Suchergebnisse

This work explores Soviet Lithuania (Lithuanian SSR), the historic topics. The paper provides an overview and analysis of securities youth, education, employment, gender relations, holiday images, periodicals, magazines SSR youth. The aim is to highlight the diversity of youth images, features, evolution and change, and the reality of Soviet ideology influence their expression. Through thematically close historiographic work, relevant sources of information obtained in interviews and assessments of research, insights and summaries to find images of youth, periodicals, magazines SSR young realism. 1944 II, after the Soviet occupation of Lithuania has taken shape with new ideals, values, imagery-based society. Some young people actively engaged in resistance activities in favor of the occupation and the societal changes, as well as a number of young people become loyal to the Soviet government, saw better prospects for personal, his self-realization, education, job opportunities than in the previous political system of independent Lithuania. Lithuanian Soviet education system was identified with the ideological education. Formed by young people the values, ideals of the concept of worldview, historical understanding of the past has been closely linked with the Soviet ideology. Soviet youth magazines reflected a well-kept example of what values, norms, which have been condemned, what goes unnoticed. Youth images of Soviet Lithuania in magazines for young people, reflected in the Soviet values and ideals, which was intended to convey through the images provided by their peers. Youth education, employment has been closely linked images with tarybinėmis public values, ideals and norms. Gender relations, gender expression, were associated with the Soviet morality and moral concepts. Images of youth and their development and change, the Lithuanian Soviet youth magazines was associated with changes in the political leadership of the Soviet Union, particularly the new generation of educational, social, labor and employment reforms in domestic and foreign policy change. All these elements led to censorship and the agencies' activity. Soviet young men come into play minor key and get the image defined in Soviet magazines for young people, as a loyal Soviet citizen, passed the Soviet moral principles, ideals of securities, a Soviet patriot and internationalist together, reaching your potential is self-education, working full expressions to be useful to the public for collective individual, by active activist. At 7 and 8 decades showed a relatively large number of young people who did not meet the ideals of the Soviet youth, public expressions of norms and standards. Some of these young people, especially students, were led by the nation's interest Lithuanian ethnographic, ethnological, linguistic heritage, in order to maintain and preserve, create, ethnographers and hiking associations. Other young people will receive part, influenced by western music, lifestyle movements, based on a unique worldview, lifestyle, appearance, styles, fashions, most were referred to as hippies, punks, rockers and other communities. Soviet ideals of youth, magazines, images failed to identify themselves with the changes taking place among young people, and took little other young people formed the Soviet ideals, standards, values, world view concepts, so it caused the young people of the Soviet system and the confrontation. Lithuanian Soviet youth magazines, they reflect the versatile young images, thematic spectrum was affected and constrained by the Soviet ideology, propaganda, and thus failed to fully reflect the reality of Soviet Lithuanian youth living reality, topical subjects, images of youth, problems, especially those of youth, the lifestyle, attitudes, interests did not meet the standards of Soviet youth.

The fall of ZSRR in 1991 year caused the disintegration of polity-economic system, which was found in 20. years last century. Almost seventy year of function of union state had on structure of economies of republics of the principle influence entering in his composition. The arrangement of strong economic correlations was developed. Therefore the fall of ZSRR made up for smaller republics serious problem in creation of bases' of national economy. Every of them aimed to consolidation her State under political regard, but first of all economic. Found in year 1991 the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) had to be the organization of co-operation all post-soviet states. However the differences of interests and search in global polity - economic arrangement the own place the first foundations of re - integration verified in frames of CIS fundamentally. In practice, after twenty years, many smaller organizations in CIS were found and assembling after several countries which join around common aims. The ambitious plans creation of common market in CIS they be put aside and seem unreal now. However real progress (though more also modest than mutual settlements) was reached in building the union between Belarus and Russian. The question about role and place of this regional formation arisen in global economy. The elevation the level of development of national economies, competitiveness of CIS stands up with next important matter to decision. It the Commonwealth of Independent States hugs 16,4% the world territory which lives 4,4% the population of globe. It on countries of CIS falls 20% world supplies of petroleum, 40% earth gas, 25% carbon, 10% production of electrical energy, 25% world forest supplies, about 11% world renewed water supplies, 13% the ground arable. In 2007 year in CIS countries was produced 3,1% the world PKB, export of goods with states of CIS was stay 3,6% world export ; Upadek ZSRR w 1991 roku spowodował dezintegrację systemu polityczno-gospodarczego, który powstał w latach 20. ubiegłego wieku. Prawie siedemdziesięcioletni okres funkcjonowania państwa związkowego miał zasadniczy wpływ na strukturę gospodarek republik wchodzących w jego skład. Rozwinął się układ silnych współzależności gospodarczych. Dlatego upadek ZSRR stanowił dla mniejszych republik poważny problem w stworzeniu podstaw gospodarki narodowej. Każda z nich dążyła do umocnienia swojej państwowości pod względem politycznym, ale przede wszystkim gospodarczym. Powołana w roku 1991 Wspólnota Niepodległych Państw miała być organizacją współpracy wszystkich państw postradzieckich. Jednak różnice interesów i poszukiwania własnego miejsca w globalnym układzie polityczno-gospodarczym zasadniczo zweryfikowały pierwotne założenia reintegracji w ramach Wspólnoty Niepodległych Państw. W praktyce, po dwudziestu latach funkcjonowania, w WNP powstało wiele mniejszych organizacji grupujących po kilka krajów, które łączą się wokół wspólnych celów. Ambitne plany utworzenia wspólnego rynku w WNP były odkładane i obecnie wydają się nierealne. Natomiast realny postęp (choć też skromniejszy niż wzajemne ustalenia) został osiągnięty w budowaniu Związku Białorusi i Rosji. Przed WNP ostro powstaje pytanie o roli i miejscu ugrupowania regionalnego w gospodarce globalnej. Podniesienie poziomu rozwoju gospodarek narodowych, konkurencyjności całej Wspólnoty staje nie mniej ważną kwestią do rozstrzygnięcia. Wspólnota Niepodległych Państw obejmuje 16,4% światowego terytorium, które zamieszkuje 4,4% populacji globu. Na kraje WNP przypada 20% światowych zasobów ropy naftowej, 40% gazu ziemnego, 25% węgla, 10% produkcji energii elektrycznej, 25% światowych zasobów leśnych, około 11% światowych odnawianych zasobów wodnych, 13% ziemi ornych. W 2007 roku w krajach WNP wyprodukowano 3,1% światowego PKB, eksport dóbr z państw WNP wynosił 3,6% eksportu światowego

