退貨産品在國民經濟中發揮重要作用,近些年來在工業界和學術界引起廣泛關注。由于受到退貨産品的巨大經濟潛能驅動以及迫于相關法律的強大壓力,企業開始積極整合現有供應鏈流程和産品退貨流程,但是在這個過程中生産計劃和庫存管理運營遇到了前所未有的挑戰。本論文分析了可修護單壹産品的多周期庫存系統管理問題,其中該庫存系統包含隨機的新産品需求和産品保修需求。所探討的系統還包含了以下特征: i. 産品供應源的完美替換。新訂購産品和維修後的退貨産品並無二異。ii. 需求優先級。在單個周期內,新産品需求優先級高于保修需求。iii. 新産品訂購和退貨産品維修特性。兩項流程交付時間都假設爲零。在每個周期中,維修退貨産品過程涉及且考慮維修損失。我們探尋到了所考察系統的最優庫存補貨和處理控制策略。 ; Product returns play an important role in the economy and have attracted more and more attention both from industry and academia in the past few years. Motivated by enormous economic potential of and dramatic legislation pressure on product returns, companies today actively integrate product-return processes with their existing forward supply-chain processes, but must confront the considerable challenge of production planning and inventory control problems compared to traditional problems without returns and repairs. ; This thesis analyzes a multi-period single-item repairable inventory system with stochastic new and warranty demands. The system investigated has the following features: i. perfect substitution of supply sources. Newly-procured items are indistinguishable from items repaired from repairable warranty returns. ii. demand priority. New demand has higher priority than warranty demand within a period and thus needs to be satisfied first. iii. properties on the processes of purchasing and repairing. We assume zero lead-time for both processes. Further we capture the "repair loss" in repairing returns in each period. We identify the optimal inventory replenishment and disposal policies for the investigated system. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Lin, Yizhong. ; Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 80-87). ; Abstracts also in Chinese.
本文从选拔者和候选人两个角度来分析中国的官员选拔。对选拔者而言,能力和忠诚是提拔下级官员最重要的两个因素。提拔有能力的官员有利于政治制度的运行。本文发现原本旨在遏制地方主义的交流制度却使得上级在选拔下级官员时牺牲能力换取忠诚。外来领导比本地领导会提拔更多的干部,而其在提拔时对官员能力的要求更低。外来领导在本地缺乏政治同盟,因而会提拔一些能力并不出众的官员来赢取他们的忠诚。而这就反映出能力和忠诚这两个因素在官员选拔中是一种替代关系。在候选人方面,他们尽管有很强的晋升激励,但仍然会采取隐蔽行为。通过对地市财政支出的研究,本文认为作为候选人的地市级官员并不会一直致力于经济发展,而是会采取选择性行为。他们会根据晋升空间的大小来调整自己的努力程度。利用 58 岁及以上的省委常委和副省长人数作为地市级官员晋升空间大小的替代变量,本文发现这一人数的增加会使得地市级政府的财政支出增加。上级领导在提拔地市级官员时更看重官员当期表现而非其任内平均表现,这就使得理性的官员会在其认为更有可能被提拔的时期努力发展经济,以此更有效地向上级展示其能力。 ; This dissertation examines political selection in China from the perspectives of selectors and selectees. For selectors, competence and loyalty are two most important factors in selecting subordinates. Appointing competent officials is crucial to make polity work. In this dissertation, I show that the rotation institution set to curb localism induces the selectors to trade competence for loyalty. I find nonlocal provincial leaders promote more prefecture leaders with relatively lower expectation on competence than local provincial leaders do. Rotated leaders lack local political allies so they will promote incompetent subordinates to win their loyalty. And this demonstrates that the relationship between competence and loyalty in political selection is substitutive. From the perspective of selectees, those subordinates have promotion-based incentives to improve their performance, but they still take strategic actions. By investigating fiscal expenditure at the prefecture level, I argue that prefecture leaders as the selectees do not always concentrate on economic development but adjust their actions according to perceived opportunities for promotion. I use the number of members in provincial party standing committees and vice governors whose ages are not less than 58 as an indicator of promotion opportunity and find that the increase in this number leads prefecture governments to spend more money. The selectors promote selectees based on their current performance but not average performance during their whole tenure, therefore it is rational for the ...
