Marmara Denizi, İstanbul Boğazı ve Çanakkale Boğazı'nı kapsayan bölgeyi ifade eden Türk Boğazları, 1774 Küçük Kaynarca Antlaşması'ndan günümüze kadar, zaman zaman Türkiye'ye yöneltilen tehditlerin başlıca kaynağını oluştururken, genellikle Türkiye'nin jeopolitik ve jeostratejik önemini artırıcı bir koz olmuştur. Türklerin, 1774 Küçük Kaynarca Antlaşması ile Türk boğazları üzerinde azalmaya başlayan hakimiyeti, 24 Temmuz 1923 tarihli Lozan Barış Antlaşması ve antlaşma ile aynı tarihte yürürlüğe giren ve antlaşmanın bir parçası sayılan "Boğazların Tabi Olacağı Usule Dair Mukavelename" ile Türk boğazlarından barışta ve savaşta, denizden ve havadan geçiş ve ulaşım serbestliği ilkesi kabul edilmesi ile tamamen yok olma noktasına gelmiştir. Lozan'da kabul edilen boğazlar ile ilgili Sözleşmede boğazlardan geçiş serbestliği, ticaret ve savaş gemileri için barış zamanı, Türkiye'nin muharip ve tarafsız olduğu savaş zamanları için ayrı ayrı düzenlenmiştir. Sözleşme, kıyıdan itibaren 15-20 km.lik bir alanı kapsayacak şekilde boğazlar bölgesi ile İmralı hariç; Marmara Denizi'ndeki tüm adaları ve Boğazönü Adaları'nı (Semadirek, Limni, Gökçeada, Bozcaada ve Tavşan Adaları) gayri askeri statü kapsamına almıştır. Serbest geçiş ilkesi ve uluslararası denetim sisteminin etkisi altında hazırlanan sözleşme, boğazlara ilişkin bir kısım yetkileri akit devletlerin temsilcilerinden oluşan Boğazlar Komisyonu'na devretmiştir. Türkiye, egemenlik haklarını açıkça sınırlandırmış olan sözleşme ile savunma ve güvenliği için tedbir alma hakkından mahrum bırakılmıştır. Bu durumda Türkiye Lozan'da içine sindiremeden imzaladığı Lozan boğazlar sözleşmesinin iptali ve tekrar boğazlarda ki hakimiyetini kurmanın yollarını aramıştır. Türkiye'nin Bu arayışları sonuçsuz kalmamış ve 20 Temmuz1936 tarihli Montreux Boğazlar Sözleşmesi'nin imzalanması ile sonuçlanmıştır. Bu tarihe kadar değişik evrelerden geçerek azalmaya devam eden, ancak bu sözleşmenin imzalanmasıyla Türk boğazları ve geçiş rejimi üzerinde Türk hakimiyeti yeniden sağlanmıştır. Montreux Sözleşmesinin amacı; "boğazlardan geçişi ve gemilerin ulaşımını, Lozan Barış Antlaşması'nın 23. maddesiyle tespit edilen prensibi, Türkiye'nin güvenliği ve Karadeniz'e kıyıdaş devletlerin güvenliği çerçevesinde koruyacak biçimde düzenlemek" olarak belirlenmiştir. Akit devletlerin, 24 Temmuz 1923'te Lozan'da imzalanmış olan sözleşmenin yerine koymayı kararlaştırdıkları sözleşme, 29 madde ile dört lahika ve bir protokolden oluşmaktadır. Montreux Boğazlar Sözleşmesi, Lozan Barış Antlaşması ve eki olan Boğazların Tabi Olacağı Usule Dair Mukavelenamenin, Türkiye'nin boğazlar bölgesi üzerindeki egemenliğini kısıtlayan hükümlerini ortadan kaldırmıştır. Sözleşmenin imza tarihi olan 20 Temmuz 1936'dan itibaren geçerli olmak üzere, Türkiye'nin boğazlar bölgesini askerileştirmesi, Boğazlar Komisyonu'nun kaldırılarak yetkilerinin Türkiye'ye aktarılması öngörülmüştür. Montreux Sözleşmesi ile Boğazlardan geçiş rejimi ve gemilerin ulaşımı konuları, Türkiye'nin ve Karadeniz'e kıyıdaş devletlerin güvenliklerini koruyacak çerçevede düzenlenmiştir. Lozan Boğazlar Sözleşmesi ile Montreux sözleşmesinin arasında ki en önemli fark Türkiye'nin kendisini pek yakın bir savaş tehlikesi tehdidi karşısında sayması durumudur. Bu husus Lozan'da öngörülmeyen ve Türkiye'ye önleyici meşru müdafaa hakkına dayanarak tedbir alma imkanı veren yeni bir düzenleme olarak sözleşmede yer almıştır. Lozan'ın aksine Montreux sözleşmesi, havadan geçiş serbestliği ilkesini kabul etmemiştir. Sadece sivil uçakların boğazlar üzerinden geçişi düzenlenmiş, askeri uçakların boğazlar üzerinden geçmesine izin verip vermeme yetkisi Türk hükümetine bırakılmıştır.Barış ve Türkiye'nin tarafsız olduğu savaş zamanlarında, boğazlardan geçecek savaş gemilerinin sınıfı ve tonajı sınırlandırılmış olup, bu gemilerin geçişi ön bildirime tabi tutulmuştur. Ayrıca, Karadeniz'de bulunacak kıyıdaş olmayan devlet gemileri için süre sınırlaması da getirilmiştir. Türkiye'nin muharip olduğu savaş zamanı ile kendisini pek yakın bir savaş tehlikesi tehdidi ile karşı karşıya sayması durumlarında (21. maddede öngörülen istisna dışında) savaş gemilerinin boğazlardan geçişi konusunda Türkiye dilediği gibi davranabilecektir. Boğazları tüm savaş gemilerine kapatma veya dilediği devlet savaş gemilerini geçirme hakkı vardır.Montreux Boğazlar Sözleşmesi, geçiş nedeniyle ortaya çıkabilecek tüm hukuki durumları düzenlememektedir. Sözleşmede öngörülen açık sınırlayıcı hükümlere (örnek olarak 2. maddenin lafzına) ters düşmemek, genel uluslararası hukuk ilkelerine bağlı kalmak ve boğazlardan geçiş hakkının özüne dokunmamak koşuluyla; Türkiye'nin zabıta ve yargı yetkisi ile geçişin zararsız olmasını isteme ve geçişi düzenleme yetkileri vardır. Montreux'de saklı tutulan ve uluslararası hukukun teyit ettiği bu yetkisini kullanarak Türkiye, ulusal bir düzenleme (tüzük ) yaparak 1994 ve 1998 tarihli Tüzükleri uygulamaya koymuştur. Böylece, kıyıdaş devlet olarak, ulaştırma güvenliğini sağlama ve deniz trafiğini düzenleme yetkisini kullanmıştır.SSCB ve Yugoslavya'nın 1991 tarihinde dağılmasından sonra Montreux Boğazlar Sözleşmesi'nin akit devletleri; Gürcistan, Rusya Federasyonu, Ukrayna, Romanya, Bulgaristan, Türkiye, Yunanistan, Yugoslavya (Sırbistan-Karadağ), İtalya, Fransa ve İngiltere olmuştur. Değişen dünya konjonktürünün sonucu olarak özellikle ABD ve AB gibi küresel güç aktörlerinin girişimleri ile Türk boğazlarından geçiş rejiminin tartışmaya açılma ihtimali mevcuttur. Gerek mevcut hukuki ve siyasi düzen, gerekse Türk boğazlarından geçişle ilgili uygulamalar ışığında incelendiğinde, bazı teknik detaylara mahsus aksaklıklar dışında Montreux Boğazlar Sözleşmesi'nin feshini veya değiştirilmesini gerektirecek bir durum mevcut değildir. Sözleşmenin yenilenmesi durumunda Türkiye halen sahip olduğu avantajlara sahip olamayacak ve yeni sözleşme, halen uygulanan rejime kıyasla Türkiye'nin lehine olmayacaktır. Bu nedenle Türkiye Montreux Boğazlar Sözleşmesinin devam etmesi için çaba harcamalıdır. Turkish Straits which expresses the region covering Maramara Sea , İstanbul and Çanakkale Straits has usualy been a trump increasing geopolitic and geostrategic importance of Turkey while also being the main source of many threats against the country , time to time since Küçük Kaynarca Agreement was signed in 1774. Turkish sovereighty which began to decrease after Küçük Kaynarca Agreement signed in 1774 reached at a point to completely disappear folowing the issue of Lausanne Peace Agreement dated 24 July 1923 and 'Regulations The Straits Will Be Subject To' which was put in effect as a complemantary part of it at the same date.intoroducing the free passage and transportation principle through sea and air, in peace and war. In the agreement signed in Lausanne, free passage principle through the straits was arranged separately for commercial or war ships during peace, war time when Turkey stands neutral or is a belligerent The agreement,described all islands in Marmara Sea and Boğazönü islands covering a 15-20m area from the coastal site as non-military zones , with the exemption of the straits region and İmralı. The agreement arranged under the influence of free passage principle and international control system transfrered some authorities regarding the straits to the Straits Commission composed of representors of contracting countries. Turkey was deprived of its right of taking precautions for its safety and defence with this contract restricting its sovereignty. Under these conditions, Turkey looked for a way to dissolve of the Lausanne Straits Agreement which was signed by Turkey unwillingly and to restructure its sovereignty on the straits. These attempts of Turkey was not left answerless and finaly resulted with the arrangement of Montreux Straits Agreement. In this way, Turkish sovereighty on Turkish Straits and passage principle was re-arranged which continued to decrease, passing through different stages.The objective of Montreux Agreement was to arrange' the principles of passing through the straits , passage of ships , the principle outlined on the 23rd article of Lausanne Peace Agreement, Security of Turkey and other neighbouring countries situated coastwise of Black Sea .'The contract which was thought to be put in effect by the contracting countries to replace the agreement signed in Lausanne on 24 July 1923, consisted of 125 articles, four attachments and one protocol.Montreux Straits Agreement, Lausanne Peace Agreement and its attachment 'Regulations The Straits Will Be Subject To' cancelled the provisions restricting Turkish sovereighty on the straits region . It is stated that Turkey should militarize the straits region, The Straits Commission should be dissolved and its authorities should be transferred to Turkey starting fom the issue date of the agreement, 20 July 1936. In Montreux Agreement, subjects such as the passage prcinciple through straits and ships are arranged in a way to protect the security of Turkey and countries on Black Sea coastline. The main difference between Lausanne Straits Agreement and Montreux is the situation that Turkey considered itself quite close to a war threat .This situation was not assumed in Lausanne Agreement . A new arrangement was made enabling Turkey to take precautions for its defence. In contrary to Lausanne, Montreux Agreement does not allow airway passage principle. Only the passage of civil aircrafts are covered and the decision whether to let the passage of war ships is left to the Turkish Goverment.During peace and war time when Tukey stands neutral, the class of war ships to pass through the straits will be restricted and will require a preliminary notification. Furthermore, a time restriction is intorduced for ships of countries not located along the coastline and which was going towards Black sea.During war time when Turkey takes part as a belligerent , in case it considers itself close to a war threat ( with the exceptions outlined on the 21st article) , Turkey can act in the way it likes regarding the passage of war ships through the straits. Montreux Straits Agreement arranges all judical cases sourcing from right of passage. Provided that restricting provisions of this agreement are not violated and international law principles are fullfilled and the basic of passage right through the straits are reserved; Turley can claim the security of passage and to arrange the passage conditions.Using these authorities, Turkey put the Regulations dated 1994 and 1998 in effect as a nationl arrangement. Thus, it used its authority to arrange marine traffic and to provide the security in transportation.After Soviet Socialist Countries Union and Yugoslavia was dissolved in 1991, contracting parties of Montreux Agreement became , Georgia, Russian Federation, Ukraine, Romania, Bulgaria, Turkey, Greece , Yugoslavia ( Serbia -Karadağ) , Italy, France and England As e result of changing world conditions, especially with the attempts made by actors of the global power such as America and European Union, there exists the possibility of bringing the passage regime through straits into discussion. Examining the situation both within the frames of existing judical and political structures and applications in Turkey regarding the passage through straits, we can find no reason which requires the dissolve or an alteration on Montreux Agreement with the exemption of defects in technical details. In case the agreement is renewed, Turkey will not reserve its existing advantages and the new agreement will not be in the favor of Turkey when compared with the regime still in effect. Therefore, Turkey should struggle for the continuance of present Montreux Agreement.
Fat Decimator Review – Are you the one who is hustling, working hard, skipping the lavishing parties, those tasty drinks and the bunch of other colourful stuff to lose that stubborn fat on your body? Are you the type of person who has tried all kinds of diets and exercises but didn't get to your final goals, not at least close to them? You eat what you hear from anyone else but finding ways to follow that ultimate diet which can work and the workout that will show you effect? Are you 40 years old or 20 years old? Well, ladies and gentlemen, this article is definitely for you. Follow the guideline and the process so you will understand what you have been doing wrong all your struggling life and how you can lose weight this time. This article can be the "Aladdin's Lamp" for you, you will read this carefully, and only then it will lead you the best path to success. So, without wasting any of your time let's begin with the Creator of the weight loss regime. 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No. 1424 Arch Street PHILADELPHIA, PA, Acknowledged Headquarters for anything and everything in the way of Books for Churches, Col-leges, Families and Schools, and literature for Sunday Schools. PLEASE REMEMBER That by sending your orders to us you help build up and devel-op one of the church institutions with pecuniary advantage to yourself. Address H, S, BONER, Supt, THE GETTYSBURG JIEKCDHY The Literary Journal of Gettysburg College i Voi,. XI. GETTYSBURG, PA., OCT., 1902 No. 5 CONTENTS THE RELATION OF ABILITY TO OPPORTUNITY IN THE ATTAINMENT OF SUCCESS 146 EDWARD C. RUBY, '02. PROGRESS OF DISCOVERIES DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 149 BARRIERS TO SCIENCE 152 WM. H. W. REIMER, '02. AS TOLD BY HENRI D'ARCY, 157 HERBERT L. STIEEI,, '03. THE IDEAL AND THE REAL, 161 THE PICTURE-MONTH 165 SHAKESPEARE AS A PORTRAYER OF CHARACTER, . 168 THE NATURALIST, 173 RESOLUTIONS ON THE DEATH OF MAURICE M. MUS-SELMAN 177 EDITORIAL, 178 The Power of Concentration. EXCHANGES, . • 181 146 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. THE RELATION OF ABILITY TO OPPORTUNITY IN THE ATTAINMENT OF SUCCESS. EDWARD C. RUBY, '02. /V FAMOUS sculptor once showed a visitor the treasures ■•■■■ of his studio. In it were many mythical gods. One particularly attracted the visitor's attention. The face was con-cealed by being covered with locks of hair, and there were wings to each foot. "What is his name?" said the spectator. "Opportunity," was the reply. "Why is his face hidden?" "Because men seldom know him when he comes to them." "Why has he wings upon his feet ?" "Because he is soon gone, and once gone he cannot be overtaken." This is but an allegory, yet it is the concrete expression of a very important element in the attainment of success. The sculptor has indeed given form to the experience of many an individual. How often have we come face to face with con ditions in life when we asked ourselves the question, "What is this?" And when the reply comes that it is an opportunity for us to attain success, we wonder why it is so obscure and hard to recognize. Then we begin to doubt its reality, and while we are waiting for it to disclose its features more fully, it spreads its wings and soars far beyond our reach. This suggests to us the fact that something more than the mere presence of an opportunity is necessary to the attainment of success. There must be the readiness or ability to seize the opportunity when it comes. In fact, ability stands first, while opportunity is a secondary element. Our physical growth, our intellectual development, and our advancement in civilization are due to these two factors in exactly the order above men-tioned. The ability for such growth, development, and ad-vancement is the natural endowment of every human being to a certain degree. The ability is given first, the opportunity second. By seizing the opportunity, the ability is strengthened. As long as this ability has not had an opportunity for asserting itself we speak of it as a possibility. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 147 Then, again, what would be the state of such beings if they did not have opportunities for exercising their ability? Could we conceive of such beings? I am afraid it would be a very difficult matter. The ability for activity and the opportunity for manifesting this activity must be co-existent in order that growth, development and advancement may be possible. The primary importance of ability is further seen in the fact that we must be prepared for the opportunity when it comes. Opportunity is latent in the very foundation of human society. Opportunity is everywhere about us. But the preparation to seize upon the opportunity, and to make the most of it, is to be made by everyone for himself. President Garfield said that occasion may be the bugle call which summons an army to battle, but the blasts of the bugle call can never make soldiers nor win battles. It is a common saying to-day among employers that the young men who come to them for work are not prepared for the opportunities which arise in connection with the business in which they wish to be engaged; and if they are not prepared, then when the opportunity arises they fail to secure what might easily fall to them. To be ready for the opportunity when it comes has well been called the secret of success. There need be no question that personal success is, in kind and degree, in accordance with ability, and will always be so to a large extent. Ability, by adaptation and application, makes success of some sort possible; the will, by concentration and persistence, makes it actual, How much of success is entirely man's own will and ability, or personal to and of himself, and how much is impersonal or dependant on favoring circumstances or opportunity, it may not be possible precisely to determine. One thing is quite certain, that an individual desiring to succeed in any of life's undertakings cannot depend upon or wait for op-portunity. He must strive to succeed by the best means his ability can contrive, and then watch for opportunity, which is, indeed, the outcome, in the majority of cases, of his effort to win success. Any other way of hoping to succeed than by the 148 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. putting forth of personal energy and will-power is but waiting upon chance. There are persons who have prepared themselves for oppor-tunities which seem very slow in coming. What is to be done in such cases ? It may be that the opportunities are at hand, but they cannot be easily recognized because of the "locks of hair" which may be concealing their "faces." The Greeks used to say that one should seize "time by the forelock." We say, when opportunities do not seem to be coming as they ought, "make them." Make them, as Lincoln made his in the log cabin in the wilderness. Make them, as Henry Wilson made his during his evenings on a farm, when he read a thousand volumes while other boys of the neighborhood wasted their evenings. Make them, as George Stephenson made his, when he mastered the rules of mathematics with a bit of chalk on the sides of the coal wagons in the mines. Make them, as Douglas made his, when he learned to read from scraps of paper and posters. Make them, as Napoleon made his in a hundred important situations. Make them, as every man must who would accomplish anything worth the effort. Golden oppor-tunities are nothing to laziness, and the greatest advantage will make you ridiculous if you are not prepared for it. When a man "drops" into a good position, it is because he had climbed into such a position from which it was possible to "drop" by years of work, and not merely because he had the opportunity. Fortune always attends those who are fitted. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 149 PROGRESS OF DISCOVERIES DURING THE MIDDLE AGES. CIVILIZATION is a progressive movement. The worlp progresses because of the eternal competition involved in existence. There is a law of the "Survival of the Fittest," evidences of which we discover throughout the history of the world's progress. Our histories record the principal events of nations as well as their most prominent individuals. This competition has brought out the advanced thought, the greatest inventions, the best deeds and the lasting institutions) a history of which is simply a history of the world's progress. Wars have existed, have been carried on since time began. They have proved the "Survival of the Fittest," for God is his wisdom decrees all that happens; and he gives his decision on the side of the one he deems fittest for his purposes. War has caused the inventions of the cannon and the other instruments used in great struggles. The creative faculty, developed by this competition, designed the great engines of war that are used to-day—the monster cannon, the torpedo boat, the gun boat, the warship greater than was ever dreamed of in the days when Galileo supposed that the earth was round. The mariner's compass was an invention which revolutionized the commerce of the world and brought forth a great number of navigators and adventurers; and these, with their wild dreams of discovery, showed to the world that fabled Atlantis never seen save by Plato in the hallowed visions of Plato's in-spired poesy, and added this beautiful land of ours to the list of the great discoveries at the close of mediaeval times. Intellectual progress during the middle ages compared to the Augustan age of Rome and the suceeding age in European advancement, was very small. Learning was confined to the monastic orders. The church and the priestcraft had a mo-nopoly upon book making between the seventh and fifteenth cen-turies, and they held, through the dictation of the pope at Rome, a monopoly upon the learning as well. The progress of discoveries in the intellectual world during the era mentioned, 150 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. must necessarily therefore be a halting forward movement. It was crippled from being bound in such narrow limits. How-ever, about the commencement of the fifteenth century the liter-ary movement started again first, in Italy, then spread to Germany, to England and elsewhere. It was opened up through the discoveries made in the far East, of the civilization of the Orient, by the movement known as the crusades. The fanaticism and the chivalric spirit known as knight-errantry gave the world a turn unlooked for and unsought for at the inception of those movements, by opening up intercourse between the East and the West, and by the discovery of the old literary works of the Latins and Greeks. Another great discovery of the middle ages which had a vast influence in bringing on the Reformation and which aided in producing the Revival of Learning, was the finding out that the Church of Rome had physical arm to enforce her edicts of temporal control; and that her goverment was rotten to the core. The sale of indulgences by the Church brought on re-volt and was severely attacked and finally stopped by the efforts of Luther, the hero of the Reformation. The Church throughout the centuries from the fall of the Western Empire had undertaken to control both the spiritual and the temporal welfare of man. The natural result of the widespread supremacy of the Roman Church was that its spirit-ual aspects became more and more merged into its mere ma-chinery of external goverment. Everything that could give power and efficiency to it as an institution was carefully watched and nourished. Warfare in the Church existed between the different monastic orders. Different creeds, sects and "isms" sprung up within the Church, yet it confined itself to its troubles, and to the world became stronger and stronger as a controlling power. By the monopoly of learning and literature, it was looked upon by ruling potentates with more than reverence—. with absolute fear—and a pope's bull of excommunication was a stronger instrument against the weak and superstitious of med-iaeval times, than the thunderbolts of Jove to the ancients. But it was discovered at the beginning of the fifteenth century THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY.' I 5 I that, by reason of the temporal life assumed by the Church, the spiritual life began to die out at the center of this vast, system of ecclesiastical government. The baneful effects of such spirit-ual decay speedily began to tell throughout its borders. The perversion of ecclesiastical offices and especially the materialistic abuses of spiritual privileges, awakened Europe to its thralldom. The ignorance of those times, depicted in strong colors in the satires of Erasmus, seems almost incredible. The impetus which the friars had given the papal powers back in the thirteenth century had died out and the religious decline opened up new avenues of thought, and awakened powers before forbidden by the Church to the people. The contest between struggling humanity and prevailing and overshadowing powers brought forth all the new discoveries of the times. The printing press, the Revival of Learning, and the industrial age of English literature were its products. The industrial, political and intellectual liberty which we enjoy to-day is the fruit ot the seed sown during the latter portion of the middle ages ; and the French Revolution was the result of the tares sown during the same period. The great abuses of medi-aeval times brought their reaction in the fanatical puritanism of Cromwell and the beheading of King Charles. All these contests have been in the interests of humanity. Results have been logical and according to cosmic law. Discov-eries of all times have been the product of necessity, and a de-mand in the interests of the world's progress. Things have happened that must necessarily happen for the good of man. Discoveries are the works of genius, but the individuals that made them were endowed with this faculty, as a part of the divine plan and the divine system. 