Suchergebnisse

Although neoliberalism is one of the most discussed phenomena in social and political sciences which influence has been emphasized both by apologetics and critics, it has still lacked broad theoretical background and empirical data. Particularly, consequences regarding neoliberalism and its influence on public consciousness (and value system as its part) mostly are based on secondary data analysis. Moreover, neoliberalism itself usually is considered as a monolithic phenomenon nevertheless it is consisted of different, sometimes even opposite, ideas and concepts, which can be divided in at least three different forms – ideology, economic and political doctrine. Hence, there is a problem of the absence of sociological knowledge about the character of the influence of the ideology of neoliberalism on the social value system and the absence of the investigatory sociological framework for the studying of the influence and the understanding of neoliberalism in its different forms.Regarding that among all the forms of neoliberalism exactly the ideology can have a direct influence on the public consciousness there was decided to start the creation of the sociological framework from the creation of the framework that allows to investigate the value system in the context of the influence of the ideology of neoliberalism.In the study the ideology of neoliberalism is defined as one of the sects of the ideology of liberalism that appeared in 1970s and defends supreme market freedom, a limitation of government activities to the guarding of borders and the control of implementation of legislation, and encourages the concentration of the thought of an individual on themselves, their achievements and their satisfaction. To form the sociological framework of the studying of the value system in the context of the influence of the ideology of neoliberalism it has been chosen to create a separate model of a value system that is consisted of certain value orientations. The model is based on the several cross-cultural studies, on the one hand, and on the characteristics of the ideology of neoliberalism, on the other. Particularly, there was made a list of neoliberal values and models of behavior that was then divided into a few thematic categoriesThese categories were compared to the existed models of value systems in cross-cultural researches. As a result the several value orientation that can describe the value system under the influence of the ideology of neoliberalism were chosen.Thus, based on the specific characteristics of neoliberalism emphasized in studies of theory and history of neoliberalism, on the one hand, and on the different theories and methods of cross-cultural researches, on the other, the ideology of neoliberalism was separated as a specific phenomenon and the special model of value orientations that allows to analyze the value system in the context of the ideology of neoliberalism was created. The model consists of six value orientations: power distance, uncertainty avoidance, individualism versus collectivism, long-term orientation versus short-term ori- entation, independence versus dependence from the government and material orientation versus orientation to non-material. The model can be used to compare one society in different periods of time as well as several different societies in one period of time to define the cultures that are more or less oriented to neoliberal values.This study has become the first step of the creation of the specific sociological framework for the investigation of the influence and the understanding of neoliberalism in its different forms. In the long-term perspective it offers wide challenges to more detailed and theoretically grounded investigation and understanding of neoliberalism as a complex phenomenon. In terms of more substantial abilities of the analysis, the model that was created allows to conduct a research of a state and changes of the value system in the context of the ideology of neoliberalism both in a one society and in a variety of societies with different social and historical background. ; У статті представлений аналіз ідеології неолібералізму з перспективи вивчення її впливу на систему цінностей. Зокрема, розглянуто теорію та історію неолібералізму, проаналізовано кроскультурні дослідження системи цінностей та на цій базі сформовано та перевірено авторську модель системи цінностей із метою вивчення системи цінностей у контексті впливу ідеології неолібералізму.

Although neoliberalism is one of the most discussed phenomena in social and political sciences which influence has been emphasized both by apologetics and critics, it has still lacked broad theoretical background and empirical data. Particularly, consequences regarding neoliberalism and its influence on public consciousness (and value system as its part) mostly are based on secondary data analysis. More- over, neoliberalism itself usually is considered as a monolithic phenomenon nevertheless it is consisted of different, sometimes even opposite, ideas and concepts, which can be divided in at least three different forms – ideology, economic and political doctrine. Hence, there is a problem of the absence of sociological knowledge about the character of the influence of the ideology of neoliberalism on the social value system and the absence of the investigatory sociological framework for the studying of the influence and the understanding of neoliberalism in its different forms.Regarding that among all the forms of neoliberalism exactly the ideology can have a direct influence on the public consciousness there was decided to start the creation of the sociological framework from the creation of the framework that allows to investigate the value system in the context of the influence of the ideology of neoliberalism.In the study the ideology of neoliberalism is defined as one of the sects of the ideology of liberalism that appeared in 1970s and defends supreme market freedom, a limitation of government activities to the guarding of borders and the control of implementation of legislation, and encourages the concentration of the thought of an individual on themselves, their achievements and their satisfaction.To form the sociological framework of the studying of the value system in the context of the influence of the ideology of neoliberalism it has been chosen to create a separate model of a value system that is consisted of certain value orientations. The model is based on the several cross-cultural studies, on the one hand, and on the characteristics of the ideology of neoliberalism, on the other. Particularly, there was made a list of neoliberal values and models of behavior that was then divided into a few thematic categories. These categories were compared to the existed models of value systems in cross-cultural researches. As a result the several value orientation that can describe the value system under the influence of the ideology of neoliberalism were chosen.Thus, based on the specific characteristics of neoliberalism emphasized in studies of theory and history of neoliberalism, on the one hand, and on the different theories and methods of cross-cultural researches, on the other, the ideology of neoliberalism was separated as a specific phenomenon and the special model of value orientations that allows to analyze the value system in the context of the ideology of neoliberalism was created. The model consists of six value orientations: power distance, uncertainty avoidance, individualism versus collectivism, long-term orientation versus short-term orientation, independence versus dependence from the government and material orientation versus orientation to non-material. The model can be used to compare one society in different periods of time as well as several different societies in one period of time to define the cultures that are more or less oriented to neoliberal values.This study has become the first step of the creation of the specific sociological framework for the investigation of the influence and the understanding of neoliberalism in its different forms. In the long-term perspective it offers wide challenges to more detailed and theoretically grounded investigation and understanding of neoliberalism as a complex phenomenon. In terms of more substantial abilities of the analysis, the model that was created allows to conduct a research of a state and changes of the value system in the context of the ideology of neoliberalism both in a one society and in a variety of societies with different social and historical background. ; У статті представлений аналіз ідеології неолібералізму з перспективи вивчення її впливу на систему цінностей. Зокрема, розглянуто теорію та історію неолібералізму, проаналізовано крос-культурні дослідження системи цінностей та на цій базі сформовано та перевірено авторську модель системи цінностей із метою вивчення системи цінностей у контексті впливу ідеології неолібералізму.