En la última década se ha abierto una nueva etapa política en la mayoría de los países de América del Sur que ha sido caracterizada como posneoliberal. Sin embargo, esta nueva etapa se ha construido sobre las bases creadas por el neoliberalismo. Entre ellas se destacan: la gran concentración del capital, la hegemonía del capital trasnacional y una creciente dependencia de la producción de commodities para la exportación.El presente trabajo tiene por objeto analizar el perfil de inserción de América del Sur en el mercado mundial y su relación con el capital extranjero durante el periodo 2001-2011. Se pondrá especial atención a las viejas y nuevas formas de dependencia que caracterizan a las economías sudamericanas y los desafíos al desarrollo que ellas presentan. ; The last decade has seen the rise of a new political age in the majority of South American countries, which can be characterized as post-neoliberal. However, this new stage has been built on the foundation of neoliberalism. This base is composed of the following: strong capital concentration, the hegemony of trans-national capital and growing dependence on the production of commodities for export. This work aims to analyze the insertion profile of South America in the global market and its relationship to foreign capital from 2001–2011, with a special emphasis on old and new forms of dependence that characterize South American economies and the challenges they face. ; Au cours de la dernière décennie s'est ouverte une nouvelle étape politique dans la majorité des pays d'Amérique du Sud qui a été caractérisée comme post-néolibérale. Cependant, cette nouvelle étape s'est construite sur les bases créées par le néolibéralisme. Parmi ces dernières on voit se détacher la grande concentration de capital, l'hégémonie du capital transnational et une dépendance croissante vis-à-vis de la production de commodities pour l'exportation. Ce travail a pour objet d'analyser le profil d'insertion de l'Amérique du Sud sur le marché mondial et son rapport avec le capital étranger durant la période 2001–2011. Il sera porté une attention particulière aux vieilles et aux nouvelles formes de dépendance qui caractérisent les économies sudaméricaines et les défis qu'elles posent au développement. ; Na última década se abriu uma nova etapa política na maioria dos países da América do Sul que se caracterizou como posneoliberal. Contudo, essa nova etapa se construiu sobre as bases criadas pelo neoliberalismo. Entre elas se destacam: a grande concentração do capital, a hegemonia do capital transnacional e uma crescente dependência da produção de commodities para a exportação. O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o perfil da inserção da América do Sul no mercado mundial e sua relação com o capital estrangeiro durante o período 2001–2011. A atenção se centra especialmente nas velhas e novas formas de dependência que caracterizam as economias sul-americanas e os desafios ao desenvolvimento que essas apresentam. ; 过去十年, 多数南美国家出现了新的政治时代, 可将之概括为后新自由主义。 但是, 这个新阶段是建立新自由主义基础之上的。 这个基础包括以下内容: 强大的资本集中、 跨国资本霸权以及对初级产品的出口依赖。 本文的目标是分析2001~2011 年南美在全球市场中的角色以及与外国资本的关系, 特别强调了体现南美经济特征的旧、 新两种依赖形式以及南美国家面 临的挑战。 ; Fil: Wainer, Andrés Gastón. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina ; Fil: Belloni, Paula. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina
身為世界上最大的貿易體,歐盟深知善用本身市場的吸引力,在與第三國/區域簽訂貿易協定時,將帶有歐盟價值的規範性議程納入協定中,以實踐自身外交政策的目標。此「規範性權力(normative power)」論述在學界已有廣泛的討論,實務上,歐盟的規範性權力亦不斷透過各種不同的管道在不同的地區和領域內發揮影響力,亞洲自然也屬此範圍中。歐盟自2006年宣示新貿易策略「全球歐洲:在世界競爭」之後,即看重亞洲國家蘊藏的巨大市場潛力而將其列為首要談判夥伴。十個年頭過去,目前歐盟在亞洲地區唯一通過的貿易協定為歐韓自由貿易協定,其他尚有十個協定各在不同的談判階段。細看歐盟在與這些不同的亞洲國家互動時,確實無一例外的將規範性議程納入協商過程,然而,在與不同的國家談判時,歐盟所設的規範標準和條件卻有所不同。本文將探討歐盟與亞洲國家談判、簽訂經貿協定時所呈現的條件性差異,並以五個目前談判進程較進階的國家-中國、日本、韓國、新加坡與越南-進行綜合比較與討論,整理出可能影響規範性條件差異的變數並初探其解釋力。 ; As the largest trading bloc in the world, the European Unions (EU) knows how to make use of its market appeal to set its own normative agenda when negotiating trade agreements with third countries/regions, in order to pursue its goals in its foreign policy. This "normative power" theory has seen extensive discussion in the IR academia; in practice, the normative power of the EU is constantly exerting influence through various channels in different parts of the world, Asia is naturally included. Since the launch of the new trade strategy "Global Europe: Competing in the World" in 2006, the EU has put Asian countries as first priority partners for its great market potential. Ten years have passed, as the time of writing, the only free trade agreement that the EU has signed and gone into force in Asia is the one with South Korea. There are other ten agreements that are still in different stages of negotiation. Taking a closer look at these trade agreement negotiations, the EU has indeed inserted its normative agenda into discussion with no exception. However, when negotiating with different countries, the norms and conditions set by the EU are somewhat different. This article will explore the differences in condition when the EU negotiates and signs trade agreements with Asian countries, taking five agreement negotiations which are in more advanced stage - with South Korea, Japan, Singapore, Vietnam and China - for comprehensive comparison and discussion. Finally, the analysis will come up with certain variables that may affect the differences in EU's normative condition and examine primordially their explanatory power.
Resumen: Hoy en día hay cada vez más inmigrantes chinos en España. Como trabajan y viven en este país, a veces tienen que enfrentarse a algunas dificultades jurídicas. Por esta razón acuden a pedir ayuda a los traductores e intérpretes con el fin de afrontar las dificultades mencionadas. No obstante, es difícil distinguir a los traductores chinos formados de los que no tienen formación específica, lo que hace que los usuarios y los clientes estén descontentos con lo que han traducido o han interpretado los traductores e intérpretes. Sabemos que son múltiples las razones de este fenómeno. Por lo tanto, analizaremos este fenómeno desde el aspecto de la lingüística forense aplicada a la traducción a la vista en el ámbito jurídico castellano-chino con el fin de mejorar la calidad del trabajo realizado por los traductores e intérpretes. Esperamos que este artículo pueda favorecer la traducción a la vista en el ámbito jurídico castellano-chino. Para realizar este análisis, hemos buscado dos documentos jurídicos que se han traducido a la vista por intérpretes. De este modo podremos conseguir materiales comparables con el fin de obtener más datos para el análisis. También hemos realizado una serie de encuestas con preguntas tanto objetivas como subjetivas para determinar los problemas y dificultades encontradas durante la traducción a la vista. El objetivo es poder encontrar un método adecuado para reducir y seleccionar los conflictos lingüísticos, los problemas de lógica lingüística y de