152 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY, BARRIERS TO SCIENCE. WM, H. W. REIMER, '02. C^OENCE is the foundation stone of human progress, It ^**' is a natural outgrowth of civilization. Education with-out it is null and void. Viewing it in this aspect, we must conclude that science is very old; that it is not a product of one century, but of many. The achievements of the past century are only the consum-mation of the achievements of many former centuries. Astronomy was pretty completely solved over four centuries ago, but it is being revised every year. Electricity was discovered by Franklin, but it remained for the men of our century to use it in propelling cars and in flash-ing messages across continents and oceans. All the scientists of former years who in some way aided its progress, we to-day honor and revere. But we are often forget-ful of the struggle they encountered. When some new scien-tific discovery is made, we look upon it with skeptical eyes. We are prone to criticise it harshly. We only forget that the boisterous ridicule of Columbus and Newton was turned into praise. The idea that telegraphy could be successfully oper-ated without the use of wire connection was believed impos-sible by the most skillful of our day; but now it is successfully established. It shows that mankind is reluctant to believe or accept a theory that is new. We cling to the old like parasites, and any deviation from that seems impossible. Taking a glance over the history of the past, progress ap-pears to have necessitated the surrender of the old for the new life as we pass from the old year into the new. The nations of antiquity seem to us peculiarly situated. In the childhood of intellectual development, they have only the surrounding world of obscurity out of which to carve their future. True, the children of Israel did have a supernatural revelation to guide them, but how imperfectly did it serve them. Together THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 153 with the other nations they seek after other gods to worship— gods erected by their own hands and created by their imagina-tions as representing the power that controlled the universe. It is this tendency of the growing mind that filled ancient Greece and Rome with altars and shrines. And in this manner for many years we see the nations of the earth bound down to superstition and ignorance. The early Grecian philosophers shrunk from the prevailing ignorance and sought an interpreta-tion of God from His natural revelation. The complexity of the universe puzzled them. They saw changes continually oc-curring. They think there must be a power in. the universe which pushes forth the blade of grass in the Spring. They at-tempt to resolve all things into their constituent elements. They search for the "beginning" of all things. One says water is the originative principle in the universe, because it seems common to all things. Another calls this principle of existence fire, because of its motive power. Others argue that all things in existence are only the separation and combination of infinitely small atoms. Life was only the combination of atoms, while death was the separation of the same into their original state. This beginning of all existence they recognized as God. Socrates with no supernatural revelation, but through his conscience interpreted a conception of God and heaven and the immortality of the soul. What the Greecian philosophers attempted to accomplish, the scientist of to-day is accomplishing. He lays aside all supernatural revelation. He peers under the surface of the earth to discover its history. He examines and compares the inorganic and organic creation in order to determine the pro-cesses through which they have been evolved. He proves his investigations, and submits them for our consideration. His facts are generally accepted, except when they seem to conflict with (our) supernatural revelation. At this point we hear the cry of "Halt!" Ecclesiasts say it is atheistic. They say it is contrary to the account given in Genesis. "Shall we be-lieve that man is descended from the monkey, which belief is I 54 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. not only contrary to Genesis but degrading to man?" "Shall we believe that many years passed in the creation of the earth and its creatures, when the Bible says six days transpired ?" This is the conflict of science and religion. And well is it that we see a conflict; it will strengthen both parties concerned. It will make religion reflect upon its own doctrine, and it will all the more strengthen science, for "Strength is born of struggle." Skepticism will make the scientist test thoroughly his own work, it will necessitate a tightening of all burrs on the me-chanism of science. Columbus might have failed in his attempt to prove his hy-pothesis, if resistance had not compelled him to perfect his proof and go ahead with full determination and confidence. The theory of evolution has evoked harsh criticism. But, notwithstanding, it is meeting acceptance everywhere. Our most wide-awake professors are introducing it into their schools. Preachers have tested it and proclaim it good, and are to-day reconciling their Christian doctrine with evolution as rapidly as conditions permit. Dr. Hillis is among them, and from his pen we quote the theory of evolution as he understands it: "Looking backward we find the earth in a condition that an-swers to our Sun. Slowly it cooled; slowly the granite was changed into soil, which by ice and water was made rich for the coming plants ; the plants at first very simple, became more and more complex, the small ferns giving way to the hardy forest. That daily God is causing the dry crust of the earth to move up into the herb and schrub; the schrub to ascend into the life of the animal; the animal to be lifted up into the life of man ; and man to be lifted up into the mind and life of Christ." Emerson, a preacher, poet, and philosopher, utters about the same meaning: "The gasses gather to the solid firmament; the chemic lump arrives at the plant and grows ; arrives at the quad-ruped and walks; arrives at man and thinks." This in principle is about what evolution teaches concerning THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. I 55 the origin of existing things and the processes through which they have been evolved. It is a scientific interpretation of God's natural revelation made through the material creation. While their domain is only in the material universe—in deal-ing with facts that may be brought before their immediate vision—they do not attempt a doctrine of theism. However, the nature of their reasoning often explains their idea of God. There is not one who does not recognize in the process of nature a power which is God. Emerson had the most sacred reverence for God. He saw God in all creation from the soul of man down to the blade of grass, Charles Darwin, the greatest advocate of evolution, distinctly assumed the "World Genius standing back of His wondrous earthly mechanism." If the earliest advocate of the theory did seem to eliminate God, perhaps a reason can be assigned for it, The world of new ideas which dawned upon them, so completly occupies their attention that they could not see the Maker back of them. Their conditions might have been analogous to that of the man who first sees a loom at work. "They become so entranced at the beautiful texture produced that their thought never goes back to the mind that first constructed in its imagination the result which he now sees." We can be as thorough students of evolution as was Darwin or Huxley or Tyndall or Fiske, yet we need not eliminate the Bible or God from our Christian belief. It does not debase or exalt man more to conceive him to have been created instantaneously from a clod of earth by divine fiat, than progressively through animals, so long as we conceive of him as endowed with (body and) soul, as the newest product of creation, and capable of attaining a position in life only next to the angels. No other department of science or philosophy has so greatly affected the world of thought. It has driven away superstition. It has made ignorance to be ashamed. Both man and God have been given a more exalted nature. It has purified out moral nature, and the "Survival of the Fittest" has taught man 10 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. that if he would win in the race of life, he must put under the body and elevate the mind and soul. John Fiske thinks that "Science is to help bring about a greater revival of Christianity than that which built the Cathe-drals of Europe in the fifteenth century." Romanes, the Agnostic, was led through evolution to say; "Science is moving with all the force of a tidal wave towards faith in Jesus Christ as the world's Saviour." Dr. Hillis further says: "There is no conflict between the educated ecclesiast and the educated scientist, but there is and ever will be a conflict between the ignorant ecclesiast and igno-rant scientist." Many years passed before the world received this theory of evolution. Shall we then reject its teaching as false ? Shall we denounce its advocates as atheists and agnostics and pan-theists? Does the theory debase man and elimininate God? We must let each one answer these questions for himself. But before you are able to make a decision, you must study the subject and know whereof you speak. It is pure ignor-ance to condemn a theory like evolution, and ridicule its advocates, before being fully acquainted with the subject. Ig-norance may flourish for awhile, but civilization is moving to-wards truth, and truth must in the end prevail. Then will truth look back upon the past as we look upon those who ridiculed the hypothesis of Columbus and of Newton. The barriers between science and religion are fast being re-moved, and the time is not far off when they will link hands and march onward at the sound of divine music towards the mark and prize of the high calling in Christ Jesus, THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 157 AS TOLD BY HENRI D'ARCY. HERBERT L. STIEEI, '03. ""^^ES, M'sieur, those were truly glorious days; I am an old "^ man now; my hair is white and soon I shall trouble this earth no more. I would not have had it thus. Had I my heart's desire I would have died a soldier's death long ere now. Yet truly it was no fault of mine, M'sieur, for I can show you no less than seven places on this old body of mine where some good sword has tried to reach my heart, and I carry in my left shoulder a ball, which I received while still a private in the Guard of His Eminence, the glorious Richelieu. "They are all gone now—Rochefort, De Wardes and the rest —but well do I remember them. And D'Artagnan; he was a brave man, was D'Artagnan. Ah ! he should have served the Cardinal instead of mixing with those pigs of musketeers, he should indeed, M'sieur. I remember the day his Eminence summoned him to his presence after that affair at Milady. He expected nothing less than the Bastile, and the Bastile—parbleu! give me a thousand deaths before the Bastile, I was on guard at the door of the chamber and I heard the whole interview. But D'Artagnan, he was as cool and self-possessed as if he were chatting with some of his comrades. And how he did fight during the siege of Rochelle; Mon Dieu! how he did fight. "Ah! that siege of Rochelle ! I think I was as near death that year as ever I have been, I and de Busigny. Your glass is empty, permit me, M'sieur. Yet I am rather glad that I did not die then. To die for France is glorious in any circumstance, but we gentlemen of the sword have a dread of being hanged as spies. It was in this manner—His Eminence desired infor-mation concerning the fortifications of Rochelle, and Busigny and I undertook to supply it. All went well for a time. We gained an entrance to the city, no matter how. Those Rochellais are extremely stupid, M'sieur, though they do fight hard. Now that we were in the city, how were we to find out what we wished to know ? It was easy to learn as much as i58 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. most of the citizens and soldiers knew, but the cardinal knew even more than that already. It was necessary to get some-thing from a higher source. Busigny was the man for that. I can handle a sword, but I am not much of a schemer; while Busigny—well it has been said that he was the most clever man in the whole Guard. Ah! he did scheme, and to some pur-pose, too. 1 know not to this day how he did it, but this I do know that he obtained the whole plan of defense—and such a joke, M'sieur—from the son of the governor himsell. However, it was of no avail. The entrance to the city had been easy, but the exit, that was different. "So different, in fact, that we were captured. We had no opportunity of doing away with the plans and maps on our person, and we stood revealed as spies. They took us before the governor and with little ceremony clapped us into a dun-gton. And the governor's son, he was furious, I can assure you, having been tricked as he was. Furthermore, he took pleasure in coming to taunt us and flaunt our coming execution in our faces. This angered me, though I would have died be-fore allowing him to see it, and one morning I confided my vexation to Busigny. 'DArcy, said he, T, too, have been thinking of this villain's visits, and I believe that, disagreeable as they are, we may turn them to our profit.' Imagine what joyous feelings sprung up in my breast at these words, for I knew that Busigny had a plan, and Busigny's plans, M'sieur— well, I never knew them to be other than good. 'My comrade,' continued he, 'would you prefer to die here in a hand-to-hand struggle or out there on that scaffold they are building for us ?' QX i>KAM/i£» w\j wv® vw>ux>o£>fo ooXoA/6* a/no/ us&a/v' w\> dlill fll. Selicjman, Taiio*. S Chambefsbupg St., Gettysburg, Pa. R. A. WONDERS Corner Cigar Parlors. A full line of Cigars, Tobacco, Pipes, etc. Scott's Corner, opp. Eagle Hotel GETTYSBURG, PA. Pool Parlors in Connection. GO TO^ Eckenrode's Restaurant, 8 Baltimore St., Gettysburg. Everything in Season. Oysters in all Styles- Open from 7 A. M. to 2 A. M. JOHN S. ECKENRODE, Prop. Established 1867 by Allen Walton. Allen K. Walton, Prea. and Treas. Root. J. Walton, Superintendent. Hinwlstown Brown Stone Company Q-cr_£ui*.:Ev^:Lv
Dottorato di ricerca in Storia d'Europa, società, politica, istituzioni (xix-xx) ; L'obbiettivo di questo lavoro è tracciare una storia istituzionale dell'università, inquadrandola nel più generale contesto sociale ed economico che determinò le politiche formative del paese dall'immediato dopo guerra, passando per gli anni dell'espansione economica e quelli successivi della stagnazione, giungendo fino ai primi anni ottanta. La ricerca ha seguito due direttive: da un lato l'evoluzione dell'università determinata dalla politica istituzionale e i cambiamenti della struttura universitaria, dall'altro lo stravolgimento del ruolo sociale dell'università, determinato dal passaggio dal modello liberale di università d'elitè funzionale alla formazione di una ristretta classe dirigente, a indispensabile strumento per la formazione di numerose e ampie categorie di forza lavoro in un paese avviato verso la completa industrializzazione, verso l'enorme sviluppo del settore terziario e in un contesto di profonda urbanizzazione e in generale di superamento dei rapporti sociali dei decenni precedenti alla guerra. La prima traccia di ricerca è stata sviluppata su due categorie di fonti principali: da un lato il dibattito politico-parlamentare intorno ai progetti di legge (le aperture degli accessi del '61 e specialmente del '69, le liberalizzazioni dei piani di studio dello stesso anno, i provvedimenti sulla docenza degli anni settanta), alle indagini conoscitive (quella promossa dal ministro Gonella nel '47 e quella varata da Medici e conclusa con Gui ministro tra il '63 e il '65), alle proposte di riforma (i progetti n. 2.314 del '65, n. 612 del '69, l'elaborazione della "Bozza Cervone" fra '77 e '78), alla regolazione dell'assetto giuridico ed economico del personale docente, ai piani di finanziamento e sviluppo dell'università; dall'altro attraverso lo studio del dibattito interno e fra i partiti utilizzando come fonti i periodici ad essi vicini o attenti al tema ("Riforma della Scuola" e "Rinascita" per il PCI, "Scuola e Città" e "Il Ponte" per il PSI, "La Discussione" e "Tuttoscuola" per la DC, in seguito riviste come "Universitas", ecc.), oltre che atti di convegni e pubblicazioni curate dai protagonisti dell'epoca. Nella ricerca, un ampio spazio è dato al tema della pianificazione scolastica (animato dagli studi di tecnici dell'economia e della formazione), strettamente connessa al dibattito sulla pianificazione economica sviluppatosi prevalentemente negli anni del centrosinistra. La seconda traccia di studio, quella relativa ai cambiamenti sociali e culturali causa ed effetto dell'espansione dell'utenza universitaria, è stata analizzata attraverso lo studio di fonti inconsuete per la storiografia tradizionale, come gli studi di sociologia e di scienze della formazione sviluppatisi a partire dagli anni settanta, i quali fecero largo uso delle cifre sistematizzate da ISTAT e CENSIS sistematizzate nelle tabelle statistiche che completano il presente lavoro. Analizzare l'evoluzione delle componenti sociali ha significato anche indagare le vicende legate alla docenza universitaria, al suo ruolo rispetto al dibattito politico, alle richieste portate avanti e alle funzioni assunte all'interno delle facoltà di fronte ai profondi cambiamenti descritti. Per quanto riguarda gli estremi cronologici della ricerca, la scelta di interrompere la ricerca alla prima metà degli anni '80 risponde all'analisi più complessiva che si fa di quel periodo della storia politica ed economica non soltanto italiana, le cui successive vicende di riforma dell'università rappresentano a mio avviso l'emblema del netto cambio di fase vissuto dalla politica e dalla società anche per quanto riguarda l'istruzione superiore. La suddivisione in capitoli rispecchia invece più fedelmente le fasi della politica universitaria. Nel primo capitolo si fa il punto sull'eredità dell'apparato normativo ereditato dal fascismo e sulle effettive possibilità che si aprirono o meno alle forze politiche per inaugurare una nuova fase, mettendo in luce anche le prime strategie d'intervento abbozzate dai principali partiti nel corso degli anni '50. Nel secondo capitolo sono affrontate le previsioni scolastiche e i progetti di riforma ad esse più o meno legate: dagli studi della SVIMEZ in poi (influenzati da quelli più ampi condotti dall'OCSE), la programmazione scolastica e le previsioni sullo sviluppo economico del paese assunsero un ruolo determinante per la politica di riforma di scuola e università, politica che nei primi anni sessanta si concretizzò nell'istituzione della scuola media unica (1962), nelle prime aperture dell'università ai diplomati di istituti e soprattutto nella prima vera proposta di riforma dell'università, quella di Luigi Gui del 1966, l'unica inserita in un progetto organico di riforma di tutta l'istruzione, il Piano Gui, dichiaratamente ispirato dagli studi di previsione (anche se non sempre coerente con essi). Con il terzo capitolo si affronta la lunga discussione dentro e fuori il Parlamento in merito al più ambizioso progetto di riforma del periodo, il n. 612, sostenuto dai socialisti proprio mentre l'esperienza dei governi di centrosinistra andava esaurendosi nei primi anni settanta; dello stesso periodo (1969) è l'apertura degli accessi all'università a qualsiasi tipologia di diplomato e le liberalizzazioni