Democratic politics cannot proceed without financial resources. Political parties would be unable to organize themselves, politicians could not communicate with the public, and the election campaigns could not be held if money was not collected. Therefore political funding is not only indispensable, it is necessary. Over the past several years, party financing scandals have shaken countries in every region of the world. This has led to increased contempt for and public disillusionment with parties and politicians, and undermined the public's confidence in the political process. There is no simple answer to how political finance should be organized, but there is much to be learned from current experiences in different parts of the world. The Western European democracies have emphasized distributive measures, especially cash subsidies to political parties and several countries in the region support fund-raising from individuals by tax incentives. The public money is provided almost without any obligations. Some countries, including Lithuania, have been very dependent on public funds which now have become the dominant source of income. Where regulations are limited it is because the privacy of parties and donors are emphasized. Financing of political parties has led to severe problems in various countries. There are at least two basic reasons: 1. Loopholes: although contributions to political parties and to election campaigns are two of the most important and most direct channels through which money may be use to influence politics, they are not the only ones. Restrictions on the financing of parties and election campaigns are likely to prove ineffective if other forms of politically relevant financing remain unchecked. 2. Inadequate enforcement: In a field as controversial and complex as the funding of parties and campaigns, law require effective supervision and implementation. Enforcement demands a strong authority endowed with sufficient legal powers to supervise, verify, investigate, and if necessary institute legal proceedings. The purpose of legislation has varied from country to country depending on the particular problems which have acted as the spur to reform. Controlling corruption has been a primary aim of the most reform efforts. A common argument for making it compulsory to declare political contributions is that is likely to deter politicians from entering into shady deals in exchange for contributions. Political corruption is a prominent issue and illegal funding of political parties undermines the democratic system as a whole. Parties receive large donations from a few wealthy donors while the income from membership subscriptions are insignificant. The system of regulations on financing of political parties is in permanent fluctuation— the state cannot stop amending and improving this system. No ideal model has been adopted anywhere in the world. Lithuania is on its way of looking for the best model possible. ; 2010 m. rugsėjo 15 d. įsigaliojo naujasis Politinių partijų ir politinių kampanijų finansavimo bei finansavimo kontrolės įstatymas, gana kontroversiškai vertinamas tiek politinių sluoksnių, tiek visuomenės. Šiame straipsnyje keliamas tikslas paanalizuoti tris klausimus: 1) politinių partijų finansavimo iš šalies biudžeto teorinius aspektus, akcentuojant finansavimo būtinumą, būdus ir pagrindinius principu; 2) parodyti nagrinėjamos problemos nuostatų pokyčius naujajame įstatyme, lyginant su 2004 m. Politinių partijų ir politinių kampanijų finansavimo bei finansavimo kontrolės įstatymu; 3) pateikti faktinę partijų finansavimo iš valstybės biudžeto analizę per pastarąjį dešimtmetį. Reikia pasakyti, kad analizuojami tik partijų finansavimo iš biudžeto klausimai, o kiti šaltiniai šiame straipsnyje plačiau nenagrinėjami. Tokį pasirinkimą lėmė tai, kad šis aspektas sukelia daugiausia diskusijų tiek teoriniu, tiek politiniu lygmeniu.

Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) was and still is primarily known as the author of Österreich und dessen Zukunft, the most important programmatic brochure of the estatist opposition in the late Vormärz. But it is almost unknown, that he kept a diary for most of his adult life. These diaries are now presented in a scholarly edition. Between the first entry of 20 October 1839 and the last surviving entry of 10 March 1858 lie 19 years which transformed Andrian from a young subordinate public servant in Northern Italy, Istria and Vienna to the idol of the Vormärz opposition, from a respected member and vice-president of the National Assembly in Frankfurt and German envoy in London to the proscribed demolisher of the pre-revolutionary paradise, from the advisor of the Austrian politicians in the years past 1849 to the member of the boards of capitalist railway companies in the 1850s. Throughout this whole time, Andrian saw himself as an unrecognized genius who could have rescued society from the oppression and stagnancy of the Vormärz and from the chaos of the revolution and lead it towards a better future. During all these years, the diaries show a mixture of private and public events. Reflections on family, friends, and personal developments are blended with statements and reflections on politics and policy and Andrian's own role in public life. While focus and denseness of the entries change along with Andrian's private and political situation, at center stage is always the interest in the developments in Austria and her future constitution in close connection with his personal conditions. It is this interaction between public interest and private experience that make the Andrian diaries one of the most impressive private sources on Austrian history from the Vormärz through the revolutionary years of 1848/49 well into the last years of the Neoabsolutism. Narratives about financial problems and strategies for a solution, for example through a rich marriage, alternate with analyses of internal and foreign politics and plans on the re-creation of Austria. Phases of active political involvement change with periods of voluntary and enforced retreat. Therefore, there are entries on discussions with leading politicians and court dignitaries and on audiences with Emperor Francis Joseph as well as accounts of journeys from Helgoland to Rome, from the French Atlantic coast to the South of Egypt. But the central aspect is always the interplay between private experience and public influence. Viktor Andrian felt to be a born leader, not a subordinate, and believed that he could wait for the moment when he was called to lead. Therefore he remained, with the exception of the revolutionary period of 1848/49 when he got actively involved in politics, an observer, adviser and critic at the fringes, waiting for the moment when the reins of power would fall to him. Although he realized in his later years that this was an illusion, Andrian was complacent with his personal development: "Thank God, I never had to blame myself for wicked, vicious things." This edition in three volumes contains the annotated diary entries, an introduction on Viktor Andrian's life and works, an account of the history of the diaries, and, for the first time, a complete listing of Andrian's publications. Numerous excerpts from Andrian's preserved correspondence in the commentary complement and broaden the diaries. An annotated index refers to more than 2.800 persons mentioned in the entries.

Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) was and still is primarily known as the author of Österreich und dessen Zukunft, the most important programmatic brochure of the estatist opposition in the late Vormärz. But it is almost unknown, that he kept a diary for most of his adult life. These diaries are now presented in a scholarly edition. Between the first entry of 20 October 1839 and the last surviving entry of 10 March 1858 lie 19 years which transformed Andrian from a young subordinate public servant in Northern Italy, Istria and Vienna to the idol of the Vormärz opposition, from a respected member and vice-president of the National Assembly in Frankfurt and German envoy in London to the proscribed demolisher of the pre-revolutionary paradise, from the advisor of the Austrian politicians in the years past 1849 to the member of the boards of capitalist railway companies in the 1850s. Throughout this whole time, Andrian saw himself as an unrecognized genius who could have rescued society from the oppression and stagnancy of the Vormärz and from the chaos of the revolution and lead it towards a better future. During all these years, the diaries show a mixture of private and public events. Reflections on family, friends, and personal developments are blended with statements and reflections on politics and policy and Andrian's own role in public life. While focus and denseness of the entries change along with Andrian's private and political situation, at center stage is always the interest in the developments in Austria and her future constitution in close connection with his personal conditions. It is this interaction between public interest and private experience that make the Andrian diaries one of the most impressive private sources on Austrian history from the Vormärz through the revolutionary years of 1848/49 well into the last years of the Neoabsolutism. Narratives about financial problems and strategies for a solution, for example through a rich marriage, alternate with analyses of internal and foreign politics and plans on the re-creation of Austria. Phases of active political involvement change with periods of voluntary and enforced retreat. Therefore, there are entries on discussions with leading politicians and court dignitaries and on audiences with Emperor Francis Joseph as well as accounts of journeys from Helgoland to Rome, from the French Atlantic coast to the South of Egypt. But the central aspect is always the interplay between private experience and public influence. Viktor Andrian felt to be a born leader, not a subordinate, and believed that he could wait for the moment when he was called to lead. Therefore he remained, with the exception of the revolutionary period of 1848/49 when he got actively involved in politics, an observer, adviser and critic at the fringes, waiting for the moment when the reins of power would fall to him. Although he realized in his later years that this was an illusion, Andrian was complacent with his personal development: "Thank God, I never had to blame myself for wicked, vicious things." This edition in three volumes contains the annotated diary entries, an introduction on Viktor Andrian's life and works, an account of the history of the diaries, and, for the first time, a complete listing of Andrian's publications. Numerous excerpts from Andrian's preserved correspondence in the commentary complement and broaden the diaries. An annotated index refers to more than 2.800 persons mentioned in the entries.

Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) was and still is primarily known as the author of Österreich und dessen Zukunft, the most important programmatic brochure of the estatist opposition in the late Vormärz. But it is almost unknown, that he kept a diary for most of his adult life. These diaries are now presented in a scholarly edition. Between the first entry of 20 October 1839 and the last surviving entry of 10 March 1858 lie 19 years which transformed Andrian from a young subordinate public servant in Northern Italy, Istria and Vienna to the idol of the Vormärz opposition, from a respected member and vice-president of the National Assembly in Frankfurt and German envoy in London to the proscribed demolisher of the pre-revolutionary paradise, from the advisor of the Austrian politicians in the years past 1849 to the member of the boards of capitalist railway companies in the 1850s. Throughout this whole time, Andrian saw himself as an unrecognized genius who could have rescued society from the oppression and stagnancy of the Vormärz and from the chaos of the revolution and lead it towards a better future. During all these years, the diaries show a mixture of private and public events. Reflections on family, friends, and personal developments are blended with statements and reflections on politics and policy and Andrian's own role in public life. While focus and denseness of the entries change along with Andrian's private and political situation, at center stage is always the interest in the developments in Austria and her future constitution in close connection with his personal conditions. It is this interaction between public interest and private experience that make the Andrian diaries one of the most impressive private sources on Austrian history from the Vormärz through the revolutionary years of 1848/49 well into the last years of the Neoabsolutism. Narratives about financial problems and strategies for a solution, for example through a rich marriage, alternate with analyses of internal and foreign politics and plans on the re-creation of Austria. Phases of active political involvement change with periods of voluntary and enforced retreat. Therefore, there are entries on discussions with leading politicians and court dignitaries and on audiences with Emperor Francis Joseph as well as accounts of journeys from Helgoland to Rome, from the French Atlantic coast to the South of Egypt. But the central aspect is always the interplay between private experience and public influence. Viktor Andrian felt to be a born leader, not a subordinate, and believed that he could wait for the moment when he was called to lead. Therefore he remained, with the exception of the revolutionary period of 1848/49 when he got actively involved in politics, an observer, adviser and critic at the fringes, waiting for the moment when the reins of power would fall to him. Although he realized in his later years that this was an illusion, Andrian was complacent with his personal development: "Thank God, I never had to blame myself for wicked, vicious things." This edition in three volumes contains the annotated diary entries, an introduction on Viktor Andrian's life and works, an account of the history of the diaries, and, for the first time, a complete listing of Andrian's publications. Numerous excerpts from Andrian's preserved correspondence in the commentary complement and broaden the diaries. An annotated index refers to more than 2.800 persons mentioned in the entries.