estructura del lenguaje. Abstract: The Taipei Mass Rapid Transit System (Taipei MRT) began operations in 1996 with the technical support of its French contractor MATRA Transport. The system now consists of five lines. Expected to further enhance the public transportation of the capital city, the Songshan Line, the latest addition of the Taipei MRT, was launched in November 2014 and takes passengers to theSongshanAirport. As it started service, the Taipei MRT brings more convenience to the public and becomes an internationalized transportation network. The Taipei MRT Guide (hereinafter referred to as "the Guide") is available in 15 languages. For the public service inTaiwan, it is the most internationalized among all brochures published by governments. This study intends to analyze the multi-language support of the public services inTaiwan. In addition, it examines the translations of the Taipei MRT Guide, which is considered the most successful translations in the category of public service so far. By comparing the Chinese original and the Spanish version of the Guide and discussing the Spanish translation, it evaluates the practical aspect of the Spanish version and Spanish native speakers' acceptance towards the Spanish translation. 摘要 : 台灣捷運從1996年通車, 得力於法國公司馬特拉(MATRA)提供技術上的協助。 目前台北共計五條捷運線, 2014年11月才通車的松山新店線可連接至松山機場, 其目標為改善首都交通, 並提供舒適與國際化的交通網絡。「台北捷運營運資訊簡介」有15種語言版本, 是台灣公共服務領域中最國際化的官方文本。 本研究目的為分析台灣公共服務的多語背景, 探討捷運文本翻譯, 亦即目前最成功的公共服務筆譯類別。 透過中文和西文版本的比較、探討西班牙語翻譯, 評估其實用性及西語為母語者的接受度。
In the formulation of the "Shiyiwu" plan, our states emphasize clearly: to improve the ability to innovate, is the major support to maintain a stable long-term economic development, is the major support to adjust economic structure and change the mode of economic growth, is the major support to build resource-saving and environment-friendly society, also is the major support to enhance our economy's international competitiveness and risk-resisting ability. The rapid development of SMEs has become an important force supporting China's economic growth. However, the SMEs in transition economy is not strong innovative technology, and enterprises in the role of internal and external environmental factors, has shown a low level of replication of a technological innovation path dependence. The basis in reality, from an internal perspective, management and the external environment by two key technical analysis of the formation of SME innovation path dependence reasons, and from enterprises, government and society, we will give some suggestion to solve the path dependence of SMEs technological innovation. also, we bring forward some policy recommendations. Keywords: technological innovation,path dependence,SME Résumé Le plan du 10e quequennat indique que, augmenter la crativité autonome est un des plus grands supports pour le développement stabilisé de l'économie à long terme et également pour modifier la structure économique et pour changer de la modalité d'accroissement économique. Egalement pour construire une société économe des ressources et écologique ainsi pour augmenter la capacité de concurrence internationale et celle de protéger contre des risques au cours du développement de l'économie. L'essor rapide des PMEs est déjà devenu une des forces importantes dans l'apport du développement économiquechinois.Pourtant, la crétivité technologique des PMEs dans le courant de l'alternative économique n'est pas forte et qu'elle apparaît un bas niveau avec une