Although neoliberalism is one of the most discussed phenomena in social and political sciences which influence has been emphasized both by apologetics and critics, it has still lacked broad theoretical background and empirical data. Particularly, consequences regarding neoliberalism and its influence on public consciousness (and value system as its part) mostly are based on secondary data analysis. Moreover, neoliberalism itself usually is considered as a monolithic phenomenon nevertheless it is consisted of different, sometimes even opposite, ideas and concepts, which can be divided in at least three different forms – ideology, economic and political doctrine. Hence, there is a problem of the absence of sociological knowledge about the character of the influence of the ideology of neoliberalism on the social value system and the absence of the investigatory sociological framework for the studying of the influence and the understanding of neoliberalism in its different forms.Regarding that among all the forms of neoliberalism exactly the ideology can have a direct influence on the public consciousness there was decided to start the creation of the sociological framework from the creation of the framework that allows to investigate the value system in the context of the influence of the ideology of neoliberalism.In the study the ideology of neoliberalism is defined as one of the sects of the ideology of liberalism that appeared in 1970s and defends supreme market freedom, a limitation of government activities to the guarding of borders and the control of implementation of legislation, and encourages the concentration of the thought of an individual on themselves, their achievements and their satisfaction. To form the sociological framework of the studying of the value system in the context of the influence of the ideology of neoliberalism it has been chosen to create a separate model of a value system that is consisted of certain value orientations. The model is based on the several cross-cultural studies, on the one hand, and on the characteristics of the ideology of neoliberalism, on the other. Particularly, there was made a list of neoliberal values and models of behavior that was then divided into a few thematic categoriesThese categories were compared to the existed models of value systems in cross-cultural researches. As a result the several value orientation that can describe the value system under the influence of the ideology of neoliberalism were chosen.Thus, based on the specific characteristics of neoliberalism emphasized in studies of theory and history of neoliberalism, on the one hand, and on the different theories and methods of cross-cultural researches, on the other, the ideology of neoliberalism was separated as a specific phenomenon and the special model of value orientations that allows to analyze the value system in the context of the ideology of neoliberalism was created. The model consists of six value orientations: power distance, uncertainty avoidance, individualism versus collectivism, long-term orientation versus short-term ori- entation, independence versus dependence from the government and material orientation versus orientation to non-material. The model can be used to compare one society in different periods of time as well as several different societies in one period of time to define the cultures that are more or less oriented to neoliberal values.This study has become the first step of the creation of the specific sociological framework for the investigation of the influence and the understanding of neoliberalism in its different forms. In the long-term perspective it offers wide challenges to more detailed and theoretically grounded investigation and understanding of neoliberalism as a complex phenomenon. In terms of more substantial abilities of the analysis, the model that was created allows to conduct a research of a state and changes of the value system in the context of the ideology of neoliberalism both in a one society and in a variety of societies with different social and historical background. ; У статті представлений аналіз ідеології неолібералізму з перспективи вивчення її впливу на систему цінностей. Зокрема, розглянуто теорію та історію неолібералізму, проаналізовано кроскультурні дослідження системи цінностей та на цій базі сформовано та перевірено авторську модель системи цінностей із метою вивчення системи цінностей у контексті впливу ідеології неолібералізму.

[spa] El objeto de estudio de esta Tesis Doctoral es el sevillano Gabriel García y Tassara (1817- 1875), poeta que propongo perteneciente al Segundo Romanticismo, impulsado por Víctor Hugo y simbiótico con Lord Byron, que expresó en sus versos las inquietudes y desengaños del proceso de implantación del liberalismo, revolucionario en la época social e individualmente. El hecho de no haber publicado sus Poesías hasta 1872 ha confundido a la crítica considerándolo un romántico tardío o pionero del realismo. En este trabajo se ofrece una exhaustiva biografía del autor que aclara no pocos aspectos de su vida, entre ellos su pertenencia al movimiento romántico desde 1835 y la publicación de sus poemas en la prensa, por lo que se le valoró desde 1841 como uno de los poetas más relevantes de la época. Al mismo tiempo, ejercía como colaborador periodístico con artículos que se presentan como obra en prosa, antes de ser redactor y más tarde director de varios periódicos moderados. Diputado en dos legislaturas (1847-50 y 1854-57), diplomático en Washington (1857-67) con el proyecto personal de formar una confederación de estados hispanoamericanos, incluida España, y en Londres (1869) como representante del Gobierno Provisional, solo al cesar en su actividad pública se aplicó en la edición de su libro. En cuanto a su poesía, se aportan en el Apéndice las primeras versiones de 24 poemas de su libro y 21 no incluidos en él, junto a la recomposición del poema extenso Un diablo más, con dos epístolas desconocidas. Se han fechado todas sus composiciones y propuesto sus etapas poéticas, cuyos contenidos, algunos anfibológicos, se analizan. También se transcriben en el Apéndice sus artículos de crítica literaria, los muy interesantes costumbristas y otros político-sociales, cuyos temas y estilo se analizan en el texto, además de sus discursos en las Cortes, estos últimos aclaratorios de su personal visión del momento histórico y, en especial, de no pocos de los contenidos de Un diablo más. ; [eng] The target of this Doctoral Thesis is the Sevillian Gabriel García y Tassara (1817-1875), a poet that belongs to the Second Romanticism, led by Victor Hugo and symbiotic with Lord Byron. He expressed the concerns and disappointments in his lines of the process of implementation of liberalism, as revolutionary socially and individually. Critics wrongly considered him a late romantic or a pioneer of realism because his Poesías weren't published until 1872. This paper provides an exhaustive biography of the author that clarifies many aspects of his life, such as his joint to the Romantic movement since 1835 and the publication of his poems in the press, therefore he was considered since 1841 as one of the most important poets of that moment. At the same time, he worked as a journalist assistant and wrote articles that are presented as prose work, before that he became a editor and later a director of several moderate newspapers. He was Deputy in two legislatures (1847-50 and 1854-57), diplomat in Washington (1857-67) he had a personal project of forming a confederation of Spanish-American states, including Spain, and in London (1869) as a representative of the Provisional Government. Only when his public activity ceased, he devoted to the edition of his book. As it concerns to his poetry, the early versions of 24 poems in his book and 21 not included in it, also the recomposition of the extended poem Un diablo más, with two unknown epistles, are added in the Appendix. All his compositions have been dated and his poetic stages proposed, whose contents, some amphibological, are analyzed. In the Appendix I have also transcribed his articles of literary criticism, the very interesting sketchs of manners ones and other political and social, its topics and style are analyzed in the text, in addition to his speeches in the Parliament, the latter clarifying his personal vision of the historical moment and, in particular, several of the contents of Un diablo más.

