zu hofTen, daß die Ländliche Soziologie in der Lage sein wird, relevante Beiträge für gezielte Entwicklungs‐bemühungen zu liefern und die drängendsten Probleme zu bewältigen.

The problem of Church-State relations—if under Church is understood the Church universal in its Catholic form—may be answered without too much difficulty on a high abstract level. But on the contingent level of concrete historical development the problem becomes not only highly involved, but almost inexhaustible. For every growth in the Church's doctrine, (for example, the decrees of the Vatican Council and every deeper-going change in the other partner's constitutional forms or in its philosophical and ethical justification or a change in its aims to greater comprehensive competencies) poses a new problem. No wonder, therefore, that in our era of restlessness, of dynamic social changes, of conflicting ideologies fighting for the baffled minds of the masses, of wavering traditions decomposed by the acid of nihilist skepticism, the Church-State problem arises in a new intensity and urgency. The external signs are there for everyone to see: the fury of a Hitler against the "Black International," the violent persecution of the Church in die satellite countries of the Russian orbit, and the complete subjugation of the Orthodox Church not to a "Christian" Czar but to die confessedly adieistic Politburo. In minor degree the problem is also bothering the people of the United States. A secularist outlook, indeed, may slur over the reality and intensity of the true problem. For the secularized outlook die Church in her essence—and even more so the churches and the sects—is not different in genere from odier numerous private organizations for die furtherance of more or less rational aims and longings in a constitutionally pluralist society. The secularist will, therefore, recognize only one pragmatic rule: tolerance unless the public order and the competency of the police power is directly concerned. Public order includes all too often for the secularist his reform ideas and his social ideals based on a relativist pragmatism in ethics and thus makes him highly sensitive to die criticism by a Church which bases ethics on revelation and on competencies which die secularist can only consider as unfounded and arrogant. Only if the Church remains in the private sphere of private individuals and stays in this "free" sphere where the secularist will tolerate any mass-idiosyncracies, only dius will he condescendingly tolerate the Church. His attitude may be explained to a degree by the fact of an exceedingly strong religious individualism and a subjective and emotional spiritualism, inimical to form and tradition (indigenous to this country and resulting in the easy dissolution of doctrinal unity into a multiplicity of sects). This spiritualist "formlessness" of religion, here, makes the emphasis on organically grown and established forms and on the objective institutions of religious life, so characteristic of the Catholic Church, a somewhat strange and suspicious thing. Yet there is no avoiding the nature and self-understanding of the Church, if the problem of Church and State should be approached. Otherwise the term "Church" would stand only for utterly private opinions by very private individuals in that sphere of irrational feeling and unscientific imagination which for the secularist agnostic is religion. And it is clear that upon such suppositions it would follow that the political authority has exclusive and plenary competency to judge about the compatibility of such a religion with the policy and the public order of the state. The consequence of such thinking is the abolition of the Church-State problem by the complete elimination of the Church.

In 1928, Utah Construction Company completed its first project outside of the United States with the 110 mile railroad for Southern Pacific of Mexico. Over the next 30 years, UCC continued to work on projects in Mexico including dams, roads, mining, and canals. The collection contains several booklets and correspondence along with approximately 500 photographs. ; 8.5 x 11 in. paper ; 8 December 1972 Mexico Mr. B. R. Waples, Jr. Vice President and Manager The Ralph M. Parsons Company 617 West Seventh Street Los Angeles, California 90017 Dear Bee: Enjoyed very much visiting with you in Tucson and appreciate the insight you have on Mexican mining investments. The next time you are in San Francisco would appreciate your calling me. In the meantime, would you be good enough to Xerox a copy of Ambassador McBride's speech and send it to me. We have made several attempts to obtain a copy of the speech but it is necessary to know the title of the speech in order to do so. Once again, congratulations on your Vice Presidency with Parsons. With kind regards. Yours sincerely, WB/nam Investments- Mining Mexico E. C. de Moss AMN am WB WB MAIL ADDRESS: P. O. BOX 54802 LOS ANGELES 90054 PLANNING & DEVELOPMENT 20 DEC 1972 MINING DIVISION UTAH INTERNATIONAL INC. The Ralph M. Parsons Company Engineers Constructors 617 WEST SEVENTH STREET, LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA December 14, 1972 Mr. Wes Bourret Utah Construction & Mining Co. 550 California Street San Francisco, Ca. 94104 Dear Wes: It was good to have the opportunity to see you again and discuss problems of American companies operating in Mexico. When I returned to Los Angeles, I was able to find an article that refers to some of the topics that I commented about. I believe this article will give you some additional insight, as well as the names of some of the secretaries within the Mexican government that I could not recall at the time of our discussion. I hope that this is of value to you and I look forward to seeing you again. Please do not hesitate to call me whenever you feel I can be of help to you. Very truly yours, THE RALPH M. PARSONS COMPANY By B. R. Waples, Jr Vice President and Manager of Projects, Parsons-Jurden Division BRW/rp Encl. RULES CHANGE FOR INVESTMENT Mexico Cools to Foreign Capital MEXICO CITYAfter almost two years of equivocation, the Mexican government has made it clear that foreign investment is no longer as welcome as it has been. ""Yes, gentlemen,"" a high govern-ment official told a gathering of U.S. and Mexican businessmen the other day, ""we are changing the rules of the game."" The official. Undersecretary of Commerce and Industry Jose Cam-pillo Saenz, said the regulations were being adjusted ""to the needs and aspirations of our day,"" reflect-ing the nationalistic views that have guided President Luis Alvarez Echeverria since his inauguration in December, 