dépendance à l'innovation technologique imitative sous l'influence intérieure et extérieure de l'entreprise. Cette thèse, basée sur la réalité, fait une analyse sur les moyens de l'innovation des PMEs dans les aspects tels que la perspective interne, le management et l'environnement externe en deux raisons de dépendance, du côté de l'entreprise, du gouvernement et de la société, nous apportez des propositions et des politiques. Mots-clés: innovation technologique, moyens de dépendance, Les PMEs 摘要 國家在制定"十一五"規劃時明確指出:提高自主創新能力,是保持經濟長期平穩較快發展的重要支撐,是調整經濟結構、轉變經濟增長方式的重要支撐,是建設資源節約型、環境友好型社會的重要支撐,也是提高我國經濟的國際競爭力和抗風險能力的重要支撐。中小企業的迅猛發展已經成為支撐中國經濟增長的重要力量。然而,處在轉軌經濟浪潮中的中小企業技術創新性並不強,並且在企業內部和外部環境因素的作用下,已經呈現出一種低水準模仿的技術創新路徑依賴性。本文在客觀現實的基礎上,從企業內部觀念、管理以及外部環境約束兩個方面重點分析了形成中小企業技術創新路徑依賴性的原因,並從企業、政府和社會三個方面提出了破解中小企業技術創新路徑依賴的政策及建議。 關鍵詞:技術創新;路徑依賴;中小企業
简介:蔡江南教授是中欧国际工商学院卫生管理与政策中心主任、经济学兼职教授。他在中国和美国的大学、咨询公司、和政府部门从事了二十多年的卫生经济和卫生政策的教学、研究和咨询工作,发表了大量有影响的研究成果。他参与了美国第一个(麻省)全民医疗保障制度改革方案的设计、实施和评价,以及中国新医改方案的研究工作。蔡教授曾是华东理工大学经济发展研究所(所长)和商学院的主要创始人之一(1987-1990),曾担任复旦大学经济学院公共经济系第一任系主任(2006-2009)。蔡教授曾获1990年孙冶方经济科学论文奖(我国经济学最高奖)、2002年美国卫生研究学会最杰出文摘奖、2009年上海市社会科学界年会优秀论文奖、2013年《中国卫生》杂志十大医改新闻人物提名。他于1997年获得美国布兰戴斯大学社会政策博士、1984年获得复旦大学经济学硕士、1982年获得华东师范大学经济学学士。 Bio: Dr. John Cai is Director of CEIBS Centre for Health Care Management and Policy and Adjunct Professor of Economics at China Europe International Business School (CEIBS). He has been involved in teaching, research and consulting work at university, consulting company and government in the field of health economics and health policy over twenty years. He has published extensively in the areas of health economics and health policy, social security, labor and employment, and public finance in various academic journals. He has participated in the design, implement and evaluation of the first comprehensive health care reform plan (Massachusetts) in the U.S. and has also actively involved in the design of recent national health care reform plan in China. Professor Cai was cofounders and the Director of the Institute of Economic Development at East China University of Science and Technology (Shanghai) (1987-1990) and the first Chair at Department of Public Economics at Fudan University (2006-2009). Professor Cai has received many awards for both research and teaching, for example, 1990 Sun Yie-fang National Economic Science Prizes-Best Paper Award, 2002 Most Outstanding Abstract Award by Academy for Health Services research and Health Policy Annual Research Meeting in Washington D.C., and 2009 Excellent Paper Award from Shanghai Social Science Annual Conference. Professor Cai received his Ph.D. in Public Policy from the Heller School for Social Policy and Management, Brandeis University in 1997, MA in Economics at Fudan University in 1984 and BA in Economics at East China Normal University in 1982.
This study explores a significant and little studied aspect of the pioneering doctrinal work of the Fajia tradition, the Book of Lord Shang 商君書 (ca. 260 B.C. -‐233 B.C.): its system of rewards. In contrast with previous scholarship that has questioned the existence of a coherent Legalist political vision and even its idea of law fa 法 or that has focused strictly on penalty, this study considers Fajia law and discipline not only viable categories for analysis, but also important conceptual products of the intensely competitive, bellicose political climate of the Warring States period. The central concern is with the character fa 法 in