YÖK Tez No: 559819 ; Uluslararası ilişkilerde süreklilik, bir devletin dış politikasının uzun süreli olarak temel ilke ve esasları koruyarak belli parametrelerin dışına çıkmaması veya çıkamaması anlamına gelir. Devletlerin dış politikada süreklilik izlemesi alınan kararlar doğrultusunda olabileceği gibi zorunlu nedenlerden de ortaya çıkabilmektedir. Bunu ülkenin tarihi, coğrafyası, nüfusu, ekonomik durumu, askeri gücü ve ulusal özellikleri yapısal faktörleri etkileyebileceği gibi halkın kültürel özellikleri, ulusal karakteri, liderlerin özellikleri gibi yapısal faktörler de dış politikanın oluşumunda etkili olabilmektedir. Tüm bunlar dış politikada sürekliliği zorunlu ya da isteyerek uygulamasını sağlayabilmektedir. Uluslararası ilişkilerde değişim kavramı konusunda farklı teoriler olup en yaygın ve kabul görenler realizm/neorealizm ile liberalizm/neoliberalizimdir. Klasik realizm ve neorealizm'e göre uluslararası ilişkilerde temel olarak değişim söz konusu değildir. Klasik realistlere göre devlet, güç dengesi ve savaş gibi kavramların insanlık tarihi kadar eski olduğunu ve ileride de devam edeceğini savunur. Uluslararası alanda değişimin ise devletlerin kendi çıkarlarına uygun şartlar oluştuğunda sistemi kendi çıkarlarına uygun şekle sokmak amacıyla savaşlar aracılığıyla gerçekleştirdikleri olgudur. Neorealistler'e göre de hiyerarşik ve başka tür bir Uluslararası sistem gelişmedikçe değişim mümkün değildir. Liberal-Neoliberaller'e göre uluslararası politika da değişim mümkündür ve hatta olması gerektiği savunulur. Devletlerin dış politikalarında değişim yapmaya iten dinamikleri daha iyi anlayabilmenin bir diğer yolu da, devletlerin dış politikalarında görülen değişimi sınıflandırmaktır. Bu sınıflandırmayı seçimli-zorunlu, içsel-dışsal, köklü-sınırlı ve ani-aşamalı olarak sınıflandırmak mümkündür. Araştırmanın amacı, uluslararası politika literatüründe var olan süreklilik ve değişim olgularının incelenerek Suriye Dış politikasında uygulanma sıklığını ve değişimini gözlemlemektir. Özellikle Beşar Esad döneminde uygulanan iç politik kararların dış politikaya yansımaları ve bu yansımaların süreklilik ve değişim ekseninde Türkiye ile ilişkilerde neleri değiştirdiğinin araştırılması amaçlanmaktadır. ; Continuity in international relations means that the foreign policy of a state cannot or does not go beyond certain parameters when maintaining basic long-term principles. Decisions taken in line with a state's continuity in foreign policy as well as those that may arise for reasons of necessity may come out in the open. The country's history, geography, population, economic situation, military power, and national characteristics can affect structural factors such as the people's cultural characteristics, national character, characteristics of leaders and foreign policy. All this can lead to the continuation of foreign policy in either a compulsory or in a voluntary way. There are different theories about the concept of change in international relations, and the most common and accepted are realism or neorealism and liberalism or neoliberalism. According to classical realism and neorealism, there is no basic change in international relations. According to classical realists, the state argues that concepts such as the balance of power and war are as old as human history and will continue in the future. It is a phenomenon that change in the international field is realized by wars in order to bring the system in accordance with the interests of the states when conditions appropriate to their interests are formed. According to the neorealists, change is not possible unless another, hierarchical, international system develops. According to the liberals and neo-liberals, change in international politics is possible and should even be defended. Another way to better understand the dynamics that lead states to change their foreign policies is to classify the changes in the foreign policies of states. It is possible to classify these changes as elective or compulsory, internal or external, radical or limited and sudden or gradual. The aim of the study was to observe the prevalence of implementation and change in the foreign policy of Syria by examining the phenomena of continuity and change existing in fhe international policy literature. The aim was to investigate what has changed, especially regarding Bashar al-Assad, during the implementation of foreign policy decisions and domestic political repercussions as well as the implications of this orientation of continuity and change for relations with Turkey.

The present paper looks at the historical background of the rise of feminism andwomen's movement and doing gender in India. Not only in India but all over the world there has been a close link between feminism and the women's movement, each inspiring and enriching the other. In the Indian context, while the women's movement is a much earlier phenomenon, the term Feminism is a modern one. Feminism comprises a number of social, cultural and political movements, theories and moral philosophies concerned with gender inequalities and equal rights for women. In the pre-independence era, the women's movement began as a social reform movement in the 19th century. At this time, the western idea of liberty, equality and fraternity was being imbibed by our educated elite through the study of English and the contact with west. This western liberalism was extended to the women's question and was translated into a social reform movement. In the post-Independence period during the first few decades, the major concern was for overall economic growth. This was immediately followed by another decade, which witnessed an increased concern for equity and poverty alleviation. Gender issues were subsumed in poverty related concerns and there were no such specific programs, which aimed at women. In the postindependence period, the women's movement has concerned itself with a large number of issues such as dowry, women's work, price rise, land rights, political participation of women, Dalit women and marginalized women's right, growing fundamentalism, women's representation in the media etc. and a large number of Non-Government organizations have taken up this issue. Women's studies and now Gender studies is also an off shoot of the long history of women's movement in India. Various women's studies Centres have been set up and today again these are at the brink of disappearing from the radar and there is a struggle which is now going on. Though a lot needs to be achieved and there are various impediments in making this reality available to a large section of women, the women's movement has brought women's issues center stage and made them more visible. ; O presente trabalho examina a base histórica do surgimento do feminismo, domovimento de mulheres e do fazendo gênero na Índia. Não só na Índia como em todo o mundo há uma grande proximidade entre o feminism e o movimento das mulheres, com um inspirando e enriquecendo o outro. No contexto indiano, enquanto que o movimento das mulheres é um fenômeno mais antigo, o termo Feminismo é bem mais atual. O feminismo engloba vários movimentos sociais, culturais e politicos, teorias e filosofias morais preocupados com desigualdades de gênero e direitos iguais para as mulheres. Na era pré-independência, o movimento das mulheres começou como um movimento de reforma social no século XIX. Nessa época, a ideia ocidental de liberdade, igualdade e fraternidade vinha sendo absorvida pela elite intelectual por meio do estudo do inglês e do contato com o Ocidente. Esse liberalismo se estendeu para a questão da mulher e se transformou num movimento de reforma social. No período pós-independência, durante as primeiras décadas, a maior preocupação era o crescimento econômico, seguido por uma crescente preocupação com equidade e diminuição da pobreza. Questões de gênero eram vistas como parte da desigualdade econômica e não havia programas específicos, centrados nas mulheres. No período pós-independência, o movimento das mulheres se preocupava com um grande número de questões, como dote, trabalho feminino, aumento de preços, direito à terra, participação política das mulheres, direitos das mulheres Dalit e de mulheres marginalizadas, fundamentalismo crescente, representação da mulher na midia - problemas adotados por um grande número de Organizações Não-Governamentais. Os Estudos sobre a Mulher e os Estudos de Gênero são uma consequência da longa história dos movimentos das mulheres na Índia. Vários centros de estudos sobre a mulher foram criados, hoje fadados a desaparecer apesar de muita luta. Embora muito ainda tenha que ser feito e existam vários impedimentos para que um grande número de mulheres seja incluído, o movimento de mulheres trouxe importantes questões para o centro das discussões, dando-lhes maior visibilidade.