dei piani di studio, veri spartiacque della storia dell'università italiana. Il terzo capitolo si chiude infine con l'analisi dei "provvedimenti urgenti" del 1973, emblema di un modello di sviluppo dell'università fortemente precario, sintomo dell'incapacità di riformare e investire seriamente nella qualità dell'istruzione universitaria a vantaggio di una strategia prettamente quantitativa. Le tematiche affrontate nel quarto e ultimo capitolo sono invece determinate dall'inedita fase politica vissuta dal paese dalla metà degli anni settanta, caratterizzata dall'avvicinamento fra maggioranza e opposizione fino alla creazione dei governi di "solidarietà nazionale", nati ufficialmente per far fronte a crisi economica e terrorismo politico. Mentre l'attenzione sulla riforma universitaria andava velocemente calando (nonostante un ennesimo dibattito durato anni in Parlamento su un altro complesso progetto di riforma, la "bozza Cervone"), si verificarono gli ultimi cambiamenti sostanziali della struttura accademica attraverso l'ultimo capitolo del riformismo per decreti, tramite il quale furono istituiti i dipartimenti e le figure di ricercatore e docente associato nei primi anni ottanta. Chiude il lavoro l'Appendice Statistica in cui sono raccolte le cifre dell'università italiana (studenti, docenti, rapporti quantitativi e distribuzione, finanziamenti) dal 1946 al 1985. ; The aim of this study is tracing an istitutional history of university, by focusing in the wider social and economic context that determined the higher education policies after Second World War – spanning from the economic espansion years and the later stagnation to the early eighties. The research follows two main paths: on the one hand the university evolution and change of structure as determined by institutional factors; on the other hand the revolutionized social role of universities over the period under investigation. Indeed, the passage from a liberal model of élite universities – destined to the education of ruling classes – to a mass university – an essential instrument in training numerous labor force categories – took place in a rapidly and profoundly changing context. At that time Italy was headed towards full industrialization, was experiencing a massive development of the third sector and mass urbanization. In general, Italy was overcoming the social relations of the decades before Second world war. The First research line was developed on the basis of two main sources. On the one hand I analyzed the political-parliamentary debate on Education Bill proposals (the opening of the access of 1961 and especially of 1969, the curriculum liberalizations of the same year, the measures on univerity teaching in the seventies), on the investigations (the one proposed by Minister Gonella in 1947, launched from Minister Medici and concluded by Gui which was Education Minister from 1963 to 1965), on the various reform proposals of the analyzed decades (projects n. 2.314 of '65, n. 612 of '69, the elaboration of the "Bozza Cervone" between '77 and '78) and about the regulation of the legal and economic framework of higher education teachers and the plans of university funding and development. On the other hand, I studied the internal party debates by employing periodicals close to political parties or particularly sensitive to higher education issues ("Riforma della Scuola" and "Rinascita" for the communist party PCI, "Scuola e Città" and "Il Ponte" for the socialist party PSI, "La Discussione" and "Tuttoscuola" for the Christian democrat party DC, for more recent years periodical such as "Universitas", etcetera). Furthermore I used as sources conference proceedings and pubblications edited by the key actors of the debate. In the research I gave a significant space to the scholastic planning issue. This debate was strictly connected to the one on the economic planning of the country, developed mostly in the center-left wing years. The second part of the study, as said above, focuses on the social and cultural changes which were cause and consequences of the widening of the university students. This was analyzed through the study of source that are unusual to the tradition historiography, such as sociology or higher education studies which were developed from the 1970s and largely employed ISTAT and CENSIS data and researches. I have rationalized these studies in the statistics tables present in this thesis. The analysis of the evolution of social components regarded also university teaching activity issues, its role in relation to the political debate, and the role of teaching staffs within faculties in the profoundly changing circumstances described above. For what concerns the historical time range of this work, the choice to stop in the early eighties answers to a more general analysis of a chapter of the political and economic history that started in that eighties, not only in Italy. In my opinion, the following sequence of events regarding higher education reforms represent the symbol of the clear and abrupt phase change that politics and society experienced at that time. The thesis is organized as follows. The first chapter takes stock of the legislation inherited from the fascism and of the first debates on university in the Assemblea Costituente and in the Parliament, sheding light on the first intervention strategies of major political parties during the fifties. The second chapter addresses the forecasts on school attendendence and the consequent projects of reform. On the basis of first studies of SVIMEZ – influenced by the broader ones of OCSE – the education planning and the forecasts on the country development played a crucial role for the reform policies of schools and universities. Policies embodied in the early sisxties by the institution of the scuola media unica in 1962, by the first opening of access to professional high school graduates; and, in particolar, in 1966 by the first real proposal of university reform, the Piano Gui of Luigi Gui, the only one included in an integral reform plan of all education levels and explicitely inspired from the educational planning studies. The third chapter focuses on the long discussion – inside an outside the Parliament – concernig the most ambitiuos reform project of the period, the n. 612. The latter, while the experience of the center-left wing goverments were extinguishing, was backed by the socialists. However, the socialist were responsabile for the actual watershed in Italian university history, the opening of university accesses to any category of high school graduated students. Lastly, the third chapter ends with the analysis of 1973's "provvedimenti urgenti", emblem of a model of university development heavily based on precarious work. A synthom of the incapacity both in reforming and in seriously invest in education quality, favoring only quantitative strategies. While, in the fourth and last chapter, focuses on the second halph of the seventies a complete new political phase for the country, characterized by the approach between the parliamentary majority (hold by Christian democrat) and the communist opposition until the creation of natonal solidarity governments, ufficially borned to tackle the economic crisic and political terrorism. In the early eighties, while the attention on university reforms was rapidly decreasing, the last substantial change to the academic structure were made after those of 1969. During the last chapter of the "reformism by decrees", the departments and the roles of researcher and associate professor were established. The statistical appendix ends the thesis. Covering a time window that goes from 1946 to 1985, it reports all data on students, teachers, funding and their distribution in the ltalian
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Lebanon's main Islamist party has undergone a profound transformation over the past four decades. Once associated with suicide bombings and hostage-taking, Hezbollah has steadily evolved from an underground movement in 1982 to the dominant political player in Lebanon in 2022. Yet even though Hezbollah is strong militarily and politically, it also faces greater challenges than ever before. They range from the party's massive expansion since 2006 to the domestic discontent over its refusal to abandon its weapons and the growing disenchantment within its Shiite base.Hezbollah's role in the region has been particularly controversial. The most powerful regional militia, Hezbollah used its vast arsenal to fight Israel for thirty-four days in 2006. The conflict was Israel's longest Middle East war and left no clear winner, although Hezbollah chief Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah emerged afterwards at the top of popularity polls across the region. But its armed intervention in Syria, beginning in 2012, on behalf of President Bashar al-Assad deeply tarnished its image among Sunnis across the region as a champion of anti-Israel resistance. After 2006, the party's expansion in manpower, military capabilities and funding also loosened internal control and made it more susceptible to corruption and penetration by Israel.Image CreditThe movement, created under Iran's auspices and aid after Israel's 1982 invasion, reflects the dynamic Shiite dimension of Islamist politics in the Arab world. Hezbollah was inspired by the teachings of Iranian revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. It subscribes to a doctrine known as the velayat-e faqih—or, in Arabic, the wali al-faqih—Khomeini's theory of Islamic governance, which bestows guardianship of government on a senior religious scholar. Iran remains Hezbollah's chief ideological, financial, and military supporter. Syria is also a close ally.Hezbollah's core ideological goals are resisting Israel, establishing an Islamic state in Lebanon, and offering obedience to Iran's supreme leader. But Hezbollah has developed a keen sense of realpolitik that helped shape its political agenda and allowed it to sidestep challenges to its armed status. It long ago accepted, for example, that an Islamic state is not appropriate for Lebanon, and it has considered alternative systems of government, while not relinquishing its ideological preference for an Islamic state.Hezbollah has deepened its involvement in Lebanese politics over the years, but it did so largely in response to potential threats to its armed status, what it calls its "resistance priority". Ideally, the party would prefer to avoid the pitfalls of Lebanon's political quagmire, believing that it complicates the more pressing goal of confronting Israel."We have never sought to be in government ministries," Nasrallah said after the collapse of then government of Prime Minister Saad Hariri in 2011. "All we have been saying to successive governments—and we still say it today—is the following: Brothers, we are a resistance movement.… We do not seek to run the government. Our hearts and minds are elsewhere. When people go to sleep, we conduct [military] training and prepare ourselves."Over four decades, Hezbollah's deepening political engagement also transformed the movement into the main representative of Lebanon's Shiites, the largest of the country's seventeen recognized sects. In turn, the movement now needs continued support of the community to ensure its own survival. Yet the interests of its constituents do not always correspond to the agenda of Iran's leaders, to whom Hezbollah is ideologically beholden. Balancing these rival obligations is a paradox that Hezbollah is finding ever more difficult to reconcile.The BeginningHezbollah emerged in the wake of Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon, but its genesis lay in the Shiite religious seminaries of Najaf in southern Iraq. In the 1960s and 1970s, Lebanese clerical students were influenced by leading Shiite ideologues such as Mohammed Baqr al Sadr and Ruhollah Khomeini. Sadr, a founder of the Party of the Islamic Call, or Hizb al Dawa al Islamiyya, promoted Islamic values as a counterweight to secularism and the leftist ideologies then attracting Arab youth. Khomeini achieved prominence with his doctrine of velayat-e faqih.Lebanese students and teachers in Iraqi seminaries were forced to return home after President Saddam Hussein cracked down on the Shiite clerics in the late 1970s. Some then began to preach the ideas of Khomeini and Sadr to a domestic audience. By the end of the 1970s, three developments helped create fertile ground for the eventual emergence of Hezbollah. One factor was the creation of Amal, the first strong Shiite movement. Amal's founder was Musa Sadr, a charismatic Iranian-born cleric who tapped into rising anger among Shiites over their repression by other Lebanese sects, particularly Christians and Sunni Muslims. But in 1978, Sadr vanished during a trip to Libya. After his disappearance, Amal drifted in a more secular direction under new leadership, to the dismay of the movement's Islamists.Hezbollah's flagImage CreditThe second event was Israel's first invasion of Lebanon in 1978 in a bid to expel the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) from south Lebanon. Israel installed a security cordon along the border inside Lebanon, which was controlled by an Israeli-backed militia. It was the first time many southern Lebanese lived under occupation.The third crucial event was the Iranian Revolution in 1979, when the first modern theocracy replaced the dynastic rule that had prevailed in Iran for more than 2,500 years. The revolution had an electrifying effect on Lebanese Shiites in general and on the clerical followers of Khomeini in particular. Iranian leaders and Lebanese clerics held lengthy discussions about importing the revolution to Lebanon and building an armed anti-Israel movement. Among the Lebanese clerics were Sheikh Sobhi Tufayli, who later became Hezbollah's first secretary-general, and Abbas Musawi, a preacher from the Bekaa Valley village of Nabi Sheet. The idea was delayed by an Iranian power struggle and the beginning of the eight-year war between Iran and Iraq in 1980.Then Israel invaded Lebanon in June 1982to drive the PLO out of Lebanon. Iran immediately offered assistance, dispatching 5,000 Revolutionary Guards to Syria for deployment in Lebanon. But the main fighting soon ended, and most of the Iranians returned home. With Syrian approval, a smaller contingent of Iranians moved into the northern Bekaa Valley to begin mobilizing and recruiting Shiites into a new anti-Israel force that was the basis of what became Hezbollah.By 1983, the nascent Hezbollah's influence was seeping from the Bekaa Valley into Beirut's Shiite suburbs and from there further south toward the front line of the Israeli occupation. By 1985, Israel, exhausted by the intensifying resistance campaign, withdrew to a security belt along the Lebanon-Israel border. Hezbollah—along with Amal and secular local resistance groups, which played smaller roles—had more success in pressuring Israel in two years than had the PLO in a decade. Hezbollah won additional support by providing social welfare services to the Shiite community.In 1985, Hezbollah formally declared its existence in its "Open Letter," a manifesto outlining its identity and agenda. The goals included driving Israeli forces from south Lebanon as a precursor to the destruction of the Jewish state and the liberation of Jerusalem. Hezbollah confirmed that it abided by the orders of "a single wise and just command" represented by Ayatollah Khomeini, the "rightly guided imam."Hezbollah also rejected Lebanon's sectarian political system and instead advocated creation of an Islamic state. At the same time, the party was careful to emphasize that it did not wish to impose Islam as a religion on anyone and that other Lebanese should be free to pick their preferred system of governance.In formally declaring its existence and goals, Hezbollah emerged from the shadows and demonstrated that it was not a fleeting aberration of the civil war but a force determined to endure.First Phase: UndergroundHezbollah's evolution falls into six distinct phases. The first was from 1982 to 1990 and coincided with the chaotic 1975–90 civil war, during which the Lebanese state had little control. Lebanon was instead carved into competing fiefdoms dominated by militias and occupying armies. These were Hezbollah's wild days, when it could do as it pleased under Iran's guidance and Syria's guarded tolerance.The movement became synonymous with extremist attacks, including two on U.S. embassies in 1983 and 1984. Its deadliest attacks were the simultaneous truck bombings of the U.S. Marine barracks and the nearby French Paratroop headquarters, which killed 241 American servicemen and sixty-eight French soldiers. From 1984, more than 100 foreigners in Lebanon were kidnapped. Hezbollah denied responsibility, although some of its members were later linked with the attacks.After 1986, Hezbollah began to dominate the resistance against Israel's occupation in south Lebanon. But the party's growing influence in the south also brought it into conflict with the rival Amal movement. In 1988, the two factions fought the first in a series of bloody internecine battles that over the next two years resulted in thousands of dead and generated an animosity that continued to linger more than three decades later.Second Phase: Running for ParliamentThe second phase was from 1991 to 2000, following the end of Lebanon's civil war in 1990. The restoration of state control sparked a debate within Hezbollah over its future course of action. Hardliners, represented by Sheikh Tufayli, argued that Hezbollah should not compromise its ideological agenda regardless of the nation's changed circumstances. Others countered that Hezbollah had to adapt to the new situation to protect its "resistance priority"—the right to confront Israel's continued occupation of the south.The debate played out over whether Hezbollah should run in the 1992 parliamentary election, the first in twenty years. Joining parliament would strengthen Hezbollah's standing in Lebanon, but it would also flout its 1985 manifesto that rejected a sectarian political system. Pragmatists won after receiving the blessing of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran's supreme leader, to participate in the elections. Hezbollah won eight parliamentary seats.Hezbollah also went through a leadership change. A few months before the 1992 election, Hezbollah secretary-general Sayyed Abbas Musawi was assassinated in an Israeli helicopter ambush. He was replaced by his protégé, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, a 32-year-old cleric.Under Nasrallah, Hezbollah reorganized, adding new bodies to handle its military, political, and social work. It expanded its social welfare activities nationwide to sustain its popular support within the Shiite community. It also launched a television station, Al-Manar, as the flagship of its propaganda arm, and opened a media relations office. Hezbollah even began a dialogue with other factions and religious representatives, including Christians.Hezbollah's newfound pragmatism did not represent an ideological softening or a decision to exchange Islamic militancy for a share of Lebanon's political space. Hezbollah was instead adapting to postwar circumstances to safeguard the resistance. Shortly after the 1992 election, Nasrallah explained, "Our participation in the elections and entry into [parliament] do not alter the fact that we are a resistance party."Hezbollah's resistance efforts intensified after 1992. Other militias were disbanded under Syrian fiat, but Hezbollah was permitted to keep its armed status as resistance against the Israeli occupation. Its hit-and-run guerrilla tactics claimed ever-higher Israeli casualties during the decade. In 1993 and 1996, Israel responded with air and artillery blitzes against Lebanon in failed attempts to dent Hezbollah's campaign.The late 1990s were, in retrospect, Hezbollah's "golden years." Hezbollah's military exploits won it admirers across the Arab and Islamic worlds and earned the respect of all Lebanese, even those inclined to view the Shiite party with suspicion. Under growing pressure from Hezbollah, Israel finally ended its occupation in May 2000, the first time that the Jewish state had ceded occupied territory through force of Arab arms.Third Phase: ConfrontationThe third phase was from 2000 to 2005. With Israel's withdrawal, Hezbollah's reputation had never been higher. But its victory risked being Pyrrhic. A growing number of Lebanese began questioning why Hezbollah needed to keep its arms after Israel pulled out of Lebanon. Hezbollah countered by citing minor territorial disputes along the border and a number of Lebanese still detained in Israeli prisons. It claimed its weapons were a vital part of Lebanon's defense—in case the Israelis returned. Many Lebanese accused Hezbollah of serving an Iranian—rather than a Lebanese—agenda. But Hezbollah still enjoyed the political cover afforded by Syria, which continued to endorse the party's armed status. Beginning in September 2000, Hezbollah mounted a small-scale campaign against Israeli troops occupying Shebaa Farms, a mountainside area along Lebanon's south-east border. Shebaa Farms was claimed by Lebanon, but recognized as Syrian territory by the United Nations and occupied by Israel since 1967. The sporadic campaign of mortar and rocket attacks every two or three months helped sustain resistance against Israel.In February 2005, Rafik Hariri, a former prime minister of Lebanon, was assassinated in a truck bomb explosion. Many Lebanese blamed Damascus; more than a million people--one quarter of the population--turned out in protests against Syria. Syria pulled its troops out of Lebanon in April, two months after Hariri's murder, ending three decades of military occupation.The sudden loss of Syrian cover compelled Hezbollah to step deeper into Lebanese politics to defend its "resistance priority." It allied with Amal, its longtime predominantly Shiite rival, for the June 2005 parliamentary elections. After the election, Hezbollah joined the cabinet for the first time to defend its interests. In early 2006, Hezbollah signed a memorandum of understanding with the Free Patriotic Movement, then the main representative of the Christian community led by retired General Michel Aoun. Yet Hezbollah's political participation did not defuse the core military issue. Hezbollah rejected demands, by the United Nations as well as rival parties, to disarm. Lebanese politics grew increasingly rancorous over Hezbollah's arms. It became the single most divisive national