Fajia texts. Beginning with an analysis of the Book of Lord Shang's system of rewards, the study then examines how the use of the character fa 法 in this text distinguished itself from earlier usages and, hence, represents an important distinctly shared characteristic across Fajia texts generally. This shows that the Fajia system of rewards includes an important pedagogical aspect that requires the ruler's subjects to develop themselves for the sake of state development. Therefore, this study also evaluates the pedagogical value of Fajia rewards based on social scientific research on organismic learning. This pedagogical aspect of Fajia governance, the study argues, is the means through which the Fajia notion of law reinforces its cultural ideals of the state. ; 本文企圖考察在商君書(ca. 260 B.C. ‐ 233 B.C.)重要之一的方面:賞賜。以前的研究已經質疑連貫法家的政治思想,甚至其法律觀念鮮明特點的存在,或集中於嚴格刑罰的方面。可是這項研究認為法家的法律紀律的方面不只是可行的類別分析,還有法治觀念是戰國時期的競爭激烈,好戰的政治氣候的重要概念產品。最重要關注的是"法"字的意義在法家的文本。在開始本文分析商君書的獎勵系統。然後它探討如何在商君書中使用的"法"字,從早期的用途區分,以及它如何代表所有"法家"文本之間的一個重要的明顯特徵的共享。這表明,"法家"獎勵的系統包括一個重要的教學方面。它需要統治者的臣民來發展自己,為了國家的發展。因此,本文基於社會科學研究機體學習評估"法家"獎勵系統的教學價值。其實上,法家政治思想有這種教學方面的證明是強化了國家的文化理想的手段。 ; King, Brandon Russell. ; Thesis Ph.D. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2015. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 415-424). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on 11, October, 2016). ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
胡錦濤在二○一一年訪問美國是極其重要的中美外交事件,作為世界上兩個最大的經濟體,尤其在國際社會的共同命運和國家和國際經濟動盪的時刻,中美關係發揮顯著作用。 ; 本論文特別側重說明美國政府和新聞媒介如何建構胡錦濤訪問美國,並塑造為一個慶祝國際政治媒介事件,說明政府在建構新聞語霸權,且取得美國新聞媒體的合作。它最終引發了媒體社會學的問題,媒體民主問題和人文與經濟價值之間的鬥爭。 ; 這兩個國家之間日益增長的戰略和務實的關係,是突顯社會的政治背景,導致胡錦濤訪問美國作為一個媒介事件,形成一個變贏的和平競賽,以及慶祝和友好熱惰的表現。 ; 胡錦濤訪問美國以及美國電視新聞作為本研究的主要焦點,說明媒體往往採取在媒介事件中互相尊重,雙羸 ,和平和樂觀的態度。美國的電視新聞媒體會在臨鍵的時刻偏向政府。 ; Hu Jin Tao's U.S. visit in 2011 is an extremely important diplomatic event in U.S.-China relations in the past thirty years or so, which calls for bilateral and international attention, as the relations between the world's two biggest economies play a significant role in the common fate of the global community, at a time of national and international economic turmoil. ; This thesis specifically focusing on explicating the journalistic construction of Hu's U.S. visit as a historical and celebrative international political media event, a news discourse constructed out of hegemonic governmental influences and the cooperation of U.S. news media. It eventually raised media sociological questions upon the professionalism of U.S. news media in relations to U.S. foreign policy, media democracy and humanistic question over the struggle between economic pragmatism and individual freedom, especially in international integration. ; The growing strategic and pragmatic relationship between the two nations is the foregrounding social-political context that leads to the journalistic framing of the visit as a media event, a win-win peaceful contest, and an celebrative and friendly welcoming performance. And that the American TV news media tend to pay more reverence towards the government during critical historic political moment, in this case the U.S. visit by Hu. The U.S news media, with TV news as the main focus in this study, tend to adopt the ritualistic media event script in framing the visit in an respectful, peaceful and optimistic manner. There is a discursive news storyline of Hu's state visit as a win-win media event starts from the tension between the two states and then a ...
