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Ancient self-governing practices of Indigenous Australians reveal how modern society can achieve sustainable wellbeing for the environment and humanity. No other existing culture has a longer record. In her Nobel Prize speech, Elinor Ostrom described how pre-modern societies evolved polycentric self-governance to avoid over-exploitation of common life-sustaining resources between competing interests to deny them for everyone. Ostrom identified design principles for self-governing 'Common Pool Resources' without the intervention of markets or state. This article outlines how these principles could be enhanced to also: (1) recognise Indigenous wisdom, relationships and practices; (2) apply the design principles to incorporated organisations to create a new model of corporate governance to benefit all stakeholders; (3) introduce system science insights that allow creatures to become self-regulating, self-managing and self-governing; (4) identify a politically compelling tax incentive for shareholders to adopt stakeholder self-governance with the cost of the incentive recovered from stakeholders paying taxes and reducing costs for welfare and regulation. A basis is created on which to introduce a universal wellbeing income from corporate dividends. The principles outlined here allow for corporations to become agents for reducing environmental and existential risks for humanity.

Overview: As a matter of principle, ACEL-ANU strongly supports the establishment of an entrenched Bill of Rights1 that establishes enforceable civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights within the ACT as outlined within the Committee's terms of reference. Some of the most compelling and cogent reasons and persuasive arguments for taking such action in the face of reasoned resistance can be found in influential texts by Philip Alston, Hilary Charlesworth, Bede Harris, and George Williams - amongst others - and will not be rehearsed in any detail in this submission. Suffice that it to say here that the ideas of individual liberty and human rights have been the grand innovation of the state under the rule of law, at first as moral imperatives and later through establishment by law. As experience has made plain, however, "without a political guarantee of legal recourse, there are no individual rights but only pious profession of the value of human beings". Accordingly, it is only by recognising rights as elements of law - through protection, for example, by a Bill of Rights - that those rights serve as an effective limit on power under the rule of law. By establishing a Bill of Rights a society protects its members against in at least two ways. First, it protects against despotism -- government acting against the will of its constituents. Second, and much more importantly, it protects against "acts in which the Government is the mere instrument of the major number of the constituents." This protection against the tyranny of the majority is the very thing that detractors of rights use most frequently to claim that rights are undemocratic and also undermine notions of parliamentary sovereignty. Such a claim is, if not demonstrably no as a general proposition, particularly specious under the present circumstances of this Inquiry – an Inquiry in which the people can help choose its own destiny and decide on what rights, if any, should be given legal status to serve as a protective agent in the community. This brings us to the crux of the matter. The remainder of this submission concentrates on an item that goes unmentioned in the terms of reference -- whether a right to a safe, clean and healthy environment ought to be protected by an ACT Bill of Rights. The Australian Centre for Environmental Law submits that such a right is vital in the contemporary world. In a democratic country such as Australia, environmental pollution may be one of the most significant threats to the realisation of basic human rights. Government action and inaction in the field of environment implicates core international human rights, including the right to life, the right to security of the person, and more controversially, a general right to a safe environment. A cursory survey of environmental statistics in Australia indicates that too often Australia is failing to provide adequate environmental protection necessary to ensure that rights to human life, health and safety do not suffer. As an example, some Australian studies have found a relationship between the levels of pollutants in the outdoor air and increased death rates, attendances at hospital emergency departments or hospital admissions. Thus, there is a clear need to include the environment in the ACT Bill of Rights, if for no other reason than to make certain that other core rights, such as the right to life, are effectively implemented. For the purpose of this submission, the broad area of environmental human rights can be broken down into five components: environmental aspects of the rights to life and security of the person, the free-standing right to a healthy environment, the right to a nondiscriminatory allocation of environmental burdens and benefits, indigenous environmental rights, and the right to environmental information, public participation and access to justice.