Climate change is precipitating social issues that are not traceable to a discreet, culpable actor. This is because greenhouse gas accumulation in the stratosphere is a global problem transcending the socio-political boundaries that law uses to assign responsibility. The diffuse nature of climate change calls for new legal approaches that can provide greater juridical responsiveness [1] to social problems and universal human vulnerability that is emerging in the wake of one of the most pressing environmental challenges facing the international community today. [2] Those social problems include displacement and dispossession of indigenous communities whose livelihoods depend directly on their environment, such as Arctic communities in Alaska, rural dwellers in the Himalayas, livestock farmers in the Kalahari, and forest-dwellers in the Amazon. [3] Farming communities reliant upon rain-fed agriculture also face food insecurity due to changing, unpredictable rainfall patterns. [4] While social impacts may be most keenly felt at the local level, the global nature of climate change means that jurisprudential bases of law at all levels—local, national, regional, and international [5] —need to promote coherent legal responses that recognize the global genesis of what may be seen as localized problems. This essay will draw on human vulnerability theory to discuss law's role in promoting social justice in the wake of climate change. Vulnerability is the "characteristic that positions us in relation to each other as human beings and also suggests a relationship of responsibility between the state and its institutions and the individual."[6] Vulnerability theory critiques the contemporary understanding of "the legal subject," which is built on an ideology that values liberty over equality and manipulates contractual concepts such as choice and consent to justify exploitation and structural inequality.[7] That inequality has distorted and constrained the conception of the legal subject into a narrow and limited autonomous subject that is at the center of the analysis that law uses to organize society.[8] Human vulnerability theory calls for enriching the legal subject by placing it in social context, and engaging with its complex and dynamic characteristics. The paper is divided into five Parts. Part I provides an overview of human vulnerability theory. Part II presents a vulnerability perspective on liberalism and neoliberalism, two theories that underlie the current global climate regime. Part III examines the concept of vulnerability in the climate discourse, while Part IV applies human vulnerability theory to the global climate regime. The final part states the conclusions. [1] Anna Grear, Vulnerability, Advanced Global Capitalism and co-Symptomatic Injustice: Locating the Vulnerable Subject, in Vulnerability: Reflections on a New Ethical Paradigm for Law and Politics 41, 41 (Martha Alberston Fineman & Anna Grear eds., 2013). [2] David Hunter, James Salzman & Durwood Zaelke, International Environmental Law & Policy 3rd ed. 631. Foundation Press, NY (2007). [3] Climate Change and Indigenous Peoples, United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, http://www.un.org/en/events/indigenousday/pdf/Backgrounder_ClimateChange_FINAL.pdf [http://perma.cc/7G3H-M9MP]. [4] Berhanu F. Alemaw & Timothy Simalenga, Climate Change Impacts and Adaptation in Rainfed Farming Systems: A Modeling Framework for Scaling-Out Climate Smart Agriculture in Sub-Saharan Africa, 4 Am. J. of Climate Change 313 (2015). [5] See Klaus Bosselmann, The Rule of Law Grounded in Earth (2013), p.5. [6] Vulnerability and the Human Condition, Emory University, http://web.gs.emory.edu/vulnerability/index.html [http://perma.cc/D363-SFCR] [hereinafter Vulnerability Index]. [7] Definitions of Vulnerability and the Human Condition Initiative, Emory University, http://web.gs.emory.edu/vulnerability/about/definitions.html [http://perma.cc/D363-SFCR]. [8] See Martha Albertson Fineman, The Autonomy Myth, The New Press (2004). In this book, Fineman argues that popular ideology in the United States (and adopted in other common law based legal systems) has become fixated on the myth that citizens are and should be autonomous. However, the fact is that dependency is unavoidable in any society and human beings are more or less dependent on others at all stages in the human life-cycle. I extend the notion of dependency to our dependence on the environment and the resources it provides for our subsistence on Earth throughout our lives.

La historia europea de mitad del XIX encuentra en la actuación militar española en Italia una interesante línea de investigación para entender la complejidad política de la España isabelina, en un contexto de guerra y revolución en Europa. En el caso del proceso de unificación italiano, respondía a una política exterior asentada en el liberalismo moderado, y que mediaba a nivel interno entre las tendencias más progresistas y la oposición del carlismo. Aunque este tema ha sido tratado desde otros puntos de vista, el impulso de los estudios militares acontecido en España en los últimos años ha despertado el interés de la investigación de este país sobre la creación de la nación italiana desde una perspectiva comparada. Igualmente, ha seguido aportando nuevos datos al debate sobre la presencia de tropas españolas en el contexto de la unificación italiana para continuar una discusión historiográfica que afecta a España e Italia. En este artículo analizamos estos hechos para reordenarlos y, al mismo tiempo, aportamos una interpretación más heterodoxa que la que puede consultarse en trabajos clásicos, fruto del conocimiento producido sobre el tema en la actualidad, de una novedosa investigación hecha en el Archivo Secreto Vaticano, y de la consulta de periódicos y novelas españoles del siglo XIX que opinaron e informaron sobre la fuerza militar española en defensa de Pío IX, decantando a la opinión pública en diversos sentidos según fuera su línea política editorial o la sensibilidad del autor. The European history of central years of the 19th century finds in the Spanish military action in Italy an interesting line of research in order to understand the political complexity of Isabelline Spain, within a context of war and revolution in Europe. In the case of the process of the Italian unification, it responded to a foreign policy based on moderate liberalism, which mediated internally between the most progressive tendencies and the Carlist opposition. Although this subject has been addressed from other standpoints, the impulse of the military studies taken place in Spain in recent years has aroused the interest of Spanish research on the creation of the Italian nation from a comparative perspective. Likewise, it has continued to contribute with new data to the debate on the presence of Spanish troops in the context of Italian unification, continuing an historiographical discussion that affects Spain and Italy. In this article we analyze these facts to reorder them and at the same time we contribute with a more heterodox interpretation than that which can be consulted in classical works, fruit of the knowledge produced on the subject at present, of a novel investigation made in the Vatican Secret Archive, and of the consultation of nineteenth-century Spanish newspapers and novels that opined and reported on the Spanish military force in defense of Pius IX, decanting public opinion in various ways according to its editorial policy line or the sensitivity of the author. What we want to demonstrate here is that although the Spanish operation in Italy between 1848-1850 did not have the desired importance on the part of the government of Narvaez, causing that a significant part of the Spanish public opinion to be disappointed and reinforcing the critical political positions with that external intervention, they were a remarkable success in several aspects. On the one hand, to resituate Isabel II''s liberal Spain between the great European powers of the moment, once the Carlism had been defeated in the civil war, and the military defeats in the American continent had diminished sensibly the national-imperial idea of the Old Regime. On the other hand, it also helped to temper the internal moods between liberal liberals favourable to Italian unification and patriotic legitimists, who were addicted to the cause of the Papal States because of the reactionary sense the war had.