El presente estudio tuvo como propósito demostrar que en el Perú, a lo largo de su vida republicana, ha existido la presencia de actos de corrupción debido a la existencia de vacíos legales, institucionales, así como a la ausencia de control en el manejo del gasto público y de los bienes del Estado, que permitieron la presencia de delitos económicos, vicios culturales o en el solapamiento de acciones antes consideradas normales y ahora tipificadas oficialmente como corruptas. Actualmente la corrupción en el Perú, tiene impacto en el Poder Judicial, Ministerio del Interior, el Congreso de la República, los Gobiernos Municipales, los Sectores Sociales, el Sector Agricultura y las Empresas; presentándose casos de ineficiencia burocrática, manejo discrecional y arbitrario de recursos, abuso de autoridad, procesos de adquisiciones y contrataciones amañados, ocultamiento de negligencias, tráfico de influencias, tráfico ilícito de drogas, prensa amarilla, entrega de licencias a las mineras sin respetar los informes de impacto ambiental y social. Y por último el periodo gubernamental de los años del1990 al 2000 que significó para el Perú la instauración de un régimen político que a poco tiempo de ser elegido socavó el Estado de Derecho, con el autogolpe del 5 de abril de 1992, lo que originó el desplome de los partidos políticos y una profunda crisis socioeconómica, que devino en actos de corrupción a nivel del gobierno central. El gobierno transitorio creó la Iniciativa Nacional de Lucha Contra la Corrupción, implementándose posteriormente por el ex presidente Alejandro Toledo el Consejo Nacional Anticorrupción, el cual fue desactivado en octubre de 2007, reemplazándolo por la Oficina Nacional Anticorrupción que increíblemente no operó ni 10 meses. Con Decreto Supremo Nº 016-2010-PCM, publicado el 28.ENE.2010 en el Diario Oficial El Peruano, se crea la Comisión de Alto Nivel Anticorrupción, que tiene carácter permanente, adscrito a la PCM, ; --- The present study was aimed to show that in Peru along its republican, has been the presence of corrupt due to lack of legal gaps, institutional, as well as the lack of control in public expenditure management and property of the state, allowing the presence of economic crimes, cultural services in the overlap ordinary shares before and now considered officially typified as corrupt. Currently corruption in Peru, has an impact on the Judiciary, Ministry of the Interior, Congress, municipal governments, the social sectors, the Sector Agriculture and Business; with cases of bureaucratic inefficiency and arbitrary discretionary management resources, abuse of authority procurement processes rigged, concealment, negligence, influence peddling, illicit drugs, tabloids, delivery of mining licenses to disregard the reports of environmental and-social-impact. And finally the questionable presidential administration from 1990-2000 in Peru meant the establishment of a political regime to be chosen soon undermined the rule of law, with the coup of April 5, 1992, resulting the collapse of political parties and a deep socioeconomic crisis, which became corrupt central government level. The transitional government created the National Initiative to Combat Corruption implemented later by former President Toledo National Anticorruption Council, the Council was disbanded in October 2007, replacing the National Anti-Corruption Bureau which incredibly does not operate-or-10-months. By Supreme Decree No. 016-2010-PCM, published in the Official Journal 28.ENE.2010 Gazette, establishing a High Level Corruption Commission, which--is-permanent-attached-to-the-PCM. ; Tesis

The Guidelines of the 4th Joint Societies Task Force on Cardiovascular Disease Prevention in Clinical Practice (4th JTF)* were issued in 2007, summarising and evaluating available evidence on reducing the incidence of atherosclerotic events arising from coronary heart disease, cerebrovascular disease and peripheral arterial disease. The purpose of the guidelines is to assist physicians in selecting the best strategies for managing cardiovascular disease. They are an important agreed protocol across countries and professionals that have the ultimate aim of improving outcomes from the disease. The value of these guidelines depends on the extent to which they are used by physicians in daily practice. Introducing the guidelines, the 4th JTF authors stressed that 'implementation programmes for new guidelines form an important component of the dissemination of knowledge'.1 Transferring guidelines from paper into practice has proven to be frustrating for the many who endeavour to standardise the management of cardiovascular disease across Europe. The EUROASPIRE I, II and III surveys, which audited the practice of preventive cardiology in patients with coronary heart disease over a decade, illustrated that patients were not being managed to the standards set by the ESC guidelines and that limited attention was given to prevention in patients with established heart disease. Evidence of the need for more effective lifestyle management was compelling: blood pressure management remained stubbornly unchanged, and lipid targets were not achieved in almost half of patients. Other studies report disappointing levels of guideline observance among physicians; they are often unaware of recommendations given in guidelines and, even when they are, many fail to consistently apply them in treating patients.2-3 Commonly cited barriers to guideline adherence among physicians include lack of time during consultations, financial constraints and lack of confidence in patients' motivation to comply. Physicians also find that guideline documents are difficult to translate into practice. To address the gap between publication of guidelines and their use in practice, the ESC at a European level organises presentations at conferences for its member national societies and key opinion leaders. It works at a political level to promote the prevention agenda and to directly influence EU health policy, leading, for example, to the EU Commission endorsement of the European Heart Health Charter. However, such efforts must be paralleled by concerted strategies at a national level to realise implementation in the front line. The 4th JTF urged national societies to develop implementation programmes, starting with the translation of guidelines to the local language and their adaptation to the national context. It recommended that the guidelines issued by the 4th JTF be regarded as a framework from which national guidance 'to suit local political, economic, social, and medical circumstances' would be developed. The recalibration of the SCORE risk assessment charts to reflect mortality and risk factor distributions in individual countries as part of this adaptation was emphasised. The 4th JTF saw as vital the establishment a multidisciplinary alliance of experts from national professional organisations to oversee the adaptation and to drive implementation. It was necessary that alliances would have the support of national health authorities and work with other sectors such as the medical education and business communities to advance their aims. Other recommendations included: An information and education programme aimed at practising doctors that would include an audit of practices and feedback. The development of supplementary materials to the guidelines, specifically electronic versions for use in hand-held devices, such as PDAs, and of A4 sheet versions of risk algorithms and treatment recommendations. A population health approach addressing lifestyle risk factors in general. A public information campaign explaining the concept of multiple risk assessment and treatment and intervention thresholds, as well as describing how risk can be reduced.