From new paternalism to new imaginings of possibilities in Australia, Canada and Aotearoa/New Zealand: Indigenous rights and recognition and the state in the neoliberal age / Deirdre Howard-Wagner, Maria Bargh and Isabel Altamirano-Jiménez -- Part 1: The connection between the act of governing, policy and neoliberalism. Privatisation and dispossession in the name of indigenous women's rights / Isabel Altamirano-Jiménez -- Resisting the ascendancy of an emboldened colonialism / Cathryn Eatock -- A flawed Treaty partner: The New Zealand state, local government and the politics of recognition / Avril Bell -- Expressions of Indigenous rights and self-determination from the ground up: A Yawuru example / Mandy Yap and Eunice Yu -- Part 2: Pendulums and contradictions in neoliberalism governing everything from Indigenous disadvantage to Indigenous economic development in Australia. Missing ATSIC: Australia's need for a strong Indigenous representative body / Will Sanders -- Neoliberalising disability income reform: What does this mean for Indigenous Australians living in regional areas? / Karen Soldatic -- Indigenous peoples, neoliberalism and the state: A retreat from rights to 'responsibilisation' via the cashless welfare card / Shelley Bielefeld -- Ideology vs context in the neoliberal state's management of remote Indigenous housing reform / Daphne Habibis -- Fragile positions in the new paternalism: Indigenous community organisations during the 'Advancement' era in Australia / Alexander Page -- The tyranny of neoliberal public management and the challenge for Aboriginal community organisations / Patrick Sullivan -- Aboriginal organisations, self-determination and the neoliberal age: A case study of how the 'game has changed' for Aboriginal organisations in Newcastle / Deirdre Howard-Wagner -- Part 3: The dynamic relationship Māori have had with simultaneously resisting, manipulating and working with neoliberalism in New Zealand. Māori, the state and self-determination in the neoliberal age / Dominic O'Sullivan -- Indigenous peoples embedded in neoliberal governance: Has the Māori Party achieved its social policy goals in New Zealand? / Louise Humpage -- Indigenous settlements and market environmentalism: An untimely coincidence? / Fiona McCormack -- Māori political and economic recognition in a diverse economy / Maria Bargh.

Abstract: In the 1990s, history has emerged as an important area of public contest in Australian politics. Both the political right and the political left have expended considerable efforts and resources in attempts to legitimate their policies through reference to their past achievements or the mistakes of their opponents. One such site of this struggle is the history of Australia's relationship with the broad Asian region. Since its election in March 1996, the Howard Government has actively resisted the dominant historical interpretation that has portrayed conservative Australian governments of the past as ambivalent, if not positively hostile, to the Asian region. Much of this effort has focused on the lionization of a conservative foreign minister of the 1950s, Richard Casey, and the creation of a so-called "Casey Tradition" in Australian foreign policy. This article examines the means by which the Australian Government has defended the Asian foreign policy efforts of earlier conservative governments in an effort to legitimate its own policies and capabilities, and challenges many of the assertions the government has made in this regard. It concludes that by actively asserting a lineage between the current government's policies and those of former conservative governments, an image of ambivalence regarding the sincerity of Australian engagement with the broad Asian region is perpetuated.

THIS ARTICLE TESTS HYPOTHESES ON THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN THE NATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS OF STATE, ECONOMY, AND BUSINESS CULTURE AND THE ORGANIZATIONAL CHARACTER AND POLITICAL ROLE OF BUSINESS ASSOCIATIONS, DRAWN FROM THE INTERNATIONAL LITERATURE ON BUSINESS ASSOCIATIONS, AGAINST NEW EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE FROM AUSTRALIA. AUSTRALIA'S WEAK STATE STRUCTURES, FRAGMENTED ECONOMY, AND FIRM-CENTERED BUSINESS CULTURE PRODUCE THE EXPECTED PATTERN OF FRAGMENTED BUSINESS ASSOCIATIONS ENGAGED IN TRADITIONAL FORMS OF POLICY ADVOCACY, LOBBYING, AND PRESSURE PLURALISM. HOWEVER, THESE FINDINGS NEED TO BE QUALIFIED IN THREE WAYS. NOT ALL ASSOCIATIONS FIT THE HYPOTHESIZED RELATIONSHIPS; THERE HAVE BEEN SIGNIFICANT RECENT ATTEMPTS TO OVERCOME ASSSOCIATIONAL FRAGMENTATION THROUGH AD HOC, ISSUE-BASED COALITIONS; AND EVIDENCE INDICATES A SHIFT FROM LOBBYING FUNCTIONS TOWARD QUASI-GOVERNMENTAL ROLES IN THE PUBLIC POLICY PROCESS. THESE QUALIFICATIONS CALL FOR RETHINKING OF AUSTRALIAN BUSINESS POLITICS AND SPEAK TO WIDER THEORETICAL ISSUES ABOUT THE EXTENT TO WHICH MACRO POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC STRUCTURES SHAPE POLITICAL BEHAVIOR.