Acceso a las actas del Simposio: http://media.wix.com/ugd/79b507_b442e42c951f4ba68cd44babe07b03ee.pdf ; El liberalismo del XIX hizo proliferar en las ciudades europeas monumentos civiles, estatuas, placas, inscripciones y otros signos conmemorativos u ornamentales que fueron instrumentos al servicio de las políticas de la memoria y la instrucción pública liberales. La ciudad sudamericana de Buenos Aires nunca fue una excepción al modelo europeo. Su singular y procelosa historia ha dejado huella profunda en la práctica totalidad de sus calles céntricas. Los sucesivos gobiernos de Néstor y Cristina (Fernández de) Kirchner han creado un relevante dispositivo de recuperación de la memoria histórica que, además de llevar a término los hasta entonces suspendidos juicios a militares y civiles encausados por crímenes de estado, ha dado nuevo aire al deseo expresado en los primeros años del siglo XX por Benjamin de resituar la historia desde el punto de vista de los vencidos: no existe documento de barbarie que no pueda ser, ni deba ser, integrado como documento de cultura en el marco de una exposición permanente de la memoria de lo acontecido. Así, la propia capital argentina, la ciudad autónoma de Buenos Aires, expone, cuida y multiplica con placas, señales, eventos y espacios para la memoria aquellos lugares, esquinas y nombres que fueron sinónimos de la barbarie. El propósito de esta comunicación es examinar bajo una mirada crítica las huellas o marcas de la memoria patrimonial de la ciudad, heredera de un determinado pensamiento social, pedagógico e institucional que se mezcla con nuevos modos colectivos —mucho más dinámicos— de habitar los entornos urbanos, de enjuiciar el pasado, volver presencia el presente y hacer frente al futuro. ; The nineteenth-century liberalism made proliferate in many European cities civil monuments, statues, plaques, inscriptions and other signs that, with aim both ornamental as commemorative, were instruments in the service of the politics of memory and the liberal public education. The South American city of Buenos Aires never represented an exception to the European model. Its singular and stormy history have left deep imprint on almost all of their main streets. The successive governments of Néstor and Cristina (Fernández de) Kirchner have created a important device to thinking the historical memory, which in addition to carrying to term the hitherto suspended trials of military and civilian defendants for state crimes, has given new impetus to the desire expressed by Benjamin in the early twentieth century in the sense of think over the story from the point of view of the vanquished: there is no document of barbarism that cannot be, or not should be integrated as a document of culture within the framework of a permanent exhibition of memory of what happened. Thus, the Argentina capital itself, the autonomous city of Buenos Aires, exhibits, cares for and multiplies plates, signals, events and spaces for memory, in those places and corners and names that were synonymous with barbarism. The purpose of this paper is to examining critically these footprints or marks of patrimonial memory of the city, heir of a particular social, educational and institutional thought, which is mixed with new collective modes (much more dynamic and contradictory often) of inhabiting urban environments and to understanding as much as to face the past. ; Red 14-Universidad de Santiago de Compostela ; HISREDUC (Grupo de Investigación en Educación Histórica. Uva) ; DESYM[S1], DHIGECS (Didáctica de la Historia, la Geografía y las Ciencias Sociales) ; DICSO (Didáctica de las Ciencias Sociales. UM.) ; DIDPATRI (Didàctica del Patrimoni. UB.) ; ECPEME (Evaluación Cualitativa de Programas Educativos de Museos de España. Uniovi.) ; GIPYPAC (Grupo de Investigación en Patrimonio y Paisajes Culturales. UPV.) ; OEPE (Observatorio de Educación Patrimonial en España. UVA.) ; RODA (Razonamiento, Discurso y Argumentación. USC.) ; URBS[S2] (Grupo de investigación de excelencia en el campo de la Arqueología. Unizar.) ; Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad ; Proyecto COMDEMO (EDU2015-65621-C3-1-R)