The Guidelines of the 4th Joint Societies Task Force on Cardiovascular Disease Prevention in Clinical Practice (4th JTF)* were issued in 2007, summarising and evaluating available evidence on reducing the incidence of atherosclerotic events arising from coronary heart disease, cerebrovascular disease and peripheral arterial disease. The purpose of the guidelines is to assist physicians in selecting the best strategies for managing cardiovascular disease. They are an important agreed protocol across countries and professionals that have the ultimate aim of improving outcomes from the disease. The value of these guidelines depends on the extent to which they are used by physicians in daily practice. Introducing the guidelines, the 4th JTF authors stressed that 'implementation programmes for new guidelines form an important component of the dissemination of knowledge'.1 Transferring guidelines from paper into practice has proven to be frustrating for the many who endeavour to standardise the management of cardiovascular disease across Europe. The EUROASPIRE I, II and III surveys, which audited the practice of preventive cardiology in patients with coronary heart disease over a decade, illustrated that patients were not being managed to the standards set by the ESC guidelines and that limited attention was given to prevention in patients with established heart disease. Evidence of the need for more effective lifestyle management was compelling: blood pressure management remained stubbornly unchanged, and lipid targets were not achieved in almost half of patients. Other studies report disappointing levels of guideline observance among physicians; they are often unaware of recommendations given in guidelines and, even when they are, many fail to consistently apply them in treating patients.2-3 Commonly cited barriers to guideline adherence among physicians include lack of time during consultations, financial constraints and lack of confidence in patients' motivation to comply. Physicians also find that guideline documents are difficult to translate into practice. To address the gap between publication of guidelines and their use in practice, the ESC at a European level organises presentations at conferences for its member national societies and key opinion leaders. It works at a political level to promote the prevention agenda and to directly influence EU health policy, leading, for example, to the EU Commission endorsement of the European Heart Health Charter. However, such efforts must be paralleled by concerted strategies at a national level to realise implementation in the front line. The 4th JTF urged national societies to develop implementation programmes, starting with the translation of guidelines to the local language and their adaptation to the national context. It recommended that the guidelines issued by the 4th JTF be regarded as a framework from which national guidance 'to suit local political, economic, social, and medical circumstances' would be developed. The recalibration of the SCORE risk assessment charts to reflect mortality and risk factor distributions in individual countries as part of this adaptation was emphasised. The 4th JTF saw as vital the establishment a multidisciplinary alliance of experts from national professional organisations to oversee the adaptation and to drive implementation. It was necessary that alliances would have the support of national health authorities and work with other sectors such as the medical education and business communities to advance their aims. Other recommendations included: An information and education programme aimed at practising doctors that would include an audit of practices and feedback. The development of supplementary materials to the guidelines, specifically electronic versions for use in hand-held devices, such as PDAs, and of A4 sheet versions of risk algorithms and treatment recommendations. A population health approach addressing lifestyle risk factors in general. A public information campaign explaining the concept of multiple risk assessment and treatment and intervention thresholds, as well as describing how risk can be reduced.