issue.Fourth Phase: War and RebuildingThe fourth phase ran from 2006 to 2012. It featured Hezbollah's biggest military gamble. On July 12, 2006, its militia abducted two Israeli soldiers along the border to bargain for release of Lebanese detainees in Israel. The audacious kidnapping triggered a month-long war with Israel, which sought to disarm Hezbollah and demilitarize the borders. The war ended in a military stalemate—and at a high cost. More than 1,100 Lebanese died; damage was in the billions of dollars. Hezbollah nevertheless declared a "divine victory" simply for preventing an Israeli victory in its longest war since 1948.Facing intense political criticism for the deaths and destruction, Hezbollah walked out of the Lebanese government in November 2006. A month later, it mobilized a mass protest to force the government to resign. The government stood its ground, but Lebanon was gripped by political paralysis.Tensions between Hezbollah and the central government escalated. In 2008, the government of Prime Minister Fouad Siniora announced it intended to shut down Hezbollah's private telecommunications network. Hezbollah reacted by staging a brief takeover of west Beirut, triggering a week of clashes that killed more than 100 people and took the country to the edge of civil war. The crisis ended with the formation of a new government and the long-delayed election of a new president, Michel Suleiman.In 2009, Lebanon faced a new crisis when a U.N. investigation obtained evidence implicating Hezbollah in the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri four years earlier. Hezbollah denied the allegations and claimed that the Dutch-based tribunal was serving the political interests of the United States and Israel. The government of Prime Minister Saad Hariri (the son of Rafik Hariri) refused to abandon its support for the tribunal. In January 2011, as the tribunal was preparing to issue its first set of indictments, Hezbollah and its political allies forced a vote of no confidence in the government. The new government was composed of Hezbollah and its allies; it was led by Prime Minister Najib Mikati, a billionaire businessman and political moderate.Fifth Phase: The Syria InterventionThe fifth phase began in response to turmoil in Syria. In March 2011, a popular uprising was launched against the regime of Bashar al Assad as the Arab Spring rippled across the Middle East. Hezbollah initially expected it to blow over quickly. But by the end of 2011, the uprising had morphed into a civil war. Within months, Hezbollah began covertly dispatching fighters to assist the Syrian army against nascent rebel groups.In May 2013, Nasrallah admitted that Hezbollah was fully engaged in Syria's civil war. He argued that the Syrian opposition was composed of radical Sunnis who would take the war to Lebanon after defeating Assad. He also warned that the Assad regime was the "backbone of resistance" against Israel and that its defeat would lead to the victory of Israel and the end of the Palestinian cause. Many Lebanese were dismayed at Hezbollah's military intervention in Syria. It breached the Baabda Declaration of 2012, when Lebanese leaders agreed to immunize Lebanon from the conflict tearing apart its larger neighbor. The intervention also eroded Arab and Muslim support. Once hailed for ending the Israeli occupation in 2000 and humiliating the Israeli army in 2006, Hezbollah was now vilified as a ruthless tool of Iranian power projection across the Middle East.Syria's civil war spilled into Lebanon, deepening political and sectarian tensions. In 2013 and 2014, Sunni militants carried out more than a dozen car bombings in Shiite areas of Lebanon. Almost 100 people were killed, 900 wounded. The emergence of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and other radical Sunni militias dampened criticism of Hezbollah. Shiites and other Lebanese minorities viewed the party as a protector against Sunni extremists. But Hezbollah casualties were higher than in any of its battles with Israel over the previous three decades. Discontent rumbled within its Shiite base. President Suleiman's six-year term ended in May 2014. In Lebanon, presidents are elected by parliament. Hezbollah endorsed its Christian ally, Michel Aoun, for the presidency and refused to attend successive sessions of parliament to vote until it could guarantee Aoun would win. The stalemate lasted two and a half years, during which the caretaker government lacked the power to pass legislation. The economy steadily declined. In October 2016, Hezbollah's opponents gave up. Aoun was elected in a deal in which Hariri returned as prime minister. Hezbollah became the paramount kingmaker in Lebanese politics, a paradox given its ideological rejection of Lebanon's confessional political system.Sixth Phase: The Collapse of LebanonFor three years, President Aoun and Prime Minister Hariri worked together in an uneasy partnership. It ended abruptly in October 2019 when the cash-starved government slapped a tax on the popular WhatsApp messaging portal, an action that symbolized a broader economic crisis over soaring prices, high unemployment, rampant corruption and poor public services. The largest protests in more than a decade erupted in Beirut and brought out members of all Lebanon's rival sects. Banks closed and prevented customers from accessing their U.S. dollar accounts. The value of the lira plummeted as the scope of Lebanon's financial disaster became apparent. The protests morphed into a nationwide anti-government movement amid anger at three decades of mismanagement by a political elite rarely held unaccountable. Hariri resigned and was replaced by Hassan Diab.In early 2020, the protests grew more violent, and security forces clamped down more rigorously. Hezbollah supporters stormed the protests--beating demonstrators with fists and sticks--on several occasions. Hezbollah, the self-described champion of the "oppressed" and "downtrodden," emerged as the Praetorian Guard for the corrupt and sclerotic status quo.The onset of the Covid-19 pandemic and subsequent lockdowns effectively killed off the protests even as a political opposition began to coalesce on the sidelines. In August 2020, a massive explosion at the Beirut port, caused by hundreds of tons of poorly stored ammonium nitrate, killed more than 200 people and badly damaged a swathe of east Beirut. Hezbollah challenged the official investigation its political allies were indicted. Its opposition fueled suspicions that the party may have had a connection to the ammonium nitrate.Hezbollah's deployment in Syria gradually decreased as the Assad regime regained a tenuous control over much of the country. But Hezbollah remained active in other regional theaters. Since 2014, it had dispatched cadres to Iraq to fight the Islamic State. In 2015, it sent fighters and trainers to Yemen to help the Houthi rebels against a Saudi-led military coalition.In May 2022, Lebanon held the first parliamentary election since the economic crisis. Hezbollah and its allies narrowly lost their parliamentary majority. Shiite turnout was low in what was interpreted as a protest against the two main Shiite parties--Hezbollah and Amal.In October 2022, Aoun's term comes to an end and the race will begin on a successor. Hezbollah has remained the paramount political force in the country. But a series of challenges between 2019 and 2022 dented its popularity as it struggled to balance domestic interests with its obligations to Iran.Key PositionsHezbollah has remained faithful to the core ideological pillars in its 1985 manifesto: the confrontation against Israel, the observance of the wilayet al-faqih leadership doctrine, and the preference to live in an Islamic state.But the party has adjusted its public discourse and operational behavior over the years to suit the unfolding political and social environment in Lebanon. Its survival strategy was evident in the 2009 "Political Document," a long-awaited update to the original "Open Letter." Much of the fiery rhetoric of the earlier manifesto was replaced with nuanced deliberations on a future Lebanese state and the most suitable form of democracy.Islam and DemocracyIn the 1985 "Open Letter," Hezbollah stated, "We do not wish to impose Islam on anybody, and we hate to see others impose on us their convictions and their systems. We do not want Islam to rule in Lebanon by force.… But we stress that we are convinced of Islam as a faith, system, thought, and rule, and we urge all to recognize it and resort to its law."Nearly four decades later, Hezbollah still prefers an Islamic state. As a jihadist Islamist organization, it would be anathema for Hezbollah to renounce the idea of living in a state run under Islamic Sharia law. But its leadership long ago accepted that Lebanon's multi-sectarian and pluralist environment are not suited to the establishment of an Islamic state. Instead, Hezbollah has debated acceptable alternatives.In its 2009 "Political Document," Hezbollah repeated its long-standing rejection of Lebanon's sectarian political system, which it considered "a strong constraint to the achievement of true democracy under which an elected majority may govern and an elected minority may oppose." Until political sectarianism is abolished, Hezbollah argued that "consensual democracy will remain the fundamental basis of governance in Lebanon."Hezbollah explained: "The consensual democracy constitutes an appropriate political formula to guarantee true partnership and contributes in opening the doors for everyone to enter the phase of building the reassuring state that makes all its citizens feel that it is founded for their sake."Women and Personal FreedomsHezbollah has had a more open attitude toward women's role in society than do many other Islamist organizations. Women play important roles within Hezbollah's social-welfare, media, and administrative departments. In the 2009 "Political Document," Hezbollah said that it sought a state "that works to consolidate the role of women at all levels in the framework of benefiting from their characteristics [and] influence while respecting their status."Hezbollah does not aggressively interfere in the lifestyles of its Shiite constituents. Certain taboos are observed. For example, Hezbollah bans the sale of alcohol and tries to stamp out drug use in areas under its control—but Hezbollah is generally uninterested in antagonizing its supporters by imposing a strict moral regimen.Other ReligionsHezbollah recognizes Lebanon's diverse religious landscape and has open channels of dialogue with all other sects. Hezbollah champions unity between the Shiite and Sunni sects on grounds that resistance against Israel takes precedence over doctrinal differences. Hezbollah counts Sunni Islamists among its allies, despite sporadic Shiite-Sunni tensions and the strains caused by its military intervention in Syria's civil war. Hezbollah opened a dialogue with the Maronite church for the first time in 1992, and a party representative regularly meets with religious leaders of various Christian denominations.The United States and the WestIn the 1985 "Open Letter," Hezbollah described the United States as the "first root of vice" and "the reason for all our catastrophes and the source of all malice." By 2022, that view had not changed. The 2009 "Political Document" railed against U.S. global hegemony, accusing it of being the "origin of every aspect of terrorism" and, under the administration of President George W. Bush, "a danger that threatens the whole world in every level and field."The 2009 "Political Document" also stated:"The unlimited U.S. support for Israel and its cover for the Israeli occupation of Arab lands in addition to the American domination of international institutions and dualism in issuing and implementing international resolutions, the policy of interfering in other states' affairs, militarizing the world and adopting the principle of circulating wars in international conflicts, evoking disorder and turbulence all over the world put the American administration in a position hostile to our nation and peoples and hold it essentially responsible of causing chaos in the international political system."In the 1980s, Hezbollah listed France, Israel, and the United States as its main enemies. In the past two decades, however, Hezbollah officials often meet with European representatives, and the party's attitude toward Europe is more reproachful than hostile. European policies, Hezbollah said, "fluctuate between incapability and inefficiency on one hand and unjustified subjugation to U.S. policies on the other."IsraelIn the 1985 "Open Letter," Hezbollah explicitly said that Israel "is a usurping enemy that must be fought until the usurped right [i.e., Palestine] is returned to its owners.… Our struggle with usurping Israel emanates from an ideological and historical awareness that this Zionist entity is aggressive in its origins and structure and is built on usurped land and at the expense of the rights of a Muslim people. Therefore, our confrontation of this entity must end with its obliteration from existence."In the 2009 "Political Document," Hezbollah cited its hostility toward Israel to justify keeping its arms and a military wing:"The role of the Resistance is a national necessity as long as Israeli threats and ambitions to seize our lands and waters continue, in the absence of the capable strong state and the strategic imbalance between the state and the enemy."Chief AlliesIran is Hezbollah's main financial, military, and logistical supplier, and Iran's supreme leader is the party's ultimate source of authority. Under the late President Hafez al Assad, Syria was Hezbollah's protector and supervisor. Since Assad's son Bashar al Assad took over in 2000, Syria became an even closer strategic ally. Syria was the vital geostrategic linchpin connecting Iran to Hezbollah. It provided strategic depth and a conduit for the transfer of arms, which explained the heavy effort by Iran and Hezbollah to preserve Assad's regime.The Palestinian Hamas movement and Palestinian Islamic Jihad have been allies of Hezbollah since the early 1990s. Both groups benefited from Iranian financial and material patronage. But Hamas, a Sunni movement, did not share the Shiite ideology of Iran and Hezbollah, making Hamas and Hezbollah sometimes uncomfortable bedfellows beyond a shared hostility toward Israel.Amal and the Free Patriotic Movement, both secular Lebanese political entities, have been allied with Hezbollah since 2005 and 2006, respectively. These relations, however, are tactical, political and interest-based rather than strategic and ideological. Hezbollah also maintains alliances with smaller pro-Syrian factions and individuals, Islamist groups, and Palestinian groups.The FutureAs of mid-2022, Hezbollah remained the most powerful political force in Lebanon through the implicit force majeure of its armed wing. It was also the most formidable non-state military actor in the Middle East—and arguably in the world. Yet Hezbollah also faced grave challenges from its dual roles as Iran's surrogate and, at the same time, chief representative of Lebanon's Shiites. Iran has helped transform Hezbollah into a robust and unique military force that serves as part of Iran's deterrence against efforts by Israel and the West to contain it. Hezbollah's military involvement in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen has made it the largest force enabler to help to project its influence across the Middle East.Hezbollah is also, however, answerable to the economic needs and political interests of its domestic constituency. By 2022, Hezbollah's standing had declined since the heady days after it emerged from the underground and ran for parliament in the 1990s. Its refusal to disarm was at the heart of Lebanon's festering political divide. Since 2005, Hezbollah has been sucked ever deeper into Lebanon's political swamp—forging complex alliances and deals with unreliable and capricious politicians—in order to defend its "culture of resistance."Sustaining the "culture of resistance" within the Shiite base has grown harder with the passage of time and direct military engagement with Israel. Israel ended its 22-year occupation in 2000; the last major conflict was the 2006 war. Since then, Hezbollah has had only a handful of limited skirmishes with Israel. Lebanon's demographics have also changed. Since 2000, a new generation of Shiites has grown up without the memory of the hardships and misery during Israel's occupation. Their interests have shifted to securing employment or – as the economic crisis accelerated – emigrating from Lebanon rather than joining any "resistance" against an increasingly nebulous enemy.Internally, Hezbollah has also struggled to grapple with the insidious corruption. Since 2006, Hezbollah has grown extensively--militarily, financially, and politically. Its sprawling bureaucracy has looser internal controls compared to its early days decades ago, opening the door to embezzlement and theft within the party. It has also become more vulnerable to penetration by Israeli intelligence agencies. By 2022, the leadership's inability to curb corrupt practices represented the single gravest danger to Hezbollah long-term.So Hezbollah is likely to remain a powerful political player in Lebanon for the foreseeable future. But it faces the challenge of balancing the ideological and logistical obligations to Iran against its political and social duties to Lebanon's Shiite community--a paradox that may only grow more difficult in the years ahead.Nicholas Blanford is a Beirut-based nonresident senior fellow with the Atlantic Council's Middle East programs. He is the author of Killing Mr. Lebanon: The Assassination of Rafik Hariri and Its Impact on the Middle East (2006) and Warriors of God: Inside Hezbollah's Thirty-Year Struggle against Israel (2011).
After two weeks of drama and excitement, the Democratic and the Republican National Conventions have drawn to an end, and an exhausted American public will now have to focus on the home stretch of the presidential campaign. There is general agreement that both candidates achieved their most important convention objectives. Obama re-introduced himself to America as an ordinary man, a down-to-earth candidate who understands their problems and proposes solutions, while McCain moved away from George W. Bush and re-emerged as his party's maverick: the independent, likable and trustworthy reformer that puts "the country first". In spite of the truncated schedule of the Republican National Convention due to the hurricane that hit the Gulf Coast, McCain's surprise announcement of his running mate, and his acknowledgement of his own party's mistakes in the last eight years, appear to have taken some of the wind from under Obama's wings.The most recent Gallup poll has Obama leading 44% to 40 % in voters' approval ratings, while a CBS poll has them at 40% each. It is clear that the race is now in a dead heat and that McCain has been on the rebound, narrowing down the eight percent margin that Obama had before the Conventions. Taking into account that Obama has already had his post-convention bounce, the direction of this change favoring McCain will continue. Historically, after Labor Day and the end of the two conventions, poll numbers appear to hold pretty steadily all the way up to the election, which means that, barring an "October surprise", the outcome of this election will again be too close to predict.This is an enormous accomplishment for McCain, whose candidacy was given up for dead by pundits mid-way trough the primary last year. Americans love survivors, and both his life story and his political narrative fit this characterization perfectly. Credit is given of course to the candidate himself, but also to his campaign director Rick Davis, who had the audacity to take a 180-degree turn and recast him as the candidate of change. How he did it will be a textbook example for campaign strategists in years to come.First, McCain came into the Republican Primary as too independent, too secular and too much of a critic of George W. Bush, to be chosen as the Grand Old Party's nominee. In the course of the primary campaign, he moved closer to the President, repeatedly reminding voters that in the Senate, he had voted in favor of the President's initiatives 90% of the time. A clip of this acknowledgement is being used by the Obama campaign with glee in a TV commercial that plays several times an hour in the network stations. After a terrible start, and after firing several top advisers and restructuring his whole campaign plan, he regained the confidence of the Republican voters, mainly because he was the most credible, experienced and likable of the Republican presidential candidates. These may be the same attributes that put him today in a dead heat with Obama, in spite of the lowest numbers of approval ever for the Republican Party he represents.Second, serious campaign strategic thinking went into in his choice of Vice-president and in planning the timing of this announcement. Sources close to the campaign have confirmed that, to counterbalance the perfectly choreographed Democratic Convention, the choice of Joe Biden for Vice- presidential candidate, and Obama's acceptance speech, McCain wanted to recast himself as the bipartisan candidate that reaches across the isle, and regardless of the disapproval of Republican Party stalwarts, pick Democrat Joe Lieberman, his very close friend, as his running mate. It took some serious coaxing by his staff for him to pick Sarah Palin, the little-known governor of Alaska, instead. This has so far proved to have been a very shrewd decision. With the announcement made on the next morning after Obama's acceptance speech, McCain's campaign was able to take away the momentum and the headlines from the Democrats. It was all about the Republican ticket from then on, with the Obama campaign having been unable so far, to regain the initiative. Palin's speech on the convention floor was watched by almost as many people as Obama's. She came out swinging and directly attacked Obama for his lack of experience. Her delivery was flawless, she was relaxed and funny, and the public loved her. She electrified the Republican base and injected new imagery into the Republican tableau: that of a young working mother with a family of five that enamored the pro-life voters by having knowingly had a baby with Down syndrome. The case for family values was somewhat blurred twenty-four hours later when her campaign confirmed rumors that her seventeen-year old daughter was pregnant. But