The toxic environment that is colonized Australia has broken many of the traditional circles of care for Indigenous children and created a service system which waits for Indigenous families to become dysfunctional before there is any response.TheVictorianAboriginal Child CareAgency (VACCA) encourages an approach to Indigenous children and families which is culturally respectful, culturally appropriate and framed according to the need to respect self-determination and human rights. VACCA has developed early childhood and family welfare policies which identify how cultural-strengthening works as a preventative measure to address risk factors for Indigenous children.With the ongoing reforms to Child and Family Welfare arising from the Children, Youth and Families Act, the Victoria State Government in Australia has an historic opportunity to lead the nation in creating an Indigenous-led child and family service system which focuses on issues of prevention and early intervention. The new Act prioritizes cultural and community connection in the best interest principles for Indigenous children, recognizes self-determination and requires generalist children's welfare services to be culturally competent. The only way to ensure that every Indigenous child is effectively cared for is by developing the capacity of Indigenous communities to look after their own by strengthening Indigenous organizations and agencies. It is Indigenous agencies who are best placed to deliver innovative programs which are culturally embedded and carefully targeted to restore the circles of care for Indigenous kids. Aculturally competent service system is what is needed to ensure better outcomes for Indigenous children.

Concerns have been expressed for some time by Indigenous community leaders, analysts, government agencies, and local service providers about the accuracy of census counts for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities in Queensland. Recent reclassification of these communities as Local Government Areas has heightened these concerns in the context of financial distributions and the related need for the ABS to develop small area population estimates. This paper examines the ABS methodology for estimating these populations, and benchmarks these against demographic information available from a range of administrative data. Potential deficiencies in ABS methodology are highlighted and a case is made for the use of administrative data in developing estimates for small populations.

"Being homeless in one's homeland is a colonial legacy for many Indigenous people in settler societies. The construction of Commonwealth nation-states from colonial settler societies depended on the dispossession of Indigenous peoples from their lands. The legacy of that dispossession and related attempts at assimilation that disrupted Indigenous practices, languages, and cultures-including patterns of housing and land use-can be seen today in the disproportionate number of Indigenous people affected by homelessness in both rural and urban settings. Essays in this collection explore the meaning and scope of Indigenous homelessness in the Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. They argue that effective policy and support programs aimed at relieving Indigenous homelessness must be rooted in Indigenous conceptions of home, land, and kinship, and cannot ignore the context of systemic inequality, institutionalization, landlessness, among other things, that stem from a history of colonialism. "Indigenous Homelessness: Perspectives from Canada, New Zealand and Australia" provides a comprehensive exploration of the Indigenous experience of homelessness. It testifies to ongoing cultural resilience and lays the groundwork for practices and policies designed to better address the conditions that lead to homelessness among Indigenous peoples."--

Combining the perspectives of political, social, and cultural history in a coherent narrative, this account is a holistic interpretation of the complex relationship between Indigenous and settler Australians during the middle of the 20th century. As it provides a cogent analysis of how the relationship changed, this record focuses on the quest for Aboriginal inclusion in the Australian nation-a task that dominated the Aboriginal agenda at the time-and challenges existing scholarship and assumptions, particularly around assimilation. Arguing that inclusion was not a function of political lobbyi

The national Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada has challenged governments and school boards across Canada to acknowledge and address the damaging legacies of residential schooling while ensuring that all students gain an adequate understanding of relations between Indigenous Peoples and non-Indigenous peoples. This article explores the dynamics and prospects for effective change associated with reforms in elementary and secondary education systems since the release of the Commission's Calls to Action, focusing on the policy frameworks employed by provincial and territorial governments to guide these actions. The analysis examines critically the overt and hidden messages conveyed through discourses within policy documents and statements. The key questions we address include: What do current education policy frameworks and actions regarding Indigenous Peoples reveal about government approaches to education and settler–Indigenous relationships in Canada? To what extent is effective reconciliation possible, and how can it be accomplished in the context of institutional structures and discourses within a White settler colonial society? The findings reveal that substantial movement towards greater acknowledgement of Indigenous knowledge systems and incorporation of Indigenous content continues to be subordinated to or embedded within Western assumptions, norms, and standards.