Показана роль наркома иностранных дел Г.В. Чичерина в защите государственных интересов Советского государства на международной арене. Отмечается негативное и тормозящее влияние двойственной дипломатической тактики, навязываемой Г. Чичерину и Наркоминделу В.И. Лениным, И.В. Сталиным и другими большевистскими лидерами как подрывающей доверие к светскому руководству и плохо гармонирующей с официальными заявлениями наркома о курсе на мирное сосуществование Советской России с зарубежными государствами. Показано, что инакомыслие и расхождения с руководством ВКП(б) по вопросам внешней политики стали причинами ухода Г. Чичерина с поста наркома, его моральной и политической изоляции. ; Foreign political positions of Peoples Commissar of Foreign Affairs G. V. Chicherin were considered by soviet historians in the context of his being subordinated to the party discipline. Archive funds documents, which have recently become accessible for investigation, testify to the fact that by the beginning of 1920s Сhicherin had already realized the impeding influence on the establishment of normal relations of the Soviet Russia with the capitalist encirclement of the soviet leadership orientation towards world revolution and people support, fighting for social and national liberation. This undermined the confidence in the Soviet government and confirmed the inability to maintain its official obligations non-interference into affairs of other countries. Peoples Commissar felt the necessity of changes in the Soviet foreign policy and accents removal from the propaganda of the world revolution to the establishment of peaceful relations with representatives of the west. In the course of preparation to the conference in Genoa serious disagreement arose between V.Lenin and G. Chicherin concerning the questions of state interests defence of the Soviet Russia. In August 1922, Chicherin openly expressed his dissatisfaction with the directives of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist party (Bolsheviks), who did not give a carte blanche and compromise settlements to the Soviet delegations in Genoa and Gaga, but recommended only negotiations rupture. He thought that methods of the Soviet foreign policy grew hopelessly old and new relations with leading capitalist countries could not be built with the use of such methods. Chicherin was afraid of I. Stalin and did not openly bring himself to come out against the Soviet foreign policy. Knowing Stalins attitude to different opinions, Peoples Commissar, in spite of the fact that he kept aloof from the inner-party fight in all-Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and Comintern, did not exclude the possibility of his political and even physical removal. With Soviet English and Soviet Chinese relations rupture Chicherin draws I. Stalins attention to demoralizing Cominterns activity abroad, bringing all the efforts of the Soviet diplomacy to naught and complicating diplomatic relations with governments of foreign countries. Due to his health worsening in 1928, Chicherin insistently raises the question of his leaving the post of Peoples Commissar. During one year he underwent medical treatment in Germany and his illness deprived him of hope to recovery. In the end of June, 1929, Peoples Commissar decided to tell Stalin about his disagreements with the Party leaders concerning the questions of foreign policy. Chicherins frankness in his letters to I. Stalin, V. Molotov, A. Rykov and other Soviet leaders pre-determined his fate. Chicherin understood that in Moscow he would not be forgiven for apostasy from the foreign political course of all-Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and delayed his departure from Germany by different excuses in every way possible till January, 1930. After dismissal he was doomed by the party elite to slow agonizing death, being without attention, nursing and treatment. Forming Stalins system did not forgive Chicherins different opinion and consigned his name to political oblivion.

Central Asia, much like other regions of Eurasia, has witnessed tensions and cooperation between the United States, Russia, and China. It is also recognized that Central Asia has its own regional dynamics that intertwine with the global inter-state relations, giving strong international tinge to local events and drawing-in extra-regional competition and tensions. Within the above theme is another—the hegemonic rise of China and the expected, or even existent, balancing response by Russia. However, Central Asia has so far witnessed more Russo-Chinese cooperation than competition while experiencing more Russo-American competition than cooperation, a trend likely to continue in the medium term. Suspicions and tensions in Russo-American relations are matched by similar trends in Sino-American strategic interaction. Russian national doctrines, and its policymakers, have repeatedly emphasized the extremist-terrorist threats and the U.S.-NATO preponderance and policies, including the ABM initiative and militarization of space, as the main non-state threats and state-based challenges, respectively. In this environment, China is an important regional and strategic partner, part of the response to challenges. Over the past twenty years and for the medium term, the major structural factors in relations between the three powers are the diverging priority vectors of Russian and Chinese foreign and security policies—toward the west and east, respectively—combined with the global power of the United States which confronts these states in Europe-CIS and East Asia, providing a measure of common interests to Russo-Chinese relations. On a number of important strategic issues, these interests converge on the U.S. problem—joint opposition to American global ABM initiatives, regime change and democratization policies, NATO expansion, competition over Ukraine, the balance of power in Europe and in East Asia. Meanwhile, Central Asia has had to experience elements of this broader competition, but at the same time has provided, and will continue to provide, its own contribution as a force for cooperation and competition, not only as a symptom but as a cause in its own right. Central Asia is where one can expect a more immediate and pronounced Sino-Russian clash of interests as it abuts both states, has countries susceptible to external influence and domestic subversion, is endowed with energy resources and strategic location, and is porous to non-state threats. Therefore, strictly from the realist geopolitical standpoint, Central Asia has been primed for Russo-Chinese power and security competition for well over a decade, as has been Mongolia, for example, geopolitically one of the more quiescent and inactive areas. However, unlike Eastern Europe and the CIS, which experience continuous Russo-American tensions, Central Asia has not witnessed pronounced Sino-Russian security and power competition. This is partially due to its secondary or tertiary priority in foreign and security policies of Russia and China. Yet this more passive explanation does not account for the cooperative, active elements in Russo-Chinese relations, as demonstrated by the establishment and development of the SCO along with the Russia's CSTO and Customs Union projects. Therefore, rather than undertake a security and power competition, Russia and China have instead institutionalized cooperation, as local non-state threats and the somewhat rapid arrival of the United States have helped catalyze the partnership between these Eurasian powers. Hence, both the local and the external trends have buttressed Russo-Chinese relations in the region, leading one analyst to conclude that "the newly independent states have not become objects of rivalry between Moscow and Beijing, but rather a major unifying element."