Palin was able to turn this in her favor by presenting herself as a no-exceptions pro-life candidate, and thus pre-empted the avalanche of criticism that would have surely come her way from all sides. Asked for his reaction, a circumspect Obama said that the candidates' private lives should not be a topic for the presidential race and asked reporters to "back off". Finally, there was John McCain's acceptance speech that rounded up what turned out to be a positive, yet odd, week for the Republican Convention. This was the first time that an incumbent President did not attend his party's convention since Lyndon B. Johnson skipped the violence-ridden 1968 Democratic Convention in Chicago. Indeed, George W Bush made only a short appearance via satellite on the second day of the convention. His parents were there the first two days, but were conspicuously absent during McCain's speech. Vice-president Cheney was also absent throughout the three days. Senator McCain is a good communicator for smaller, town hall settings where he can speak directly to supporters, but strongly dislikes reading prepared speeches from the teleprompter to big audiences. The Convention hall was thus rearranged for his speech, to give the impression of a smaller venue, with the Republican delegates closer to him. But it was a fifty-minute long speech so he did have to read it. Although not a magnificent speaker, he came across as sincere and credible. Some have acclaimed it as the best Republican speech since Reagan's at the 1984 Convention. It drew the strongest interest of all speeches so far this election year: it was watched by 38.9 million people, more than Obama's (38.4 million) and Palin's (37 million). It was well-structured and aimed at delivering a convincing yet circumvoluted message of change. It started with a long narrative of his life experiences as a Navy pilot and prisoner of war, then went on to offer a candid confession of his party's long list of mistakes in the last eight years, and culminated with his re-introduction to the American public as the bipartisan candidate that can find solutions, bring about change and lead the country into a more secure and prosperous future. He presented in detail a forceful narrative of his life: the son and grandson of admirals and an Annapolis graduate, he became a fighter pilot and fell prisoner of war in Vietnam. He survived the "Hanoi-Hilton", was rescued, married an Arizona heiress and became Senator for that state for thirty years. Even if nothing new, this biographical portrait reminded the audience of his patriotism, his commitment to the country, his all-American upbringing and his strength, all of which makes him a fully vetted, trustworthy, and, by implication, a better candidate than his counterpart.What surprised many observers was what an NBC analyst called his "Declaration of Independence" and later "McCain's divorce" from the Republican Party and from George Bush. The latter was mentioned only once during the speech, and even then not directly by name, when McCain thanked "the president" for his leadership after the September 11 attacks. After that came a litany of mistakes the Republicans have made in the last few years, delivered in a contrite tone and followed by very weak applause by the audience. ("We were elected to change Washington and we let Washington change us. We lost the trust of the American people when some Republicans gave in to temptations of corruption."). It was as if he had directly responded to the beckoning of the British journal The Economist who had him on its cover a week ago with the title: "Bring the Real McCain back", an allusion to the fact that during the Primary season, many of his economic and national security policies looked like another term of George Bush. The Economist preferred an earlier version of McCain that was much more independent and acceptable to their point of view. In acknowledging the errors and missed opportunities of the previous years, the "real" McCain, the maverick, was back. He recognized the corruption and the hubris of his party, and, taking a page from the Democrats' platform, promised to govern for the American people and not for private interests or lobbies: "And let me just offer an advance warning to the old, big-spending, do-nothing, me-first, country-second crowd: change is coming… to Washington."McCain had a tactical tightrope to walk: during the whole primary season, his campaign had been aggressively courting the support of the conservative, Evangelical Republican base. Having cemented that support with the choice of ultra-religious Palin, he used the opportunity of his acceptance speech to appeal to a broader audience. He broke free of the Bush legacy of budget deficits and a failed foreign policy, recast himself as the candidate of change and made his pitch for the center of the political spectrum, the independent voters and disgruntled Reagan Democrats. In the most arousing part of his address, he presented himself as the Republican leader that will bring the Grand Old Party back to its original path and restore its unity, its pride and its principles. He also stressed his bipartisanship and delivered a strong blow to Obama's claim to that same mantel, by saying," Again and again I have worked with members of both parties to fix problems…and I have the record, and the scars, to prove it. Senator Obama does not." He ended by stressing his national security experience and courage to confront enemies: "We face many dangerous threats but I am not afraid.I am prepared for them."This speech may not have been the most dynamic of the Republican Convention (Sarah Palin took the kudos for that), and it was by no means a policy speech. Instead, its greatest value was the tone in which it was delivered and the level of comfort McCain awakened in the voting public. He focused on patriotism and on reforming Washington's bad habits; he communicated a sense of confidence, credibility and competence that may have reassured many undecided voters and that made him look almost Reaganesque. While Barack Obama insists that this election will be decided based on the issues (the economy, the unpopular war), McCain contends it will be decided on which candidate has the better judgment to move the country forward. In the fifty-some days left before the election, both campaigns will focus on the "battleground states" (Ohio, Virginia, Pennsylvania and Michigan), so their messages will be narrowly tailored to those constituencies. But all voters will have another chance to take a new look at the candidates side by side on three upcoming debates, and then decide on who is better suited to lead the country in such difficult times. They will vote based on their pocketbooks and on gut feelings, on rational interests and on irrational emotions. Considering the closeness of the race, the complexity that the Electoral College injects into the process, and the fact that all political thinking is biased toward the thinker's own wishes and emotions, it is only fair for this writer to abstain from predicting the outcome. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia
To analyse and compare the big powers' perspective on a Nordic country seems to require at least as much consideration for their economic as for the political interests. Whilst the British legation was predominantly concerned with Britain's economic interests the German legation focused on political issues. This does not mean that German-Finnish economic relations carried less weight but reflects a different organisation of the German foreign policy establishment and a different perception of mischief. Public opinion in Finland, culture and propaganda figure as secondary issues in both of the legations' sources. Whereas the British were apprehensive of German activity in the North the German conservative minister noted damage to the German image resulting from repugnant Nazi policy at home and abroad. Despite rising continental power German political influence in Finland suffered a substantial setback at the turn of 1936/1937. By the choice of Finnish voters a parliamentary majority on the left was established bringing to power a Centre-Left government and disposing a conservative president. The politics of the new foreign minister, Holsti, were disliked by the disposed Conservatives. The German minister in Finland, von Blücher, immediately adapted the Conservative's negative attitude. He also developed a strong personal aversion against Holsti perverting his reports continuously. Criticising Holsti's initiative to normalise strained relations with the Soviet Union Blücher aligned his position with that of Erkko – a right wing party fellow of Holsti. He had to acknowledge, however, the widely accepted political will to normalise eastern relations. The reports of the legations were characterised by opportunistic distortions. Whereas the British were quick to report a decline in German political influence, the German minister qualified the meaning of the political change in Finland by questioning the stability of the Centre-Left government and Holsti's position therein. The Germans readily acknowledged the weight of Finnish-British notably economic relations. Beyond that acknowledgement there was German frustration with the new Finnish foreign policy that did not always find its way into official reporting. In looking for the information opportune to their interests both legations had no difficulties finding influential Finns that provided the desired assessments of Finland's affairs. Central in the concern of the big powers about Finland was Finnish foreign policy. In spite of an official assertion of an unchanged foreign policy the Finnish prime minister speaking in private labelled the United Kingdom a 'protecting power'. Finns across the political spectrum, even Conservatives who traditionally stood for a close relationship with Germany, also desired a closer relationship with the UK. High-ranking political and weighty English business representatives descended in large numbers on Finland. Blücher, however, saw no sign of a formal political alignment and only acknowledged some concerns regarding future access to Finland's natural recourses. This relaxed attitude must not have been universal since the British legation perceived nervousness and distress among junior members of the German legation. According to indirect evidence the German leadership was disgruntled. The German-Finnish relationship had supporters in both countries including Göring and the grand old man of Finland, Mannerheim. While a rather forced visit of Holsti in Berlin did not solve political contradictions there were other unofficial high-level contacts that tried to alleviate stress in the relations. In observing closely and trying to influence by various means the opinion of ordinary Finns and the capital's elite a rivalry between German and British influence manifested itself. The reports about the official celebrations of the birthday of Finland's revered Mannerheim are an example of the diplomat's scrutiny. Their contrasting depictions and interpretations reveal conscious and unconscious whitewashing stemming sometimes from biased informants. Germany's perversion in the 1930s was initially perceived through the lenses of the inner-Finnish split between conservatives and social-democrats with the latter criticising fascism across Europe vigorously. As German policy became more radical – especially with the endangerment of peace in Europe during the Sudeten-Crisis, the pogroms of 1938 and the occupation of Prague – the conservative parts of the population and politicians were willing to criticise it and did so, though mostly in private. The German minister went as far as possible for a Reich's civil servant in outlining the negative repercussions for Germany's public and also more tangible interests in Finland in reporting to his foreign ministry. This is remarkable in light of previous whitewashing of reports. While there was ever more reason to criticise Germany the concurrent threat of war and entanglement which Finland wished to avoid at any price demanded a more radical interpretation of neutrality. Thus just when criticism of Nazi policy was spreading the government and the media consented to toning down their criticism of Germany in accordance with German diplomatic pressure to that end. Britain's role in the world of rising fascism enjoyed high respect in Finland. British foreign policy and the Finnish population shared the desire for maintaining peace in Europe. Absent from British official reports is how the UK's role in undermining the integrity of another small state – Czechoslovakia – in Munich marred its image temporarily. Germany went further than the UK in actually trying to shape her image in Finland. Propaganda was seen as a substitute for cooler political relations. Speedily transmitted German news items were placed in receptive Finnish conservative newspapers and used by the German minister as a basis for argumentation. Visits of outstanding speakers and the German radio's ordinary broadcasts had an effect limited to a German speaking elite which also proved ambivalent. To reach the general public the German legation promoted military visits. The German propaganda efforts attracted disproportionate attention in the British legation. Events including official German guests were carefully scrutinised and considerable room was devoted to evaluate the German propaganda's motive and effect. German propaganda was not seen as threatening but rather as futile, however. The German minister, on the other hand, was jealous at the strong interest in 'everything English' as compared to the modest efforts of Britain, whose British Council had only recently been founded. The success was disproportionate: promotion of English culture and the advent of Anglo-American cinema attracted a comparatively high degree of interest among the wider Finnish public. The establishment of an Anglo-American share in popular culture became discernible. The crises of 1938, especially the Sudeten crisis, brought about by German policy damaged the German moral reputation but served to increase her political clout also in the North. The League of Nations- and UK-orientated foreign policy of the despised Finnish foreign minister Holsti and came under attack by the still formidable conservative opposition. His position seemed increasingly unstable. A renewed commitment to western values by the Finnish Prime Minister in the run-up to the Sudeten crisis did not save him. The German minister seized upon the political constellation and helped to bring Holsti down. The minister's subsequent euphoria was understandable in light of his long-harboured aversion against Holsti and close relationship with Holsti's successor, Erkko. Such euphoria, however, proved not justifiable. Instead the German minister had to avoid inconsequential criticism of Erkko's anglophile policies as he was told frankly that English desire for increased exports was well founded. The British had no reason to worry. Erkko promised to defend the independence of the Finnish media against German pressure and put all his considerable clout behind supporting Finnish purchase of English goods. The gross predominance of economic issues in British reports is contrasted by the German ministers almost complete disinterest in the issue. British economic difficulties in the thirties made trade a contentious issue that received much more attention than politics. Most noted was the contribution of trade with Finland to the general trade-deficit which seemed enormous considering the size of the countries' respective markets. Meanwhile German-Finnish trade grew in volume while British-Finnish trade stagnated. British industrialists highlighted the unfair methods that Germany employed for steering trade. The possibility of their subsequent demands for protectionism and control of trade being adapted by British politicians frightened Finnish industry. Some British officials were willing to employ scare tactics but diplomats on the ground recognised that the competitive disadvantages were home-grown. However, they eagerly supported their exporters. Pressure was exercised to influence public spending whenever the legation learned about planned acquisitions. Finnish politicians tried to meet such demands although this often meant paying more than for comparable German goods. Diplomats reported correctly that interventions in the public sector worked due to the Finns' willing co-operation. Germany's efforts to secure rights of usage to a Finnish harbour in the polar sea were rejected. The most efficient contact person for economic interventions was the new and more powerful foreign minister to whose the Germans ironically had helped by bringing his predecessor down. Public spending was, however, too small a factor to revert the general trend in favour of German industry. A high frequency of mutual visits by traders and industrialists was a sign of willingness to widen economic relations. They resulted in declarations of good-will but were sometimes overshadowed by protectionist grumbling of English traders. Given a protectionist penchant in the Foreign Office and the difficulty of directing trade by mere declarations of good will the legation did a superb job in preventing conflict. The legation gave its reports a positive spin, alerted their superiors to the sensibilities of Finnish partners and sometimes meditated carefully between British and Finnish parties. A last high-level political visit of a Finnish cabinet minister in Finland passed smoothly in contrast to his visit in Sweden. By virtue of foreign minister Erkko, liked both with the German and the British ministers, Finland was well positioned to avoid being caught in the differences between Germany and the western powers. This ability to stay neutral was put on test in 1939 when Germany offered a non-aggression pact to serve its propaganda aims at a time when no country wanted to be closely associated with her, least of all neutrality-minded Finland. The Finns put Scandinavian unity over adherence to Germany's wishes by declining the offer. The legation could not avoid dissatisfaction at home. At the same time Finnish-British political relations began to suffer from talks on guaranteeing Finland in alliance with the Soviet Union. Finland's vehement opposition was a far more serious concern to the British than the symbolic German pact offer. In analogy to the pattern in dealing with economic relations it was the legation that defended Finnish interests whereas the London Foreign Office argued in favour of the Soviet alliance. Before the German minister could rejoice in the discontent the British created by negotiating with Moscow his own country signed Finland away in the Hitler-Stalin Pact without even informing him. From now on the threat of entanglement in a war forced Finland to heed German demands scrupulously. A purely political analysis is insufficient and economic relations are essential for a comprehensive and proper history of the big powers policy towards Finland in the time between the wars. On the purely political plane German influence grew relentlessly although orientation towards Germany was not desired by the Finnish government. The stronger Germany grew the more its demands for absolute political neutrality had to be heeded. On the other hand, a look at Finnish-British economic relations reveals a squarely pro-British orientation. Germany by contrast was denied access to the Finnish polar sea port of Petsamo. For the UK with its vast trade deficit increased exports to Finland were of paramount importance. Especially the reshaped Finnish government with Erkko as foreign minister directed public expenditure in favour of English industry wherever possible. Even Finnish conservatives who appreciated the value of retaining close ties with Germany were not opposed to expand Finnish-British relations. A comprehensive look at economics, politics and culture makes German pressure on Finland appear like a futile effort to prevent an outdated state of international relations by intimidation and control.