Esta investigación se centra en el tema de la alimentación en la ciudad de Huelva durante la segunda mitad del s. XIX, en concreto en los años comprendidos entre 1855 y 1904, momento en el que se hace vigente el primer código sanitario español: la Ley Orgánica de Sanidad de 1855. La historiografía coincide en afirmar que se trató de la implantación del liberalismo en la organización de la sanidad española. Pero además se trató de un período transicional desde el punto de vista epidemiológico, en cuanto a la forma de entender el abasto de alimentos y en el modo en que se estructuraba la cadena alimentaria. En un contexto donde Huelva asistía a su vez a un profundo proceso de transformación, que habría de manifestarse a todos los niveles. Estos fundamentos epistemológicos han servido de base para plantear el análisis en la Huelva de estas coordenadas temporales de la cadena alimentaria o fases por las que atraviesa el producto desde que es producido por la agricultura o la ganadería -etapa primaria- hasta que llega al consumidor. En este sentido se ha atendido, por una parte, a la forma en que este sistema fue concebido y organizado por el ayuntamiento. Por otra parte, a la posición en que se situó dentro de la articulación de la sanidad de Huelva y a las nuevas pautas que establecía el control de los alimentos, para posteriormente abordarse los distintos estadios evolutivos de la cadena alimentaria. De manera que se ha tratado la explotación y producción agropecuaria, el escenario principal de la manipulación de alimentos, el matadero -construcción, reglamentación y gestión- y en última instancia la fase de comercialización. Para ello la plaza de abastos, la pescadería, otros establecimientos - panaderías, lecherías.- y otras formas de venta han sido temas analizados en el capítulo final, donde como epílogo ha estado presente el alimento en la mesa, tomando como ejes rectores el consumo y el fraude. ; This research focuses on the diet of the city of Huelva during the second half of the XIX Century, specifically between the years 1855 and 1904. It is at that period of time that the first Spanish health code was established: the organic health Law of 1855. Historiography consistently states that it was the establishment of liberalism in the organization of the Spanish health system. However, it was also a transitional period from an epidemiological point of view, regarding how food supplies were understood and the way the food chain was structured. Moreover, at this time, Huelva was experiencing a profound transformation process at all levels other than these. These epistemological grounds have been used as a basis for the analysis of the food chain in Huelva, or the phases a product go through from the moment it is produced by the arable or pastoral farms- primary stage- to the time consumers get it. In this sense it has been paid attention, on one hand, to how this system was conceived and organized by the local government. On the other hand, to the position on which it was situated within the articulation of the health system in Huelva and to the new guidelines food control demanded, leading to an examination of the various evolutionary stages of the food chain. In this sense, the exploitation and production of the agriculture and livestock farming have been studied, together with the main scene for the food processing: the slaughterhouse- construction, regulation and management- and ultimately the commercialization stage. As a consequence, there is an analysis of the market place in the last chapter, including the fish market and others like bakery and dairy or other ways of selling. In the concluding section, the notion of food on the table has been examined, considering consumption and fraud as guiding principles.

Нема людей, є ідеї – гласить східна мудрість. Евроінтеграційний вибір України актуалізує питання вибору громадянами і відповідної політичної ідеології, як сукупності ідей, цінностей, пріоритетів, які вони воліють поділяти і реалізовувати. Саме тому при всій своїй декларативності це питання не може залишатися і поза увагою науковців, хоча б з позиції відповідності національного менталітету, аналізу можливих перспектив і трансформацій. Втрата частки територій, війна на Сході України, незворотній і остаточний вибір проєвропейського напрямку активізує інтерес і безперечно сприяє популяризації націоналістичних цінностей. Важливим для автора питанням є питання чим є націоналізм сьогодні ? Що змінюється в його сприйнятті і детермінує ці зміни, наскільки вони кардинальні і чи є якась межа після якої вони стають неможливими. Як сприймається націоналізм сьогодні? Адже крім суперечливостей сприйняття, націоналізм і як ідеологія іманентно приховує в собі ряд суперечностей. Крім того, і що є цікавим для нас, ідеологія націоналізму в періоди активізації, як збільшувальне скло, завжди відображає основні риси національного характеру, їх підсилює і легалізує в політичному контексті. Властивий українцям на сумарну думку цілого ряду фахівців як культурологов і етнологов, так і соціологов індивідуалізм, інтроверсивність, толерантність, естетизм, кордоцентричність, хазяйновитість і онтологічний оптимізм в повній мірі дублюється і українським націоналізмом. Але як це змінює український націоналізм, яку надає йому специфіку? Намагаючись відповісти на ці запитання, в якості інструментарію аналізу, автор залучає концепт культурної традиції. ; Нет людей, есть идеи – гласит восточная мудрость. Евроинтеграционный выбор Украины актуализирует вопрос выбора гражданами и соответствующей политической идеологии, как совокупности идей, ценностей, приоритетов, которые они предпочитают разделять и реализовывать. Именно поэтому при всей своей декларативности этот вопрос не может оставаться и вне поля зрения ученых, хотя бы с точки зрения соответствия национального менталитета анализу возможных перспектив и трансформаций. Потеря части территорий, война на Востоке Украины, необратимый и окончательный выбор проевропейского направления активизирует интерес и несомненно способствует популяризации националистических цінностей. Важным для автора вопросом есть вопрос чем является национализм сегодня? Что меняется в его восприятии и детерминирует эти изменения, как они кардинальны и есть ли какой-то предел после которого они становятся невозможными. Как воспринимается национализм сегодня? Ведь кроме противоречий восприятия национализма как идеология имманентно таит в себе ряд противоречий. Кроме того, и что интересно для нас, идеология национализма в периоды активизации, как увеличительное стекло, всегда отражает основные черты национального характера, усиливает его и легализует в политическом контексте. Свойственный украинцам по суммарному мнению целого ряда специалистов как культурологов и етнологов, так и социологов индивидуализм, интроверсивность, толерантность, эстетизм, кордоцентричность, хозяйственность и онтологический оптимизм в полной мере дублируется и украинским национализмом. Но как это меняет украинский национализм, какую предоставляет ему специфику? Пытаясь ответить на эти вопросы, в качестве инструментария анализа, автор привлекает концепт культурной традиции. ; Traditionally peaceful, absolutely not militant, not an imperial nation is actively protected. In this sense, the Revolution of Dignity and further actions in Crimea and in the East, consolidated the country, has updated the matrix of national culture, which has demonstrated the ability to active resistance on the basis of the dominant features of our national character – cordocentrism, ontological optimism and community centrism. In this sense, the ideology of nationalism as a magnifying glass always reflects the main features of the national character, reinforces and legalizes them in a political context. Peculiar to Ukrainians individualism, introversion, community centrism, tolerance, aesthetics, cordocentrism, thrift and ontological optimism are fully duplicated by Ukrainian nationalism. Nationalism and conservatism are different from liberalism and socialism that always exist together. Their specific character, ideology, morality and politics are very different, depending on whose values of the nation are the basis of nationalism and which religion and culture are going to preserve. However, a challenge to build a nation-state may obtain a broad approval of the masses if there are not so many nationalist parties, but many patriotic political forces of central spectrum of the political field. This is due to the fact that nationalism as an ideology has inherent unresolvable contradiction. We also need to acknowledge the weakness and disunity of the nationalist movement, which could not affect the popularity of nationalist ideas among the masses.