학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 국제학과(국제지역학전공), 2012. 2. 정종호. ; Abstract A Study of China's New Generation of Migrant Workers: Emergence, Resistance and State's Response Kim, Sun Hee International Area Studies The Graduate School Seoul National University Economic reform in China has given rise to "Migrant workers(农民工, Nongmingong)" since 1978 and differentiation between generations emerged lately. The new generation of the migrant workers who were born after 1980 or 1990 and moved to the cities with rural "Hukou(戶口, the household registration)" is showing the differences in demographic, professional, economic, cultural aspects comparing to the first generation of migrant workers. To deal with issues of the new generation of migrant workers, we may need to implement new approach. The new generation of migrant workers accounts for about 60% of total migrant workers. They moved to the cities at younger age, received relatively higher education level than the first generation, and barely worked in farm. These differences make them consider themselves as "urban worker" rather than "farmer" and their professionalism forms on this perception. Consequently, they are likely to consider the urban new generation as their reference group, rather than the same age in rural area. They want to live in the city permanently and share the similar life of the city dweller. Unlike the hope from the second generation of migrant worker, their reality is worse than the first's. Even though the first generation of migrant worker also experienced isolation from the city due to the household registration system, but they didn't go through generational isolation. On the contrary, the new generation migrant workers have experienced the inter-generational isolation because of the changed reference group, inflation and lower income and difficulty in getting marriage and have also gone through the intra-generational isolation from the urban new generation due to the household registration system and increasing discrimination. Thus they lie in "double-isolation" from the first generation of migrant worker and from new generation of the city. This "double-isolation" leads the some second generation of migrant worker to resist social unfairness, discrimination and irrationality. They express their resentment using different means of resistance. In terms of resistance's means, the new generation of migrant worker is close to "heterogeneous group" rather than "homogeneous group." They resist using suicide which is the individual weapon, strike which is collective weapon and illegal in China, job-changing that is legal and individual weapon, illegal crime and legal aid. In 2010 when there had been increased resistant action from some second generation of migrant workers, the Chinese leaders fully recognized their emergence, resistance and effect they would have on the society and started to think about adequate response. Especially as the key role of economic growth, their resistance became big worrisome to Chinese Communist Party and the government who are seeking both for economic growth and social stability. In regard to the second generation of migrant worker's resistance, China tries to settle with the "double-policy" which includes "the appeasement policy" and "the repressive policy." China revised labor policy toward expanding worker's right through "The Labor Contract Law", "The Employment Promotion Law", and "The Labor Dispute Mediation and Arbitration