Issue 48.2 of the Review for Religious, March/April 1989. ; Ministry and Ministries On Becoming An Apostolic °Hermit Mid-Life Divorce And Alienation The Readmission of Former Members Volume 48 Number 2 March/April 1989 Revn~w t:or Rt~LIGIOUS (ISSN 0034-639X) is published bi-monthly at St. Louis University by the Mis-souri Province Educational Institute of the Soi:icty of Jesus; Editorial Office; 3601 Lindcll Blvd. Rm. 428: St. Louis. MO 63108-3393. Second-class postage paid at St. Louis MO. Single copies $3.00. Subscriptions: $12.00 per year: $22.00 for two years. Other countries: for surface mail. add U,S. $5.00 per year: for airmail, add U.S. $20.00 per year. For subscription orders or change of address, write: R~v~w t:oR Rt~t.~GOUS; P.O. Box 6070; Duluth. MN 55806. POSTMASTER: Send address changes to R~:v~:w ~'o~ R~:t.t~no~s; P.O. Box 6070; Duluth, MN 55806. David L. Fleming, S.J. Iris Ann Ledden, S.S.N.D. Richard A. Hill, S.J. Jean Read Mary Ann Foppe Editor Associate Editor "~"~ Contributing Editor ~% ~,~,¢~ Assistant Editors °"'~ March/April 1989 Volume 48 Number 2 Manuscripts, books for review and correspundence with the editor should be sent to R~:\'~:w ~'o~ R~:~.t~aot~s; 3601 Lindell Blvd.; SI. [a~uis, MO 63108-3393. Cnrrespondence about the department "Canonical Counsel" should be addressed to Rich-ard A. Hill, S.J.; J.S.T.B.; 1735 LeRoy Ave.; Berkeley, CA 94709-1193. Back issues and reprints should be ordered from R~:v~:w ~'on R~:t.~aot~s; 3601 Lindell Blvd.; St. la~uis, MO 63108-3393. "Out of print" issues are available from University Microfilms International; 300 N. Zeeb Rd.; Ann Arbor, MI 48106. A major portion of each issue is also available on cassette recordings as a service for the visually impaired. Write Io the Xavier Society for the Blind; 154 East 23rd Street; New York, NY 10010. PRISMS . Computers easily make available various readouts of statistical in-formation. While I was perusing the printout listings of our January- February 1989 issue, 1 began, to realize how much I take for granted the exchange of information in our contemporary world. This international exchange of information through a journal like REVIEW FOR REL~C~OtJS pro-vides one of the most valuable prisms which exist for expanding our worldview and our unders.tanding of religious life. I want to share with you a few of the statistics about the interriational readership. First, I should call attention to the fact that REVIEW has sub-scribers in all fifty states, the District of Columbia, and the U.S. territo-ries, such as Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, Guam, American Samoa, the North Mariana Islands, and the Canal Zone. Roughly this grouping takes in about sixty per cent of our subscription list. Our readers are also from all ten provinces of Canada, including the Yukon and the North-west Territories. Subscribers are also present throughout Mexico, six countries of Central America, ten countries of South America, and throughout the West Indies. REWEff FOR REt.~C~OUS has large numbers of subscribers in the English-speaking countries of Europe, such as England, Ireland, Northern Ire-. land, Scotland, and Wales. But its readership is spread throughout Aus-tria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Italy, Malta, Netherlands, Norway, Po-land, Portugal, Switzerland, Spain, Sweden, and West Germany. The subscription lists are large for India, the Philippines, Australia, and New Zealand, with a widespread distribution throughout the coun-tries. Africa, too, is well-represented, with subscribers from some twenty-two countries, such as Republic of Ivory Coast, Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, South Africa, Liberia~ Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Uganda, Zambia, Sudan, Tanzania, Swaziland, Sierra Leone, Malawi, Cameroun, and Mauritania. REVIEW also serves readers in Indonesia, Bangladesh, Thailand, Ma-laysia, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Israel, Jordan, Korea, Japan, Taiwan, Sin-gapore, and Hong Kong. As editor, I think that I may want to take a win-ter trip to visit our subscribers from Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Gilbert Is-lands, Solomon Islands, and Western Samoa. These listings do not exhaust all the places R~:w~:w FOR reaches, but perhaps this kind of enumeration can give all of us a greater 161 Review for Religious, March-April 1989 appreciation of the catholicity of the articles we read and the religious life we try better to understand and live. Of course, this international dimension is reflected in the authors who submit manuscripts and in the content matter of the articles submit-ted. For example, in this issue, Father Donald Macdonald, writing from England, reflects upon the situation of Church members in some com-munist- dominated countries of Eastern Europe. Brother Martin O'Reilly shares with us his vocation director's experience, working in Liberia and Sierra Leone in Africa. Father Robert Maloney calls our attention to an impressive lay-movement of young people who serve the poor in Italy. Reverend Paul Casper, who first went to Burma as missionary in 1952 and later served as the first American Dean of St. John's Cathedral in Hong Kong from 1982-1986, reflects on the influence of his fellow An-glican, C.S. Lewis, upon his experience of spiritual direction. As editor, I want to continue to welcome readers and writers from all over the world. REVIEW FOR RELigiOUS will continue to be enriched by the .reflections of people who come from different community, mission, and cultural life-experiences. Through this journal, we are being given a new window--varied prisms--upon our world and upon our religious iives.~ David L. Fleming, S.J. Ministry and Ministries John R. Sheets, S.J. Father John Sheets, S.J. is well known to our readers. His last article, "Spiritual Direction in the Church," appeared in the issue of July/August, 1987. Father Sheets may be addressed at Creighton University; California at 24th Street; Omaha, Ne-braska 68178. In the remarks which follow, I try to distinguish two related but radically different forms of ministry: that which is primordial, the ministry of pres-ence, and that which is functional, activities, some of which are institu-tionalized, others not, which serve to constitute and build up the Church. The ministry of presence is overlooked today. When people speak of ministry they tend to speak only of functional ministry, various ac-tivities which in one way or another build up the Church. However, they forget that the functional ministry is always built on and presupposes a primordial, or deeper form of ministry, the ministry of presence. Though it is risky to use masculine-feminine analogies today, I think that those who can bypass the loaded nature of such language, and re-gain a certain direct vision of those realities, without the prejudices of our times, can spontaneously recognize in the ministry of presence quali-ties which are feminine, and in the mini~stry of function, masculine char-acteristics. I do not mean, of course, that functional ministries belong only to men, and not to women, or that men cannot exercise qualities of presence. The distinction is aimed at calling attention to two related but different modalities of ministry: a mode of being in and with, which is presence; and a mode of being for, which is function. We live in an age which is centrifugal. The self is caught in a kind of cyclotron that empties the inner self as it pours itself into more and more things to do. For this reason in the remarks which follow there is an attempt to recapture the primordial ministry of presence, which alone 163 164 / Review for Religious,. March-April 1989 can vitalize, energize, the ministries of function. In a sense it is an at-tempt to see how the feminine principle of presence lies beneath all other activ.ities within the Church, providing the presence of the Spirit, who alone breathes life into those activities which are ordinarily called min-istry. Without the presence of the breath of the Spirit, ministry in the sense of activity is like those dry bones Ezekiel describes (Ezk 37), strewn about in a valley, lifeless skeletons that have a faint resemblance to a living person. Hans Urs von Balthasar in Elucidations (London: S.P.C.K., 1975, p. 70) describes what I have just spoken of as a kind of "masculiniza-tion" of the Church. "The Church since the Council has to a large ex-tent put off its mystical characteristics. It has become a Church of per-manent conversations, organizations, advisory commissions, congresses, synods, commissions, academies, parties, pressure groups, functions, structures and restructurings, sociological experiments, statistics; that is to say, more than ever a male Church . " General Reflections on the Meaning of Ministry Before going into some specifics in regard to ministry, I would like to give a working description of ministry that will include everything pre-sented in this article about various ways of speaking of ministry. Most of the time discussions on ministry begin with a description of various activities in the Church that are exercised for the good of others, either as individuals or as :a community. This approach is a valid one. But it also tends to play into models which belong to other forms of hu-man activity for the good of any society, not specifically the society we call the Church. Hence, it is possible that, without realizing it, what is secretly at work in discussion of ministry are models coming from hu-man social structures, such as civil society, instead of those that respect the uniqueness of the ministries that belong to the Church. One has to see Christian. ministry in terms of the complete newness of the forms of activity that the Christian calls ministry. The Church, on the other hand, does not exist only as a heavenly city coming downfrom above. It exists in the world in interaction with other societies. It also has similarities with other societies, especially the state, But the danger is to lose sight of the uniqueness of Christian ministry, and to reduce it to secular models. I want to speak of Christian ministry, then, by beginning from a slightly different perspective than is customary. Ordinarily discussion of ministry begins by talking about different activities in the Church as they are exercised by different members. But it might be more helpful to ap- Ministry and Ministries / 165 proach ministry in a reverse direction. Ministries come from awareness of needs that have to be taken care of within the Church. Ministries are always a response to specific kinds of needs. Ministries in the Church then are those activities which are generated within the Church in re-sponse to the needs of the community. In somewhat the same way, all "secular ministries," such as schools, hospitals, civil authority have to be understood primarily as response to needs within the community. There are no ministries that are simply there, self-evident, self-explanatory. Ministries.exist only because they are called forth as a re-sponse to certain needs. They are essentially relative then to the need that calls them forth. They come, go, remain as the needs either remain or come and go. Their importance ranges from fulfilling needs which are essential to the existence of the Church (for example, the ministry of holy ordi~rs), to those which are i, mportant for'its well-being, but not essen-tial tbqts very existence. This,is true both forthe secular notion of ministry, as well as the ec-clesial. But the needs in each case are radically different. Hence, the re-sponse, or the ministry will be radically different. To understand minis-try, then, one has, so to speak, to work backwards, from need to re-sponse. The respbnse in turn depends upon the particular gift, whether of grace or nature, to respond to the need. St. Paul always sees the gifts of ministry in this sense, as Spirit-evoked responses to community needs. Ministry t.hen is called forth by the particular needs of the organiza-tion as social whether the social body is sec.ular or religious. Some of these needs are practically identified.with the continued existence and Well-functioning of the.body; for example, in the state, different levels of auihority are 'called forth from the need to preserve the society so that it keeps its identity and reaches its goals. The importance of the minis-try varies. Its importance is relative to the nature of the need that has to be taken care of. But our question is concernedowith the society called the Church, not secular societies. Ministry in the Church is the Spirit-created response to the unique needs of the new kind of society' that came into the world-through the institutiofi' of Christ and the outpouring of the Spirit at Pen-tecost. The basic needs.to be responded to are those to which Jesus him-self responded. The Church exists only to carry out what Jesus intended in his life and redemptive death. The deepest need of humankind, then, is the.need for redemption. This is the need that Jesus came to fulfill. He had no other purpose. All ministries in the Church are relative to the one basic need, the need for redemption. "166 / Review for Religious, March-April 1989 The primary ministry in the Church, then, is that which he commu-nicated to his,,apostles. He breathed into them his own mission or his own ministry. " 'As the Father sent me, so I send you.' He then breathed on them saying, 'Receive the.Holy Spirit. If you forgive anyone's sins, they stand forgiven; if you pronounce them unforgiven, unforgiven th.ey remain' " (Jn 20:21-23). He creates a correlation between his ministry which comes from the Father, and the mission of the apostles, which comes from Jesus. They are to minister to the fundamental need of hu-mankind, reconciliation with God and with one. another. Thus th+ fundamental ministry of the Church which is poured into the Church is to respond to a need at the heart of the whole of humanity and even of the universe itself. If this ministry fails, then the mission of Ctiiist is aborted. The raw fundamental need of humankind remains un-touched. "We are still in our.sins" (see 1 Co 15:17). Within that fun-damental ministry, which makes die mission of Christ present, ,there are other subordinate ministries, each of them in one way or another a par-ticipation in the fundamental response to the need for redemption. All forms of ministry in the Church, therefore, are responses to the radical need of humankind, the need f+r redemption. They are not self-actuated responses like those belonging to other socie.ties. They are di-rectly evoked and sustained by the Spirit ~vhose intention is to carry out in the Church what he initiated in the life and death of Christ. St. Paul uses a striking metaphor to bring out ministry as response to need. He calls himself a debtor to everyone. What he owes them is the Gospel. This is the Spirit-evoked gift to answer the radical need in the human heart. M6re than health, money, food, or anything else, the radical need is for Christ. "I am in debt to Greek and to non-Greek, to learned and Simple" (Rm i : 14). The Need for the Presence of Christ: Ministry as a Mode of Being Present As I mentioned in the beginning, it i~ important at the outset to dis-tinguish, ministry according to two different modalities: (a) ministry as presence,, which is a mode of being-with, what I called above, the pri-mordial form of ministry, and (b) ministry as partiizular activities which are ways of doing that flow from being-for others. The latter has to do with activities which flow from and presuppose ministry in the first sense. Most often when people talk about ministry they refer only to doing something. They forget that ministry as we find it in the Church is situ-ated within what is deeper, the mystery of an existence that has been trans- Ministry and Ministries / 167 formed through grace. This transformed existence brings a new mode of presence into the world. I spoke above of ministry as the Spirit-created response to need. The great absence, and therefore, the deepest need, is that of the absence of God in the hearts of individuals and society. The first mode of "minis-try" then is not some particular kind of activity. Rather it is a mode of presence that penetrates a person's whole being. It is a kind of "glory," or radiance that end/elopes a person's whole life. It cannot be located within any one particular kind of activity. "We all reflect as in a mirror the glory of the Lord" (1 Co 3:18). Like a mirror, Christian existence reflects tothe world the presence of Christ. This is the primary mode of ministry. This "presence" or glory comes from the fact that, as Paul says, we are a "new creation." "When anyone is united to Christ, there is a new creation; the old order has gone, and a new order has already be-gun" (2 Co 5:17). He tells the Christians that in the midst of an evil world they are to "shine like stars in a dark world, and proffer the word of life" (Ph 2:13). All of Paul's exhortations about what to do as Chris-tians flow as corollaries from the mystery of their transformed existence as a new creation. The images that Jesus uses to describe the primary ministry of the Christian do not concern specific activities. He calls the Christian salt, light, leaven for the world. The Christian's pri(nary ministry to the world, then, is not some particular activity, but a kind of epiphany of the presence of the New Creation. The most fundamental ministry then is to live the Christian life in its fullness. It is a doing that is identified with their very being. How they live flows from who they are. Very sim-ply it is the call to be holy. It helps us understand this primary form of ministry if we reflect on the fact that all Christian ministry receives its meaning insofar as it takes on the.pattern of Christ's ministry. In Christ, we see the perfect expres-sion of "ministry." All that he does flows from who he is. The myste-rious interaction of Jesus with everyone came.from an awareness of a pres-ence in him Which eluded all categories and particular activities. Similarly his primary activity in the Church is not through specific ministries, for example, orders,.charisms, and so forth. It is the fullness of his presence filling the whole Church. "He put everything in subjec-tion beneath his feet, and appointed him as supreme head to the Church, which is his body and as such holds within it the fullness of him who himself receives the entire fullness of God" (Ep 1:22-23). "Be assured. Review for Religious, March-April 1989 I amowith you always, to the end of time" (Mt 28:20). At center of all particular ministries in the Church, then, is the mystery ~f presence. Christ's own ministry is the Si~irit-evoked response to the most radi-cal needs of humankind redemption, salvation, atonement. "I have a ba, ptism wherewith I am to be baptized, and how I am straitened until it be accomplished" (Lk, 12:50). His fundamental ministry then is to re-veal the Father's love. This love is not only an affective, but also an ef-fective love. The Father shows his love through the redemptive gift of his Son. Hence, the mode of being of Christ is a redemptive mode of being. He is from the beginning the? ',Lamb of God who takes away the sins of the world." His ministry then is identified with his whole being. No matter what he says or does, it is always the expression of his gift of himself: "This is my body given for you. This is my blood poured out for you." Christ's presence then is a special mode of presence: a re-demptive presence. All particular activities flow from his pervasive pres-ence as the Suffering Servant. The Church itself has only one primary ministry. It is the sacrament of the presence of Christ. It exists only to bring to the world what Christ accomplished through his ministry, to bring.~the world in touch with the mystery of Christ. All of the various particular ministries in the Church, ways of doing, flow from the primary ministry which is a mode of being present. Similarly, the primary mimstry of the Christian is that of pres-ence where God is absent, to be light in the darkness, leaven in a dead world, salt in a world which has lost its savor. The failure to recognize the primary ministry as that of presence has led to many ambiguities, in discussion of ministry today. One gets the im-pression that greater participation in ministry is only (or mainly) being able to participate in many activities which were closed to a person up to the present. But in reality the primary ministry is to respond by pres-ence to what is absence, or anti-presence. This has always been the pri-mary ministry of the saints, canonized and uncanonized. The m.inistry of presence creates an atmosphere that is broader, deeper, more pene-trating, both stronger and more delicate, and more effective while it is more self-effacing than what is brought about by particular ministries. Yet it has to be admitted that this primary notion of ministry is often neglected~ The activistic mentality that pervades our society sees minis-try mainly as involvement in more activities, o~ in activities associated with one form of ministry, that of Orders. But the ministry of presence is not a matter of this ministry or that. It takes in a whole constellation of activities that identify the New Creation. Th.ey are not so much spe- Ministry and Ministries cific activities as Christian modes of being. St. Paul describes this min-istry Of presence as the harvest of the Spirit: "lbve, joy, peace, patience, kindness, goodness, trustfulness, gentleness and self-control" (Ga 5:22). The ministry of presence, then, takes in all of those activities which are gr0upe~d under the names of the spiritual and corporal works of mercyL''When I was hungry., thirsty., a stranger., naked. ill . in prison" (Mt 25:31f). In particular, it takes on Christ's minis-try as the Suffering Servant. "I have set you an example: you are to do as I have done for you. In truth I tell you, a servant is not greater than his master, nor a messenger than the one who sent him" (Jn 13:!5-16). As Paul says, "Let your bearing toward one another arise out of your life in Christ" (Ph 2:5). All of these activities belong to the Christian qua Christian, not to the Christian as having a particular form of ministry. They are insepara-ble from the Christian identity itself. These activities form the primary ministry of,the Christian. I have spoken, then, of ministry as the Spirit-evoked response to needs. The primary ministry is the response to the need for the presence of Christ through the Christian in the world which still needs to be touched by the redemption. This is the ministry that flows from the pres-ence of the New Creation. Presence in torn is not one or other specific activity. It is a kind of epiphany that shows itself in the constellation of activities that irradiates from the New Creation. Ministry on this foundational level is related to specific forms of min-istry as the atmosphere is to thir~gs that breathe. The specific forms of ministry are lifeless unless they live out of this atmosphere that identi-fies the Neff Creation. Yet it has to be. admitted that popular ways of speal(ing of particular ministries in the Church isolate them from their roots in the primary form of ministry, which is a mode of being present as the New Creature to the Church and to the world. It is on the level of the ministry of presence that really important but unheralded ministry takes place in the Church. It is that which belongs to states of life, such as, for example, marriage. The "ministry" of ¯ mother or father is not this or that particular activity. It is a mode of lov-ing presence that creates a kind of a cosmos of relationships which we call the family. Others, for example, a baby sitter, can carry out particu-lar activities that a mother or father also do. But it is only when such particular activities are rfianifestation of the mystery of presence, the mys-tery of motherhood and fatherhood, that such activities create the mys-tery that we call the family. 