A challenge for us who look forward to a 'Dynamic Circular Economy' is to show that there will be ample room for innovation and entrepreneurship in the future society for which we work. A possible reason why this topic has not been sufficiently addressed is that the concepts innovation and entrepreneurship are strongly associated with 'defences' for the present socio-economic formation. When the problem of inequalities produced by the system is raised you often hear that those inequalities represent a price that 'we' have to pay for the dynamism associated with innovation and entrepreneurship. The paper which I have in mind builds on ideas about a neoliberal-unsustainability nexus (Hollander et.al. 2015). Most of my research and social practice since 40 years have been inspired by such a thought figure. There are partial lessons to be learned from experiences gained under our present socio-economic formation. Such lessons for a future Circular Economy will of course be piecemeal and in need to be combined with visionary thinking. I will present a somewhat defensive way of arguing that regulations checking present modes of accumulation are indeed compatible with dynamism. Some examples come from the experience of the 'Swedish Model' during its golden years between the 1950s and the 1970s (henceforth the 'Golden Age Swedish Model'). The socio-economic climate nurtured by the Model resulted in many very useful innovations and an openness to economic transformations shared by a broad spectrum of social strata. The transformations resulting from a compressed wage structure and wide endorsement of technological change were generally not perceived as threats since welfare state arrangements functioned as safeguards (Hollander 2016). My first examples come from innovations nurtured by demand shaping for sustainability. The 'Golden Age Swedish Model' made possible more symmetrical relations between users producers and workers managers. It thus opened up spaces for creative demand shaping (Hollander 2003). The original focus of the demand shaping model was on natural and work environments (related to ecological and social sustainability). Among the examples were enviro friendly seed protectives and non-toxic paints. Demand shaping refers to the complex process from a nascent demand until the demand – in interaction with technology development – has been transformed in such a way as to make it possible to fulfil. Also when it comes to work organisation the strong relative position of labour made sophisticated demand shaping possible. I argue elsewhere that the advanced Swedish production systems which are the envy of so many engineers around the globe can be seen in relation to the solidarity wages policy which was a corner stone of the 'Golden Age Swedish Model'. This model – associated with what in a Polanyian discourse is called embedded liberalism – is today more or less buried (Ryner i.a. 2004). But legacies remain and Swedish innovations associated with i.a. broad ICT literacy, gender equality and advanced day-care are today admired even by neo-liberal observers (The Economist's Special report 2013).Finally I will speculate about the dynamic potential of societies where there are reasonably good preconditions for symmetric relations and thus reciprocity. Bradley & Pargman (2016 or 2017) suggest that 'the sharing economy' can be viewed as 'the commons of the 21st century'. Those contemporary commons are situated in a globalised, urbanised and digitalised context. Missions of such sustainability-enhancing commons are very diverse but can include to democratise access to low-cost bicycling, to build a culture of trust and generosity, or to democratise access to information. My speculative idea is that societies with reasonable equality etc. are likely to be overrepresented in this kind of entrepreneurship of the future and that the kind of 'social entrepreneurs' or "'intrapreneurs' in social institutions" who played roles in my first examples will be vital in the transition to a 'Dynamic Circular Economy'.

La Asociación Argentina por la Libertad de la Cultura (AALC), así como su referente mundial, el Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura, fue un producto de la Guerra Fría cultural, que se articuló de modo original con los conflictos de la vida política local. Constituida en 1955 tras el golpe que derrocó a Perón, cuando la élite liberal ostentaba amplia hegemonía en el terreno de la cultura, cohesionada por el antiperonismo y asentada en el liberalismo cultural, se expandió sobre las redes intelectuales antifascistas construidas en los 30s, entre los que se encontraba la intelligentsia progresista del grupo Sur y una buena parte de socialistas. La AALC nucleó figuras reputadas, sobre todo de la izquierda, se asentó sobre una extensa red editorial y revisteril, promovió encuentros resonantes y se solidarizó con diferentes causas internacionales (incluso la Revolución Cubana). Embanderada en una noción de "libertad de la cultura" nutrida en la teoría del totalitarismo, piedra angular de su acción, su confrontación especular con los comunistas se libró en un escenario atravesado por la antinomia peronismo-antiperonismo que para 1960 ya excedía el horizonte de unos y otros. El curso de la Revolución Cubana y el compromiso de la nueva generación con una concepción político-cultural cada vez más distante de los valores liberales, marcarán el principio del fin de la hegemonía de la antigua intelligentsia y en consecuencia de la Asociación. ; Argentinan Association for Cultural Freedom (AALC) and its global reference, the Congress for Cultural Freedom, were product of the Cultural Cold War. This organization had an original articulation with local politics. It was created in 1955, after the coup d'etat that overthrew Peron, when the liberal elite had a wide hegemony in the field of culture, amalgamated by the antiperonism and cultural liberalism. This organization was widespread over the intelligentsia 's networks of antifascism created in the 30s, by the progressive "Grupo Sur " and socialist intellectuals. The AALC grouped recognized names from the left wing, worked over an extensive network of editorial and magazines, promoted public important meetings and expressed solidarity with various international causes (even Cuban Revolution). Under the notion of "cultural freedom" and Totalitarism, foundation of its theory, the AALC played in a confrontation with the communist intellectuals in a field where the antinomy of peronism/anti-peronism was decisive. The Cuban Revolution and the commitment of the new left generation increasingly distant from the liberal political-cultural values will cause the beginning of the end of the hegemony of the old intelligentsia and as a result the disappearance of the Association. ; A Associação Argentina pela Liberdade da Cultural (AALC) e o seu referente mundial, o Congresso pela Liberdade da Cultura, foi um produto da Guerra Fria cultural que conformou-se em uma forma original com os conflitos da vida política local. Nasceu em 1955, após o golpe de Estado que derrubou o presidente Perón, quando a elite liberal tinha uma ampla hegemonia no campo da cultura, fortalecida pelo antiperonismo e apoiada no liberalismo cultural, e expandiu-se sobre as redes intelectuais antifascistas construídas na década dos anos trinta, incluindo a intelligentsia progressista do grupo Sul e uma grande quantidade de socialistas. A AALC agrupou personagens importantes, especialmente da esquerda, trabalhou a partir de uma extensa rede editorial e de revistas, promoveu grandes reuniões, e solidarizou-se com diferentes causas internacionais (incluindo a Revolução Cubana). Reconheceu a noção de "liberdade de cultura" alimentada da teoria do totalitarismo, a pedra angular da sua ação, e a sua confrontação espetacular com os comunistas ocorreu num cenário atravessado pela antinomia peronismo/anti-peronismo que para 1960 excedia o horizonte de uns e outros. O curso da Revolução Cubana e o compromisso da nova geração com uma concepção político-cultural cada vez mais distante dos valores liberais definiram o início do fim da hegemonia da antiga intelligentsia e, consequentemente, da Associação. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