1970. Antigringo Tirade His remarks touched off in the lo-cal press what one U.S. businessman long resident here described as ""the most strident antigringo tirade"" since the oil industry was confiscat-ed in 1938. The morning daily ""El Dia,"" which hews to the government line, said it was ""probably too early to say that relations between Mexico and the United States have begun to deteri-orate, but it must be recognized at least that these relations have en-tered a state of tension filled with foreboding."" For months, Mexican and U.S. investors alike had been complaining privately that the Echeverria government had neglected to spell out a clear and coherent economic policy. Finally, U.S. Ambassador Robert H. McBride brought, the complaint into the open. McBride, a retiring, quietly able diplomat who has maintained in Mexico what the State Department BY FRANCIS B. KENT Times Staff Writer calls a low profile, told a business group in Acapulco: ""Let me state quite frankly that I note an attitude not of alarm but of definite concern. Many are unclear as to whether foreign investment is still desired, and whether the rules of the game might be changednot only for new investment but also for established firms."" The ambassador opened his ad-dress by recalling that President Echeverria had spoken to President Nixon and the U.S. Congress ""with frankness and candor"" and had call-ed for establishment of a ""frank, and open dialog."" He would like, the am-bassador said, to speak ""in that same spirit, which I so admire in the pres-ident of Mexico."" He was not long in getting an an-swer. Just 48 hours later the under-secretary of commerce and industry, Campillo Saenz, defined precisely to what extent the rules have been changed. Mexico now looks down a new road, he said, ""that will make our nation more independent and give greater freedom to all Mexicans."" Foreign capital, he added, ""can be a useful complement to accelerate our process of development"" but it must ""conform to the new goals we have set for ourselves."" It. must among other requirements ""associate with Mexican capital, on a minority basis as a general rule."" It must ""give preference to Mexican citizens in the employment of tech-nical experts and administrative personnel."" It must ""provide ad-vanced technology."" It must ""pro-duce export goods that can also be sent to the foreign investors' mar-kets."" ""This does not mean,"" Campillo Saenz added, ""that we will not ac-cept foreign capital to be invested in those fields allowed by our laws. We accept it gladly, but only in a bal-anced relation to our own invest-ment. What we want. is for Mex-icans to be partners, not the em-ploves, of foreign capital, co-partici-pants and friends, not subordinates."" Please Turn to Page 3, Col. 3 The Pickle Population Predicament Is a Dilly BY RON S. HEINZEL, Times Staff Writer Quick, what's the pickle capital of the world? St. Charles, III., of course. Anyone with an interest in sex or international economics should know that. MEXICO Continued from First Page His address, reportedly drafted by President Echeverria himself, ap-parently signals a tough new approach to foreign investment in a country where previous adminis-trations have actively sought to attract capital from abroad. In the past, even much of the Mexican money in so-called joint ventures has been raised quietly in the United States. On the other hand, some U.S. investors here point-ed out that the policy enunciated by Campillo Saenz does not represent a really radical departure except insofar as it may be applied in practice. For example, one busi-ness contact wondered, ""to what degree is this going to affect firms that have been established here for years? Does this mean that existing agreements are now null and void?"" Another questioned se-riously the potential im- pact of the rule requiring foreign capital to produce export goods for competi-tion in the home market. ""Does this mean,"" he asked, ""that the Ford Mo-tor Co., for example, is going to have to produce Fords here that will com-pete in the Chicago mark-et, say, with Fords manu-factured in Detroit? That's absurd."" 'Clear, Positive Statement' A U.S. Embassy spokesman, asked to comment on the Campillo Saenz speech, said he considered it ""a clear, positive state-ment, helpful in clarifying the Mexican government's policy."" Asked whether the am-bassador's remarks, which obviously triggered the Mexican statement, had been prepared in, or cleared with, Washington, the spokesman would say only that McBride is the chief representative in Mexico of the U.S. govern-ment. In his address to the business group, McBride pointed out that in the re-, cent past ""there has been a number of statements critical of the role of foreign investment in Mexico,"" and added: ""We of course recognize that it is the role of the re-ceiving country to decide whether or not foreign in-vestment is desired and under what conditions."" He said that Mexico has been for a number of years ""a major recipient of foreign investment, de-spite intense worldwide competition for the limit-ed amount of investment capital available."" Fills Demand ""Although exact statis-tics are not available,"" he said, ""total foreign invest-ment in Mexico has been estimated at $2.5 billion to $3 billion,"" not including short-term capital or unre-gistered investment, and ""this investment has been attracted to Mexico to fill a demand a demand which exceeds the capaci-ty or availability of domes-tic capital."" While the Campillo Saenz statement repre-sented his government's first concrete stand on foreign investment, it has been no secret that Pres-ident Echeverria has been pursuing an unmistakable policy of economic nation-alism independent of the United States, which buys about 70% of all Mexican exports. The Echeverria govern-ment has sent trade mis-sions to much of Europe and Asia, including the So-viet bloc and mainland China, and in the past 18 months has nationalized a number of firms here that had been owned in lar part by U.S. investors. Among these were a n jor sulphur mining com ny and the National Te phone Co. In every c the government is repo ed to have paid promp on terms described agreeable to the sha holders. Few in the busin community here d o u that there is more to co particularly in light o speech delivered Thursday by Jefus Re Heroles, president of ruling Institutional Re lutionary Party, at its tional assembly. Because heavy fore investment has accuse ""negative and regressi impact on the Mexi economy, Reyes Her said, there must be tended state interventi to eliminate the gap tween the wealthy and the impoveris masses.