170 / Review for Religious, March-April 1989 The Catholic lay person, like every other Christian, exercises the min-istry of presence. This presence obviously comes to the fore in ways of acting that are spe~:ifically Christian. But those particular activities have their power because they are witness to a presence that makes Christ pre-sent in the whole of one"s life. The p~resence is that of the New Crea-tion, in a quiet hut powerful way emitting signals that show the 'presence of Christ in the secular world. They are like beacohs of light sending rays out into the night, both illumining the darkness an~! attracting people to the light of Christ. Particular Ministries in the Church Finally, after this long buildup, we come to the place where most people usually begin discussions about ministry. They mean particular activities in the Church directed to building up the Church that have ec-clesial recognition. "Above we spoke mainly of ministry as the manifold group of activi-ties that flow from the new mod~ of being which St. Paul calls the New Creation. They are not activities in the same sense as the particularized m~nistries. In the particularized ministries one does something to accom-plish something else. But in the foundational ministry one is not "'do-ing" one thing to accomplish something else. Rather it is a ministry of transforming presence. "To crown all, there must be love to bind all to-gether and complete the whole" (Col 3: 14). "'I may dole out all I pos-sess, or even give my body to be burnt, but if I have no love, I am none the better" (1 Co 13:3). Ministry as a particular activity ~n the.Church presupposes and lives off the foundational ministry which is presence, the presence of the Holy Spirit in individuals making them the New Creation: The Holy Spirit, then, draws individuals into the love of Christ by givingthem gifts to respond to particular needs in the Church. St. Paul's description of.min-istry always presupposes the presence of the Holy Spirit in the individ-ual not simply as an individual but as a member of the Church. Gifts are given to individuals to enable them to fulfill a need within the Church. Presupposing, then, the fundamental ministry of presence, St. Paul speaks of various ministries which the Holy Spirit calls forth to respond to various needs. While each is izalled to the primary ministry of radiat-ing the presence of Christ to the whole (the fundamenthl ministry), there are particular functional-roles within the community called forth to re-spond to a whole range of different needs, some more essential than oth-ers. Paul describes some of these. "And these were his gif!s: some to be apostles, some prophets, some evangelists, some pastors and teach- Ministry and Ministries / .17"1 ers, to the building up of the Body of Christ" (Ep 4:1 !-13). "Now you are Christ's body; but each of you is a different part of it. In the Church, God has given the first place to apostles, the second to prophets, the third to teachers. " (1 Co 12:18f). However, the primary ministry, the ministry of presence, with love as its animating principle, should animate all the particular ministries. "Be ambitious for the higher gifts. And I am going to show you a way that is better than any of them" (1 Co 12:31-13:1). Then he goes on to describe the ministry of all ministries, the mystery of love as the primary "ministry" to which we should aim. Ministries on this level have to do with the whole social unit, the whole Church. They reorientate a person's whole existence to take on a specific kind of relativity,from Chr.ist,for the Church. This reorienta-tion is such that it modifies in a new way the person's Christian iden-tity. There are three modes in which the presence of the New Creation is radicalized in an individual: the sacraments of baptism, confirmation, and holy orders. Theologically the term "character" describes what St. Paul calls the metamorphosis, the change in the inner structure of a per-son's life (2 Co 3:18). This is the radical reorientation of a person's whole being, first of all, through baptism to become the New Creation, to respond to one's own radical need--the need-for redemption; then, through confirmation which takes presence to a new dimension, orien-tating the baptized person to the needs of the whole Church; then, through holy orders which radicalizes in a person Christ's own gift-presence, making a person "steward of the mysteries of God" (I Co 4:1), a person whose presence is to draw forth the New Creation. The traditional theological term, "character," then, describes three modes of the presence of Christ in the New Creation. Flowing from these modes of presence are different kinds of activity. I have commented briefly above on the mode of presence that comes through baptism and confirmation. These are modes of presence and ac-tivity which belong to all Christians by virtue of their baptism and con-firmation. It is what is specifically called the mini~stry of the laity. Within that mode of presence there are many kinds of activities, as, for exam-ple, that which belongs to those who are married, or to those engaged in secular occupations in the world. I shall comment briefly on the kind of presen.ce that belongs to the priest. It has two sides. The priest mediates to the Church and the world the presence of Christ. On the other side, the priest draws the whole of Review for Religious, March-April 1989 the Church into the presence of Christ. Like John the Baptist the priest is to introduce the Bride to the Bridegroom, and the Bridegroom to the Bride. Priestly ministry has a.single purpose: to bring about the New Crea-tion- to nourish, sustain, and guide the New Creation by word and sac-rament. All of priestly activity then is some form of transubstantiation, that is, to change the old reality into the new. The priest's whole being is to transform the world by touching it with the redemptive event of Christ. The priest lives from Christ, for the Churchl' But at the heart of all ministries in the Church is the radicalization that takes place through baptism which brings into being the New Crea-tion. Confirmation and orders have their roots in the new mode of pres-ence of Christ in the individual and the Church through baptism. Con-firmation draws out another aspect of the giftedness of the New Crea-tion, that is, the apostolic dimension to "let your light shine before oth-ers . " Orders is a gift of the Spirit presupposing baptism which em-powers individuals to draw forth from the "old creation" the New Crea-tion, through word and sacrament, and to direct the community in the ways to live out the implications of the New Creation. Problems Associated With Ministry St. Paul describes ministries as the work of the Holy Spirit in call-ing responses from within the New Creation to particular needs within the Church. The images he uses always suggest harmonics or coordina-tion. In a sense, the Holy Spirit is like a conductor calling .forth from each individual player in the symphony that which leads to the harmon-ics of the whole piece of music. One of St. Paul's favorite images to bring out the .sense of harmonics of ministries is that of the body, where the whole exists for each part, and each part exists for every other part, as well as for the whole. "There is a variety of gifts but always the same Spirit; there are all sorts of service to be done, but always to the same Lord, working in all sorts of different people; it is the same God who is working in all of them" (1 Co 12:if). The words "same Spirit," or the "one Spirit" oc-cur about ten times in the passage to show that ministry is a Spirit-evoked response to different needs. The same emphasis is found in Ephe-sians 4: If. "Do all you can to preserve the unity of the Spirit. , there is one Body, one Spirit . . . one Lord, one faith~ one baptism, one God." It is interesting that Paul's extensive description of the interplay of the gifts of the Holy Spirit for the good of the whole Church is found mainly in a community where there was the greatest.disharmony, the Ministry and Ministries / "17'3 Church at Corinth. He is therefore calling attention to a special kind of sin, the obstruction of the power of the Holy Spirit in the very persons who are called to build up the body of Christ. But the situation at Corinth does point to what have always been three problems with ministry in the Church: (1) the failure to see minis-try as the Spirit-evoked response to different needs within the Church; (2) the failure to see that each ministry has its meaning not in itself, but only insofar as the foundational ministry of presence animates it; (3) the adaptation of the uniqueness of Christian ministry to secular models. I shall comment on these briefly. (1) The problems in the Corinthian community that turned the sym-phonic movements of the Holy Spirit into groups of warring factions have always been part of the sinfulness of the Church. Basically it is the problem of what in Jungian psychology is called the "persona," the pub-lic image a person seeks before the eyes of others. The symphonic na-ture of ministry becomes discordant when one's attention turns from the ministry in itself to an awareness of the public image associated with dif-ferent ministries. The attention then is not on what the Holy Spirit is do-ing through one's ministry, but on the way ttiat one's own glory appears before others. Some even felt they got a better public image by the fact that they were baptized by a person associated with such an image-creating personality, for example, the eloquent and gifted evangelist, Apollos, in contrast to someone like Paul who apparently did not pro-ject such an image. (2) The second problem which has plagued the Church in her past history, as well as at the present, is tile dissociation of the ministry of doing from the primary ministry of being or of presence. For this reason Paul insists that though the Corinthian Community exercise all of the other ministries, even to the point of giving all they have to the poor, or giving their bodies to be. burnt, yet if they are isolated from th~ min-istry of presence, of being, that is love, (hen all activities are like activi-ties of a corpse. There might be much activity, very busy people, but it does not carry the life-giving power of the Spirit. It is dead. The lack of holiness in those who are supposedly the New Creation has been the biggest obstacle to the work of the Spi.rit during the whole of the history of the Church. (3) The third problem, related to the first two, comes from a failure to recognize the uniqueness of ministry in the Church. Ministry in the Church is a reversal of all notions of service that we find in societies that owe their existence to some natural cause, for example, the state or the 174 / Review for Religious, March-April 1989 family. In these societies, a person enters at a certain level, then makes every effort to move to the top, with increase of salary, prestige, power, and the expansion of the "public image" as one works to the top. In the process, whoever is above is a threat because the one above stands in the way. Those who are below are looked on as inferior. Judgments about the importance of different "ministries" are always made accord-ing to the ladder\of the upward-bound movement and then more specifi-cally to what rung of the ladder one is on. This problem has always been with the Church. It was practically im-possible for the apostles to put this new wine into old wineskins. They argued who was the most important. Then Jesus taught them, "If any-one wants to be first, he must make himself last of all and the servant of all" (Mk 9:35). The sons of Zebedee asked Jesus, " 'Grant us the right to sit in state with you, one at your right and the other at your left.' Jesus said to them, 'You do not understand what you are ask!ng. Can you drink the cup that I drink, or be baptized with the baptism I am to be baptized with?' " Jesus tells them that if he as master and Lord has washed their feet, then they should wash one another's feet. This is a symbolic way of describing Christian ministry. Paul says, "Rivalry and personal vanity should have no place among you, but you should hum-bly reckon others better than yourselves" (Ph 2:3). I am sure there are many other problems that have to do with minis-try today. Some are organizational problems, others from many of the feminist questions. The ones I mentioned above are attitudinal. They have always been with us, and are with us today. They can be at work also in other problems such as organizational or the feminist issues. I can-not imagine people agitating for a job which, for example, would mean that they would take a salary cut, pay more taxes, have longer hou.rs, and work anonymously. The Christian notion of ministry~ is even more out-landish than that. Ministry and Religious Life In his Apostolic Exhortation on the religious life, The Gift of Redemp-tion (March 25, 1984), Pope John Paul II presents what is probably the most profound theology of religious life that has ever been thought out. He roots religious consecration in the New Creation that comes into be-ing through baptism. Religio6s life then has its primary ministry in what we spoke of above as the ministry of presence. It is foundational to all other particular forms of ministry. But the presence that forms the fundamental ministry of religious life takes on a particular paschal duality. It is to image forth the life of Jesus Ministry and Ministries as the Suffering Servant. It exists to show forth the duality that belongs to Christ's own paschal mystery. The paschal duality means that one and the same reality has two related aspects: the cross (sacrifice) and the res-urrection (the New Creation). The vowed life of the religious, then, is to bring into the world a particular modality of paschal presence. That is the fundamental ministry: the ministry of the paschal presence. But there are particular ministries which religious congregations ex-ercise for the good of the Church and society. When we look at the his-tory of the Church in our own country, these ministries are numerous. Some of the majors ones are education, hospitals, orphanages, care for the elderly, but there are many others, including the contemplative life of intercession for the Church. Other forms of particular ministries have emerged over the last twenty-five years. But it is the foundational ministry above all which must activate all particular ministries. To quote Pope John Paul: "It is precisely this wit-ness of love that the world today and all humanity need. They need this witness to the Redemption as this is imprinted upon the profession of the evangelical counsels" (no. 14). "From this witness of spousal love for Christ, through which the entire salvific truth of the Gospel becomes par-ticularly visible, there comes., as something proper to your vocation, a sharing in the Church's apostolate, in her universal mission . . ." (no. 15). He goes on to speak of the particular apostolates. Then, "And thus, even though the many different apostolic works that you perform are ex-tremely important, nevertheless the truly fundamental work of the apos-tolate remains always what (and at the same time who) you are in the Church. Of each one of you can be repeated, with special appropriate-ness, these words of Saint Paul: 'For you have died and your life is hid with Christ in God' " (no. 15). Conclusion Questions about ministry are very much with us today. Many of these questions were brought up in the recent synod on the laity. But the end results did not bring much clarification. Perhaps the most positive result was to bring an awareness of the need for a theology of ministry that relates ecclesiology, pneumatology, grace, sacraments, and voca-tion. I am sure that the synod wa~ an important step along the way to clarification. As the history of the theology and development of doctrine show, clarification of issues that touch the life of the Church very pro-foundly is a long process. .What I have tried to do above could be summed up as follows: (I) since ministry belongs to a unique reality, namely, the Church, which "176 / Review for Religious, March-April 1989 is, so to speak, held together 'from above,' through the Holy Spirit, min-istry in the Church is unique, and cannot be reduced to service as~we find it in any human society; (2) ministry is not self-initiated but originated by the Holy Spirit in order to respond to needs, some of which are con-stitutive of the Church, for example, sacrament of orders, and others which depend on historical, sociological factors; (3) the primordial min-istry is that of presence, which cannot be limited to presence of the Spirit "because God's love has flooded our inmost heart through the Holy Spirit he has given us" (Rm 5:5); (4) particular ministries address par-ticul~ ir needs within the Church or the w.ay the Church interfaces with the world; (5) three main problems were singled out: (a) the use of min-istry to glorify oneself; (b) the shift from primacy of presence ("the more excellent way" which Paul describes as love) to a primacy of par-ticular ministries; (c) the subtle adaptation of the gospel paradoxes about ministry ("Then if I, your Lord and Master, have washed your feet, you ought also to wash one another's feet" (Jn 13:14) to promotional mod-els taken from secular societies; (6) finally, I spoke of the particular min-istry of religious, whether active or contemplative: it is the ministry of a special mode of presence, a kenotic presence, which translates the words of Jesus, "this is my body given up for you . . . blood poured out for you" into the three evangelical counsels of chastity, poverty, obe-dience, creating a paschal presence which animates all particular minis-tries. Come and See: An Experiment in Vocation Discernment in Africa Martin O'Reilly, C.F.C. Brother Martin O'Reilly, C.F.C., does vocation counseling work in Liberia and Si-erra Leone. His address is Christian Brothers; P.O. Box,297; Monrovia, Liberia. ~lln unkind joke, certainly thought up with post-Vatican II religious life in mind, asks: how do you join a small religious congregation? Answer: join a big one and wait. It is, however, a joke that would not be under-stood in many parts of the Church, particularly in Africa. Let me explain. Between 1975 and 1985 the number of local priests rose in West Africa by a staggering 630%; local sisters increased by 280% and'brothers by 340% (Statistics compiled from L'Englise Catholique en Afrique, edited by Pere Perraud, Pontifical Missionary Union, France, 1987). T.he prob-lem for many seminaries and religious communities in the younger. churches is not so much trying to attract candidates, but to find ways in which to sort out the wheat from the chaff. This article will focus on the ways in which vocation counselors can effectively carry out their ministry in situations where the large numbers applying for entrance to religious communities, the newness of the ,~o-cation to many people, and the particular backgrounds of the applicants make it difficult to accurately assess the. seriousness of an application. If the postulancy is to really be a preparatory period for entry into the. novitiate, and not simply a sorting out of suitable candidates from the unsuitable, then there is need for some kind of system of deselection prior to that. A method for doing so is what is proposed here. It is the result of my own involvement over these past five years in vocation coun-seling in Liberia and Sierra Leone. 177 "17~1 / Review for Religious, March-April 1989 The Game Plan ~ Perhaps the best way to begin is by saying how I don't carry out my ministry: I don't advertise; I don't give talks in schools or churches; I don't have a telephone; I don't have my own means of transport; and I am not fulltime on the job. I prefer, rather, to spend a couple of weeks, five or six times a year on the road, covering some 3,000 miles or so, visiting those who have contacted me. I stay with them in their town or village, and meet their family and friends. Just as an ordinary friendship grows, so does mine with .those who have expressed interest in the life of a Brother. Through the people who have invited me to visit their homes, I have met others who want to know more about the religious vocation. Many people have joined our community through a friend or relative introducing them to me. Since b~ginning in my ministry in 1982 I have developed a network of contacts that r.uns into the hundreds. When my relationship with an applicant has developed past a cer-tain point, I then invite him to "come and see" where 1 live. I invite him to spend ten weeks with myself and the community. Apart from help-ing with his transport costs, he has to arrange his own travel documents and come under his own steam--just as any person would have to do, were he or she to travel and visit a friend in a far-off place. The idea behind the ten-week vocation discernment program is for candidates and the community to experience each other for a sufficient length of time, allowing both parties to get to know each other, and to see if they are compatible and willing to grow together in community, prayer, and service. :Who Is Invited? ~ There are fivemarkers I would look foi in a person suitable for ac-ceptance into the pre-postula.ncy program (I am presuming that an appli-cant is baptized and confirmed as a Catholic, has reasonable references and is in good health): (I) An applicant must have shown evidence of being able to commit him-self to a group within the Church (for example, The Legion of Mary, St. Vincent de Paul, Y.C.S., or a prayer group) for a substantial period of time. Simply "attending Mass'? regularly is not enough evidence of a commitment to the Church within the African context. (2) An applicant must have "nets to leave behind." The economic con-dition of many of the countries in West Africa is such that the vocation . of a priest or a religious can be a very attractive proposition. It offers a person security and status, to say nothing of sanctity! Those straight Come and See / "179 from school are not usually in a position to have ~proved their compe-tence in the art of living and providing for themselves. With few excep-tions school-leavers have the added problem of not seeing entrance to a religious community as anything more than pursuing "further stud-ies." Those who apply, and have no job, I advise to look elsewhere. (3) The family of an applicant must be able to understand what decision a young person is making in asking to join a religious community. There has to be some significant member of the family, not necessarily a par-ent, who supports his intention. The applicant, for his part, must explain to the family that all he is trying to do is to "find God's will." If he finds out that it is not God's intention forhim to be a religious, then he should tell them that he will return home a wiser person; but if it is, then he must explain thathe will be returning to join the community as a pos-tulant with, hopefully, the understanding and support of his family. (4) An applicant has to be able to see that there are difficulties for him in asking to join a religious community. His ability to talk of his'fears about the demands of a celibate life are as good an indicator as any of the degree of his seriousness. If he cannot see this as a tremendous chal-lenge, then I tell him that he probably has not thought enough about the vocation. (5) With regard to the intellectual ability of an applicant, it is essential that he be capable of tertiary education. A person's particular paper quali-fications do not always reflect his academic ability, so it is not appro-priate to