Beginning in the 1990s, Saigon became a frontier of urban development for East and Southeast Asian real estate firms in a period that continues to be known, paradoxically, as "market-oriented socialism." While maintaining one party rule and a socialist legal, political, and bureaucratic order, Vietnam enacted its own version of perestroika to create a market-based economy and in the process has become a late-socialist state. Buoyed by this reform mandate, Vietnamese state agencies have partnered with Asian investors as well as with international development institutions to reimagine and build Saigon into a world-class city. In Saigon, urban property development, along with infrastructure projects have become major sources of national growth. That is, urbanization fueled by foreign direct investment has been at the center of the country's growth with Vietnam the second fastest developing economy after China. Based on eighteen months of ethnographic research from 2012 to 2013 this dissertation examines reform as not merely technocratic but as an innovative feature in Saigon's urbanism. Reform, I argue, is a mode of governing that can funnel future aspirations into the present, transpose beauty onto disarray, and suspend critiques of governance and growing inequality in its pitch of Saigon as part of Asia's world-class cities. I demonstrate how the Vietnamese state, which is itself made up of many agencies and individuals with competing aspirations, utilizes multiple and seemingly contradictory modes of reform to capture foreign investment and create the city anew.I examine one mode of reform under a category I call opacity to describe legal and regulatorypractices in urban development that are often foreclosed analytically when identified ascorruption. I argue that these practices are in fact flexible strategies capable of catering to themultiple and contradictory demands of foreign investor-builders from within the region (SouthKorea, Singapore, Taiwan) who are crucial to national economic growth. Often, these demands are for exceptions to urban regulation, predicated on these developers' experiences in real estate in their home countries. I trace a second mode of reform under a category that I call transparency. While investors from Asia are plentiful in the real estate development game in Saigon, western investors in contrast are visibly absent. I argue that this is largely due to the pervasive characterization of the late socialist state as an agent of crony capitalism and corruption. But other western institutions operate in the city to deal with corruption, framed as an issue of malfeasance requiring diagnosis and intervention. Corruption accordingly has spawned and legitimated interventions that fall under the rubric of "governance reform." The aim of western institutions is to create a more transparent system of urban development. Governance reform relies heavily on concepts of liberalism, including strong private property rights, greater citizen participation in urban planning, public administrative and bureaucratic reform, and the creation of the rule of law. The Vietnamese state participates equally in these reforms to capture and comply with multilateral development organizations like the World Bank who invest in urban infrastructure such as Saigon's subway lines and its national highways.The dissertation argues that these two modes of reform—opacity and transparency—allow the Vietnamese state to mobilize its governance over the urban environment in order to speculate on two very distinct urban futures, futures that are linked to speculative property capital from Asia on the one hand, and western development institutions on the other. These divergent futures appear at a moment when the referents of the world-class city are shifting from West to East, from New York, London and Tokyo to Shanghai, Seoul and Singapore. The dissertation theorizes that the future orientation of reform allows the state to juggle and suspend contradictions between these two modes of reform and benefit from multiple kinds of foreign investment into the city, essentially using these modes of governance to speculate, hedge and manage the promises of multiple futures.

Article gives an overview of basic concepts of private and public space. The theoretical, methodological and practical problems of modern political philosophy are analyzed in their pepers. Classification of private and public by the american sociologist J. Weintraub is presented. He suggests to examine public as open, visible and accessible to other unlike the sight hidden or deleted from the eyeshot. Other understanding of public: as collective and that influences on the decisions of collective unlike individual (private). J. Weintraub distinguishes four scientific approach near a concept "public". In a liberallyeconomic model the state is undertaken by the role of public power. There is а delegation of economic interests of private persons in the state sphere of politics and management. А liberally-democratic model examines a public sphere in terms of civil and political association. Sociocultural model binds publicity to open communication, meeting of people in public space. It investigates cultural practices and rules, that put right the structure of public life. The gender (feminism) analysis а problem as the demonstration of differences between family and market economy. Within the scopes of liberalism opposition "private/public" was set, certain and envisaged. Feminism projects conducted her deconstruction. Differences in private and public world formation are analyzed. In particular, Н. Arendt carried out a reconstruction of history of forming and functioning of public sphere. She examines the origin of the phenomenon of publicity in ancient Greece and equates "public" and "political". The conditionality of Greek political life is underlined a language. Home space of traditional society was base on necessity. In opposition space of policy is examined him as free. Politics and area the public is shown as open-space, where everybody can differ from other, distinguished. In an order to surpass other, it is needed to be in space that has other. The relations of the home world do not perceive Other as an even participant in making of decisions. Absence does Other impossible clear definiteness open in space private.Determination of border private/public helps to understand that is considered political and notpolitical in certain society. Publicity of communication depends on opinion of participants of itself and each other : whether they determine itself and each other as members of society in a social situation. Otherwise a man can to inherit logic of the personal interests and private life in public space. This problem becomes very actual in the conditions of the torn Ukrainian territories. A return to Ukrainian public space must be realized. Аuthentication of Ukraine as stranger other does not have historical grounds, and artificially formed on this time under act of the closed informative field. For destruction of isolation it is necessary to provide access of all territories to informative space of Ukraine, to put right the system communicative and another connections. A public sphere is called to save and provide freedom of private life. ; Статья посвящена определению границ приватного/публичного, что помогает понять интерпретации политического и неполитического в определенном обществе. Эта проблема особенно актуальна в условиях разорванных войной связей отдельных территорий Донбасса с другими регионами Украины. Возвращение в украинское публичное пространство должно быть осознанным. Идентификация Украины как чужого другого не имеет исторических оснований, а искусственно формируется на данное время под воздействием закрытого информационного поля. Для разрушения изоляции необходимо обеспечить доступ всех территорий к информационному пространству Украины, налаживать систему коммуникативных и иных связей. Публичная сфера призвана беречь и обеспечивать свободу приватной жизни. ; Статтю присвячено визначенню меж приватного/ публічного, що допомагає зрозуміти інтерпретації політичного і неполітичного у певному суспільстві. Ця проблема стає все актуальнішою в умовах розірваних війною зв'язків окремих територій Донбасу з іншими регіонами України. Повернення в український публічний простір має бути усвідомленим. Iдентифікація України як чужого іншого не має історичних підстав, а штучно формується на даний час під впливом закритого інформаційного поля. Для руйнування ізоляції необхідно забезпечити доступ усіх територій до інформаційного простору України, налагоджувати систему комунікативних і інших зв'язків. Публічна сфера покликана берегти і забезпечувати свободу приватного життя.