the author questions whether the National Planning Council, as well as the regional councils, are scenarios for the exercise of democracy and whether their participation in the construction of development plans is an effective strengthening tool, or if they are, instead, a mirage in the practice of democracy in Colombia. In the first part several versions of democracy are mentioned, from the exposed by Lincoln, Tocqueville, Schumpeter, Dahl, Bryce, Borón and Sartori. Identified in each case the key elements to keep as referents and analysis support to account, in the second part, which one of these democracies' forms describe the modus operandi within the planning councils in the national or the territorial level. Also discussed is the role of the planning councils, the legitimacy, quality and relevance of the activities of its members, as well as the capability to influence in the bill of the National Development Plan, by means of interviews of present and former members of the National and the district planing councils. The author, in addition to responding to questions concerning the subject matter of this reflection, let others issues open to the consideration of the readers. ; El autor se interroga acerca de si el Consejo Nacional de Planeación, al igual que los consejos territoriales, son escenarios para el ejercicio de la democracia y si su participación, en la construcción de los planes de desarrollo, constituye un instrumento eficaz para su fortalecimiento o son, por el contrario, un espejismo en la praxis de la democracia en Colombia. En la primera parte se mencionan algunas versiones de democracia desde Lincoln, pasando por las versiones de Tocqueville, Shumpeter, Dahl, Bryce, Borón y Sartori. Se identifican en cada caso los elementos fundamentales para tenerlos como referente y soporte de análisis para dar cuenta, en la segunda parte, cuál o cuáles formas de esas democracias describen el modus operandi en el seno de los consejos de planeación en los niveles nacional o territorial. Igualmente se analiza el rol de los consejos de planeación, su legitimidad, la calidad y trascendencia de las intervenciones de sus miembros, así como la capacidad de incidir en el proyecto de ley del Plan Nacional de Desarrollo, para lo cual se recurre a entrevistar a miembros y ex miembros de los consejos Nacional y Distrital de planeación. El autor, además de responder algunos interrogantes que se plantea sobre el tema objeto de esta reflexión, deja planteados otros para la consideración de los lectores. ; O autor se questiona acerca de se o Conselho Nacional de Planejamento ao igual que os conselhos territoriais, são cenários para o exercício da democracia e se sua participação na construção dos planos de desenvolvimento constitui um instrumento eficaz para seu fortalecimento ou são, pelo contrario, uma miragem na práxis da democracia na Colômbia. Na primeira parte se mencionam algumas versões de democracia desde Lincoln, passando pelas versões de Tocqueville, Shumpeter, Dahl, Bryce, Borón e Sartori. Identificam-se em cada caso os elementos fundamentais para lhes ter como referentes e suporte de análise para dar conta, na segunda parte, qual ou quais formas dessas democracias descrevem o modus operandi no seio dos conselhos de planejamento nos níveis nacional ou territorial. Igualmente se analisa o rol dos conselhos de planejamento, sua legitimidade, a qualidade e transcendência das intervenções de seus membros, assim como a capacidade de incidir no projeto de lei do Plano Nacional de Desenvolvimento, para o qual se recorre a entrevistar a membros e ex-membros dos Conselhos Nacional e Distrital de planejamento. O autor, além de responder alguns interrogantes que se apresentam sobre o tema objetivo desta reflexão deixa expostos outros para a consideração dos leitores.

Accanto allo sviluppo del pensiero filosofico-scientifico e al sorgere di nuovi ordinamenti politici in diverse poleis, la presenza delle comunità pitagoriche in Magna Grecia sembra aver dato impulso anche a livello religioso -ad esempio, con l'affermarsi del culto di Apollo- e musicale. A tale riguardo, si propone una riflessione sulla musicoterapia presso i Pitagorici antichi, e in particolare sull'uso da parte loro del peana, come emerge ad esempio nella Vita Pythagorica di Giamblico (§ 110: la catarsi "primaverile" di gruppo) e nella Vita Pythagorae di Porfirio (§ 32). Il peana, che nella tradizione appare rivolto soprattutto a calmare l'ira (in particolare quella divina, come emerge dalla prima attestazione letteraria del termine in Il. I, 473, παιήονα), sembra rivelarsi in generale efficace in casi di agitazione psichica e scompostezza del comportamento. Importanti spunti a questo riguardo sono offerti da una testimonianza della Historia mirabilis di Apollonio il paradossografo (§ 40 = Aristox. fr. 117 Wehrli), in cui si riferisce che Aristosseno avrebbe narrato in un bios del ditirambografo Teleste di una strana forma di ekstasis delle donne di Locri e di Reggio, che, quando udivano qualcuno chiamarle mentre pranzavano, si precipitavano correndo fuori dalle mura della città. L'oracolo consigliò allora di "intonare dodici peani primaverili al giorno per sessanta giorni", così che questo episodio costituirebbe l'αἴτιον dell'esistenza di una importante tradizione peanografica in Magna Grecia. L'analisi del contesto sociale e religioso di questa testimonianza, unitamente alle altre sui Pitagorici, può offrire elementi interessanti sia riguardo al peana (per quanto concerne la sua connessione col culto di Apollo e con la catarsi rituale, la sua diffusione geografica -in particolare in ambito dorico- ed ai suoi contesti d'uso), sia riguardo ad una riflessione su follia e musica. ; As well as the development of philosophic and scientific thought, and the rise of new political systems in some poleis, the presence of pythagorean communities in Magna Graecia seems to have had influence also on religion –for instance, as far as Apollo's cult is concerned- and on music. I propose a reflection on music-therapy among the Early Pythagoreans, in particular for what concerns their use of paeans for healing, as it is clear for instance from Iamblichus' De Vita Pythagorica (§ 110: the "group katharsis" in spring) and from Porphyry's Vita Pythagorae (§ 32). The paean, which stands out in tradition also as the musical genre intended to soothe wrath -in particular divine wrath, as we can see for instance in the verses of the Iliad (I, 472-474) where the word is first attested-, proves to be an efficacious cure as far as mental excitement and unbecoming behaviours are concerned. A passage from Apollonius the Paradoxographer's Historia mirabilis (§ 40 = Aristox. fr. 117 Wehrli) is very interesting as for the therapeutic use of paeans. This evidence concerns Aristoxenus and his account -in a biography of the dityrambic poet Telestes- of a very strange behaviour of women in Locri and Rhegium, who rushed outside the city walls as they heard somebody calling them while they were eating. An oracle consulted for this odd kind of ekstasis prescribed that "twelve "spring paeans" a day for sixty days" should have been sung, so that this event would be the αἴτιον of the paeanographic tradition in Magna Graecia. A study of the social and religious context of this evidence -together with the evidence concerning the Pythagoreans-, might offer interesting elements both as far as the paean is concerned (the relationship of this musical genre with Apollo's cult and the ritual katharsis, as well as its spread–in particular within the doric regions- and its contexts), and as for the relationship between madness and music.