Law" and helped the new generation migrant workers secure more protection in labor places. Chinese leaders are making lots of efforts to improve living standard of the young migrant worker by providing job training opportunities and more social security and increasing the minimum wages. But at the same time, the state controls the new generation migrant workers' collective actions through the labor union "All-China Federation of Trade Unions(中华全国总工会, ACFTU)" and mobilizes the army and police when their action become violent. Furthermore, they are adapting the repressive policy by delaying reform of the household registration system which is the fundamental reason of migrant workers' problems. The "double policy" of the state is still effective in controlling the second generation of migrant workers' resistance. Their resistance is limited geographically, especially in Guangdong area, and sporadic. And their consciousness development is also limited in right-awareness. But if the number of the new generation of migrant workers increases more, their consciousness develops to civic or democratic consciousness and they accumulate resistant experiences, the state's response would be more difficult than present and it is likely that social instability could happen. To prevent this, China should make more active and systematic solution on the new generation of migrant workers. Keywords: Nongminong, New generation migrant workers, First generation migrant workers, Resistance, Double-isolation and State's response Student Number: 2009-22215 ; 한글초록 중국 신세대 농민공 연구: 출현, 저항 그리고 국가의 대응 김 선 희 중국 개혁개방의 결과로 생겨난 농민공이라는 특수한 집단 내에서 세대간 분화가 일어나기 시작했다. 1980년대와 1990년대 이후 출생해 도시로 온 농촌 호구의 근로자들을 가리키는 '신세대농민공(新生代农民工)'은 1세대 농민공과 인구학적, 의식적, 경제적, 문화적 측면에서 차이를 보이고 있다. 신세대농민공의 출현과 부상은 기존 1세대 농민공과는 전혀 다른 문제와 그에 대한 접근법을 요구한다. 현재 전체 농민공의 60% 이상을 차지하는 신세대농민공은 도시로 유입되는 연령이 1세대 농민공에 비해서 어리고, 교육 정도가 높으며 농사 경험이 없다. 이 때문에 이들은 자신을 '농민'으로 규정하기 보다는 '도시 근로자'로 생각하는 경향이 높으며 이러한 의식은 이들의 직업 정체성과 자아 의식을 형성한다. 더불어 농촌의 또래보다는 도시의 신세대들을 준거집단으로 생각하며 도시에서의 영구 정착을 바라고 있으며 도시인과의 유사한 삶을 향유하고자 한다. 신세대농민공의 이러한 바람과는 달리 이들은 실제로 1세대농민공보다도 악화된 환경에서 생활하고 있다. 1세대 농민공 역시 호구제로 인하여 도시인들과의 세대 내 고립은 경험했지만 이들은 세대 간 격차는 경험하지 못했다. 이에 반해 신세대농민공들은 준거집단의 변화, 고물가와 저임금 그리고 결혼난으로 인하여 1세대 농민공과의 세대 간 격차 및 고립을 경험하고 있으며 호구제도, 도시에서의 차별 확대 등으로 인하여 도시 신세대들과의 세대 내 고립을 경험해 '이중고립' 상태에 빠져있다. 이러한 '이중 고립' 상태는 신세대농민공으로 하여금 사회의 부조리와 불공정, 차별에 대한 저항을 불러일으킨다. 신세대농민공은 다양한 저항의 수단을 통해서 사회에 대한 불만을 표출하고 있다. 저항의 방식에 있어서는 신세대농민공은 '동종 집단'이기보다는 '이질적 집단'에 가깝다. 이들은 '개인적 무기'인 자살, '집단적 무기'이자 불법인 파업, 합법적이고 '개인적 무기'인 이직, 불법인 범죄 및 합법인 법률구제의 이용을 통해서 사회에 대해 저항한다. 중국 지도부는 2010년을 기점으로 증폭된 신세대농민공의 저항 행위를 충분히 인식하고 있으며 이들이 사회에 가져올 여파에 대해 고민하고 대응책을 찾으려 노력하고 있다. 특히 신세대농민공은 경제 성장의 주축으로써 이들의 저항은 경제 성장과 사회 안정이라는 두 마리 토끼를 잡고자 하는 중국 공산당 및 정부에게 큰 고민거리가 되고 있다. 중국은 신세대농민공의 저항에 대해서 포용책과 억압책이라는 '이중 정책'을 통해 해결하려고 하고 있다. 특히 노동계약법, 취업촉진법, 노동쟁의중재법 등 노동 정책을 노동자 권익을 확대하는 방향으로 수정해나가면서 신세대농민공들이 노동 현장에서 더 많은 권익을 보호받을 수 있도록 하고 있으며 최저임금인상, 직업 교육 기회 제공 및 사회 보장 확충책을 통해 생활 수준을 증대시키려 하고 있다. 그러나 이와 동시에 공회를 통해 신세대농민공들의 단체 행동을 억압, 통제하고 있으며 파업이 폭력화될 경우에는 군, 경찰을 동원한다. 또한 차별의 가장 근본적인 원인인 호구제의 개혁을 지연함으로써 신세대농민공의 문제를 방치하는 등 억압책 또한 펼치고 있다. 국가의 이러한 '이중정책'은 아직까지는 신세대농민공의 저항을 통제하는 데 효과적인 결과를 나타내고 있다. 신세대농민공의 저항은 여전히 지역적이며, 산업적이며, 산발적이며 의식 성장도 권리의식에 그치고 있기 때문이다. 그러나 향후 신세대농민공의 숫자가 더 늘어나고, 이들의 권익의식이 시민의식이나 민주의식으로 확대되고 저항 경험이 축적되면 될수록 국가의 통제 및 대응은 어려워질 수밖에 없을 것이며 이는 더 큰 사회 혼란으로 이어질 가능성이 있다. 이 때문에 중국은 더욱더 적극적이고 체계적인 신세대농민공 문제 해결책을 마련해야 할 것이다. 주제어: 농민공, 신세대농민공, 1세대농민공, 저항, 이중 고립, 국가의 대응 학 번: 2009-22215 ; Master