This work explores Soviet Lithuania (Lithuanian SSR), the historic topics. The paper provides an overview and analysis of securities youth, education, employment, gender relations, holiday images, periodicals, magazines SSR youth. The aim is to highlight the diversity of youth images, features, evolution and change, and the reality of Soviet ideology influence their expression. Through thematically close historiographic work, relevant sources of information obtained in interviews and assessments of research, insights and summaries to find images of youth, periodicals, magazines SSR young realism. 1944 II, after the Soviet occupation of Lithuania has taken shape with new ideals, values, imagery-based society. Some young people actively engaged in resistance activities in favor of the occupation and the societal changes, as well as a number of young people become loyal to the Soviet government, saw better prospects for personal, his self-realization, education, job opportunities than in the previous political system of independent Lithuania. Lithuanian Soviet education system was identified with the ideological education. Formed by young people the values, ideals of the concept of worldview, historical understanding of the past has been closely linked with the Soviet ideology. Soviet youth magazines reflected a well-kept example of what values, norms, which have been condemned, what goes unnoticed. Youth images of Soviet Lithuania in magazines for young people, reflected in the Soviet values and ideals, which was intended to convey through the images provided by their peers. Youth education, employment has been closely linked images with tarybinėmis public values, ideals and norms. Gender relations, gender expression, were associated with the Soviet morality and moral concepts. Images of youth and their development and change, the Lithuanian Soviet youth magazines was associated with changes in the political leadership of the Soviet Union, particularly the new generation of educational, social, labor and employment reforms in domestic and foreign policy change. All these elements led to censorship and the agencies' activity. Soviet young men come into play minor key and get the image defined in Soviet magazines for young people, as a loyal Soviet citizen, passed the Soviet moral principles, ideals of securities, a Soviet patriot and internationalist together, reaching your potential is self-education, working full expressions to be useful to the public for collective individual, by active activist. At 7 and 8 decades showed a relatively large number of young people who did not meet the ideals of the Soviet youth, public expressions of norms and standards. Some of these young people, especially students, were led by the nation's interest Lithuanian ethnographic, ethnological, linguistic heritage, in order to maintain and preserve, create, ethnographers and hiking associations. Other young people will receive part, influenced by western music, lifestyle movements, based on a unique worldview, lifestyle, appearance, styles, fashions, most were referred to as hippies, punks, rockers and other communities. Soviet ideals of youth, magazines, images failed to identify themselves with the changes taking place among young people, and took little other young people formed the Soviet ideals, standards, values, world view concepts, so it caused the young people of the Soviet system and the confrontation. Lithuanian Soviet youth magazines, they reflect the versatile young images, thematic spectrum was affected and constrained by the Soviet ideology, propaganda, and thus failed to fully reflect the reality of Soviet Lithuanian youth living reality, topical subjects, images of youth, problems, especially those of youth, the lifestyle, attitudes, interests did not meet the standards of Soviet youth.

Political satire is an implied freedom enumerated in the first amendment of the Constitution. As a form of political speech, it falls under the category of the most protected form of expression. Now that I've got your attention, I can go ahead with the rest of my project. This is a journalistic study of the people who used their freedom of speech to openly criticize the government. More specifically, it's about the people who openly criticized the government and then became famous for it. Of course, there's many ways to criticize, many platforms, many audiences, many influences as well. What my project sets out to do is to sort out the various aspects of American political satire; dividing this form of humor into six subsets; famous quotes, the early 20th century, stand-up comedy, television, music and the web. I carry this out through a series of TV packages, emulating a news reporter who does a series of enterprise stories on the same subject. Creating these arbitrary subdivisions allowed me to classify and organize my project so that it could come across as a cogent argument. This made more sense to me than doing a series of stories on my favorite aspects of political satire, or even worse, a 40-page paper. Clearly defining my focus was instrumental in making this project palatable to put together, and hopefully enjoyable for the viewer. This greater focus came with a price. The constant process of narrowing down and streamlining led to much of America's satirical content being left out of the project. With this in mind, I hope the satire neophyte viewing this project does not come away with the impression that the Smothers Brothers, Jon Stewart and Steven Colbert were the only TV satirists. I do hope newcomers to satire choose to view my project as an introduction to the genre of humor, as a sort of conversation starter. Throughout my time at Newhouse I've made a concerted effort to treat each of my journalism projects as learning experiences, to the viewer and me. I want people to come away from this capstone project with a greater understanding of a subject I've come to love. A subject that has influenced every word you're about to hear, and every image you're about to see. Looking back on this project I'm pleasantly surprised with how it turned out, both on the research side and the technical side. With regards to the former, I learned a lot of things about political satire that I didn't know before; and I love political satire. As for the latter, the six mini-projects turned into a sort of editorial etude. Each of them ended up emphasizing a certain skill: sound-mixing for the musical satire project, parallel writing structure for the TV piece, and logging tape for the great quotes piece to name a few. In the end this project is a worthy exemplification of my lifelong infatuation with political satire. I'm grateful to have been able to engage in a project that I enjoyed. It was laborious, informative, stressful and fulfilling at the same time. A final benefit is this: regardless of how difficult the project became, I was always working with comedic material. In other words, no matter how angry the project may have made me, it also always found a way to make me laugh. I sincerely hope you feel the same having viewed my project.