apply the same rules for entry to everyone. A candidate should certainly have finished his secondary school education and not beqook-ing to resit exams at a later date. If I am unsure as to the suitability of a person applying for the pro-gram, I will give him the benefit of the doubt; but when it comes to en-try into the° six months postulancy, and I am s.t!ll unsure of his suitabil-ity, I give the benefit of the doubt to the community and ask him to look elsewhere for his vocation. The Rationale Behind The Program The pre-postulancy program, as outlined here, is conceived of as an extension of the vocation counselor work, .rather than the beginning of religious formation. Those selected for the prograrfi--never more than twelve--are fully aware of the temporary nature of the experience, and understand that at the end of the program they may, or may not, be in-vited to apply for admission to the postulancy program. For most of those entering the program, this will be their first expe-rience of living in a multi-cultural environment. Great care, therefore, 180 / Review for Religious, March-April 1989 is taken to make our candidates feel at home--if not, then they will prob-ably wish they were at home.! We have found that candidates, at this stage of the life in a religious community, prefer to share rooms and need ample opportunity for settling in ,and' being themselves. It goes without saying that the personnel involved in directing the program are comfort-able living with young people and are prepared to trust them. I have found that for a pre-postulancy program to work well, there must be a group of candidates with a specified program to follow. Sim-ply inviting young Africans to come and live with a religious commu-nity and to occupy themselves with some form of pastoral work is not a sufficient basis for helping them understand the meaning of religious life. Candidates need clear guidelines so as to help them negotiate the difficulties in living in a structured environment with others from differ-ent backgrounds and cultures. Growth in appreciation of the meaning of religious life will take place when candidates begin to experience the com-munity as sufficiently safe and supportive so that they can be themselves. However a person presents himself prior to joining the community, he cannot maintain a pretense for long when invited to participate in a strong community experience. Candidates, also, can be so concerned with try-ing to match our real or imagined expectations of them that they find it difficult not to think of themselves as playing the lead part in a drama scripted by others. As far as is possible I make the agenda of our daily living together the responsibility of all and try to foster a sense of ac-countability among them, a sense that "we are in this together." For people to encounter themselves, others, and God in a real way there has to be a ring of authenticity about the experience. I am espe-cially interested in exploring with those invited to join the program their notions about themselves, talents as well as weaknesses; the ways in which they handle questions relating to anger and misunderstanding~ sexu-ality and intimacy, and obligations towards family members--as well as the ways in which they enjoy praying. Matters spe(ifically related to the meaning of the vocation to the religious life, I leave for later on in the p6stulancy. Hopefully, as a result of this approach candidates come to build up their identity as members of the community and as people of prayer on more than the superficial foundations of rules and ritual. Sometimes formators can be afraid to get close to c.andidates, pre-ferring to treat them in h remote fashion. This is, 1 feel, wholly unac-ceptable within a cultural climate where tactile contact and verbal com-munication are so important.~Shaking hands, giving hugs and passing the time of day together are as natural to Africa as the sunshine. Most of Come and See 181 those applying to join us have encountered a good deal of opposition from their friends and family. They need to know from the outset that they are really welcome into the community, not simply for who they might become, (that is religious brothers), but for who.they actually are. That is not to say that there is no room for tough love, but simply that the most effective direction will be given by the formator who is capa-ble of sharing his or her affection for the candidates in concrete ways. A crucial element in thesuccess of the "Come and See" program has been the close presence of professed religious, actively involved in the mission of the congregation, and a novitiate community prepared to welcome candidates, albeit for only ten weeks, into the religious fam-ily. Both professed members and novices have provided a tangible ex-pression of the ideal and the possibility of becoming a religious candi-date. The director of the program is also supported by this in the com-plex business of evaluating applicants to the postulancy. Counseling and helping people discern their vocation is very much, at this stage, a group experience. The value of regular or weekly com-munity meetings, with the opportunity of bringing into the open any is-sue of concern to individuals or the group, cannot be overestimated. If something important to one or more of the candidates is being intention-ally avoided by the community, then nothing of importance will be ta~ked about either. Our weekly sessions start with a review of the pre-vious week and points arising from the reading of the community jour-nal take up the first part of the meeting. I have known that part of the meeting to go on for two hours. The principle of dialogue in Africa seems to be "to talk until you agree"! The length of the program--ten weeks--is long enough for both the candidates and the community to come to have a fair idea of one another, and yet short enough for a person to feel as though he has not burnt his boats by leaving home to enter into a religious community. Having a ter-mination point after ten weeks, instead of say six months, lessens the .chances of early drop-outs and an accompanying lowering of morale 'within the group. It also makes candidates feel free to reevaluate their own decision in the light of their experience of religious life and leave without recriminations, should they feel that such a life is not for them. Conclusion In the five years that the Brothers' Formation Center has been in op-eration in Gbarnga, Liberia, forty-two candidates have completed the "Come and See" program. To date, we have eight postulants, four nov-ices and ten junior professed. Most of those who have left us did so at 1~19 / Review for Religious, March-April 1989 the end of the pre-postulancy program, and left in good spirits. Those who entered the postulancy, and have stayed with the community, say thai the important thing about the pre-postulancy program was that it was religious life "small, small" and hence made them able to realize the importance of being themselves within a culture (religious life) vastly dif-ferent from the 6he they were used to. They were more able to relax and relate to the idea of becoming religious once they knew that they were accepted for who they were; and not who they might become. If those who enter the postulancy do so with some semblance of realism in terms of themselves, and the firm knowledge that "it. is indeed good when brothers dwell as one," then there is a reasonable chance that they can give themselves fully to the significant step of embarking upon the path of becoming members of the Congregation, and I as vocation counselor will have don~ my job. Assessing The "Moral Integrity" Of Candidates For Religious Life Charles Shelton, S.J. Father Charles Shelton, S.J., has a doctorate in clinica! psychology and is currently an Assistant Professor of psychology at Regis College in Denver, Colorado. A more detailed understanding of this theory of conscience is presented in his most recent book, Morality and the Adolescent: A Pastoral Psychology Approach. New York: Crossroad, 1989. His address is Regis College; 3539 West 50th Avenue; Denver, Colorado 8022 I. Over the past twenty years, it is safe to state that the application process for entering reli~ious life has radically changed. Gone are the days when a simple behavioral observation of the candidate's religious practice or the encouraging word of a religious who knows the candidate suffices for entrance. Instead, the application process for most orders and insti-tutes focuses on a thor~ough social history, detailed interviews, psycho-logical evaluations, and an overview of the candidate's sp!ritual life. Sur-prisingly, little has been written regarding one crucial aspect of the ap-plication process--that of the candidate's moral integrity. This article ad-dresses this issue by offering a theoretical yet practical view of the can-didate's capacity for moral growth. The linchpin which holds together the candidate's vocational aspirations with his or her moral integrity is "conscience." Accordingly, we will provide a model of conscience and suggest a practic,al approach which will be of use to vocation directors and interviewers of candidates. The thesis of this article is that the "moral integrity" of a candidate is a crucial area of assessment and that a perspective which utilizes an integrative understanding of conscience offers the best way for providing a thorough examination of the candi-date's capacity for living the moral life. 183 11~4 / Review for Religious,~ March-~April 1989 ,The Moral Life of the Candidate Perhaps one reason that little has been written about the candidate's moral life is that one simply "assumes" that anyone wishing to enter priestly ministry or a religious congregation possesses an upright moral character. Although understandable, such a position remains question-able. Any vocation director can readily provide stories about candidates who express interest .in religious life, many of whom are ill-suited for psychological reasons, as well as at times "moral" reasons, for proceed-ing with the application process. The question of the candidate's moral integrity, however, has taken on new significance over the past two decades. Several reasons can be offered why serious examination needs to be given in this area. First, many candidates seeking to enter religious life today are ~lder. This be-ing the case, the backgrounds and experience of the candidates provide an often admirable, yet at times puzzling, array of experiences. Many involved in the candidate selection process at times wonder what has re-ally gone on in the life history of the candidate. Secondly~ the psycho-logical nature of candidates often admits to a complex personality struc-ture which is threaded with a variety of motives and psychological ex-periences, not all of which are compatible with the demands of the re-ligious community.For example, I was once presented with a situation about a candidat~ to a diocesan seminary. The candid.at~e had. admitted to several questionable behaviors but now contended that a conversion experienc6 had resolved these issues. Since I did not know the candidate, I refused to offer an opinion regarding his suitability. I did suggest, though, that given the behaviors in question careful scrutiny must be given this person's motives. The capacity for rationalization is virtually limitless. Thirdly, the complexity of today's ministerial roles and struc-tures necessitates a well-developed and well-defined moral conscience Which allows flexibility, sustains insight, and fosters behaviOr~ which are~ healthy and which nurture moral integrity. The recent scandals surround~ ing sexual acting out among priests and religious necessitate a.well-integrated conscience which assists a person in reflecting 6n his or her own vocational commitment. All in all, conscience remains the single most vital human mechanism for assisting an individual's living of dis-cipleship. As a consequence, it becomes important to offer a view'of con- ~Cience that is'integrative and best captures the human desire to live the life of Christian discipleship. As a clinical psyChologiSt my own view is that for conscience to make sense it must be intimately rooted within the very human experience of life; indeed, conscience must arise from The "Moral Integrity" of Candidates / 185. the very depths of human experience as it responds to the self-commu-nicating presence of God's offer of grace. This perspective allows the very moral integrity of the person to be encapsulate~l within the reality of h.~uman life and surface in the very depths of human personhood. Ac-cordingly, I think that conscience is best explained as the decision for other-centered value in the concrete decision of everyday life. That is, conscience serves as the capacity to appropriate more and more the Chris-tian dynamic of love in the existential reality ot~ one's life. It is the one force .within life that serves to break through deceit and self-deception and challenges one to strive for a more authentic living of discipleship. In order to see this clearly, I would like to offer a model of con-science that incorporates seven dimensions. My thesis is that only an ex-amination of these seven features will allow a more complete and thor-ough understanding of a'person's capacity for moral int'egrity. As a way to assist the application process of candidates, I will offer specific com-ments and questions that are applicable for a candidate seeking to enter religious life. Through an eva, luation of these seven dimensions, a more adequate sense of the candidate's moral integrity can be ascertained.~ Evaluating for Moral Integrity Within a model of conscience, the following seven dimensions should be considered. Adaptive Psychic Energy. We are what we focus on and experience. Stated another way, what we give attention to offers insight into the type of person that we are. Psychic energy is required for all human endeav-ors. Indeed, perceptions, thoughts, emotions, attachments, and behav-iors ~all rely upon an adequate investment of psychic energy. At the same time, psychic energy is itself limited. One has only so much energy to invest. Thus, to tend to certain tasks and goals precludes, by necessity, investment in other ventures. Developmentally, psychic energy is best utilized in the successful resolution of developmental tasks. Applicants seeking to enter religious life require careful scrutiny of both their level of identity formation as well as their capacity for intimacy. Most likely, individuals who are without a sense of healthy identity or a balanced and mature sense of the demands, ambiguities, and feelings associated with intimacy are susceptible to the pull of a pervasive dependency or the un-due influence of others (or environmental situations) which deflect needed psychic energy for spiritual growth. Moral growth is most apt to take place when one can bring to one's evolving and (increasingly. con-solidated) ethical self the accumulated wisdom derived from a felt (yet evolving) sense of "who I am" and the felt attachment (yet continual 186 / Review for Religious, March-April 1989 self-discovery) that "I am loved and I do love." Some needed questions to consider in this regard include: To what extent does this ~:andidate know who he or sh~ is? How influenced is this candidate by his or her own needs or by the influence of others? With what degi'ee of self-awareness can the candidate speak of a sense of self-definitioh? Does there exist appropriate intimacy experiences in this per-son's life (or for yoUn(er candidates, the maturing capacity for inti-macy)? Has this candidate's sense of identity and intimacy allowed for greater self-awareness that is capable of dealing with increasing ambi-guity and the com, pl~xities of adult (and religious) life? Defensive Psychic Functioning. Healthy growth is dependent upon adap-tive psychic functioning which incorporates mature defense mechanisms. Defense mechanisms are psychic operations whose function is to allay anxiety and.p~rovide a more flexible and adal~table resPonse to reality. Healthy defenses include sublimation, a flexible and resourceful sense of humor, role flexibility, s~ppression's"(the conscious contro~l of im-pulses), and altruism. Needless to say, the living in community and the demands of the chaste life require wide use of these defenses in order that the religious might integrate and deal with sexual and aggressive urges. Community life, the constant demands of the apostolic life, and the need to continually appropriate the ideals of the vowed life require an adaptable and flexible approach to others. On the other hand, there exist a' wide variety of defense mechanisms which are apt to prove un-healthy for living and which in turn stunt moral growth. These include: projection (the attributing of unacceptable feelings to others); externali-zation (the blaming of one's difficulties on others); acting out (the ac-ceding to impulses); rationalization (the making of excuses); stereotyp-ing (theorefusal to allow and accept differences); and compartmentaliza-tion (the excluding of one area of life from self-examination). A classic example of this last defense is the person who lives a credible life as a religiousin most areas of life, yet refuses to look at one area such as sex-ual acting out. As the candidate becomes less able to marshal mature defenses, the inevitable result is a limit of self-knowledge and of reflective self-awareness needed for interior examination. Naturally, this form of lim-ited psychological functioning is bound to impact on the discerning of choices or a balanced and realistic reflection on personal life issues. Some pertinent questions are: Does the candidate rationalize'? exter-nalize? project? and so forth. What does personal responsibility mean for this candidate? How comfortable is the candidate with his or. her ira- The "Moral Integrity" of Candidates pulses? How does the candidate sublimate? How does the candidate deal with ambiguity? To what extent is creativity possible for this candidate? Empathy. Conscience is not only rational reflection; it includes emotional investment and attachment. Empathy best exemplifies this emotional ex-pression since it points to the capacity to bond and show sensitivity to others. Normally, empathic expression is not an issue for religious. How-ever, there exist several areas for scrutiny. Does the candidate overem-pathize? The person who cannot maintain healthy identity boundaries is apt to lose objectivity. Further, when empathizing how does the candi-date deal and integrate his or her empathic stirrings? How self-aware is he or she of emotional distress which arises from pastoral situations which often elicit intense internal feelings? This issue is critically im-portant because burnout (an ever present problem for members of caring professions such as those in religiousolife tend to be) often results from continual exposure of the self to empathic distress (experiencing the pain and hurt of others in pastoral situations) which, over time, wears down the religious both physically and emotionally. This burnout in turn less-ens the capacity for reflection, healthy objectivity, and discerning choice. Self~esteem. Adequate self-esteem is indispensable for maturation. S;~lf-esteem refers to a felt sense of inner goodness and a sense of self-competence. There are several ways self-esteem relates to the candidate's level of moral integrity. First, without a healthy sense Of Self-esteem, a person is psychologically limited in the capacity to admit personal fault and the seeking of forgiveness. Lack of self-esteem leads invariably to over-compensating behavior and desires for control; or, conversely, there exists denial~ of responsibility or rationalizations. Without self-esteem the religious who hurts a fellow community member is disinclined to view himself or herself as bearing responsibility for the hurtful action. An equally problematic behavior that is likely to surface from lack of self-esteem is over-dependency on the behaviors and thoughts of others. In other words, the religious who lacks a felt sense of "inner goodness" is vulnerable to being overly influenced by another. Consequently, such "neediness" is likely to evoke blindness regarding personal action and the rationalization of specific behaviors. Several questions come to mind that could be integrated into an as-sessment of the candidate. First, does the candidate genuinely "like" himself or herself? Is the candidate capable of independent and mature judgment which is open to input and guidance from others? At the same time, are there indications that this candidate is overly dependent on ob- Review for Religious, March-April 1989 taining a good impression from or the approval of others? Guilt. Feelfngs of guilt exact a tremendous toll on the psyche. They can be'the source of debilitation leading to weakened self-esteem, depres-sion, a sense of personal devaluation, and compensating behaviors which often take on a compulsive quality. Still, there is a vital, indeed neces-sary role for guilt in moral development. Healthy guilt serves as a vital linchpin'in orienting one to awareness of personal transgressions and the need for forgiveness. Furthermore, such guilt' experiences induce a re-sponse that is caring and sensitive to the concerns of others. Admittedly, the experience of guilt is one of the most difficult psychological tight-ropes to walk. If experienced too intensely, its effects can be crippling. On the other hand, to deny the experience of guilt deprives the self of' a naturally occurring psychic experience whose function nourishes increas-ing sensitivity and altruistic responding. My own impression is that many religious downplay the vital role that guilt exercisesin the experience of forgiveness, I suspect this is most likely due to many religious' own back-ground and difficult time with guilt feelings. Several questions are pertinent. How. has the candidate dealt with moral transgressions in his or her own life? Can he or she discuss them? Is there a sense of openness and also a healthy distance from these past experiences? What has the candidate learned from these experiences? Is the candidate still reacting to them? How does,the candidate speak of his. current limitatiohs? How does the ~candidate believe that he or she needs further growth? Note here the view of growth from a sense of positive integration as opposed to a compulsive sense of goals to be accom-plished. Idealization. The role of idealization is vital for the development of a healthy moral sell It is within our capacity for 'idealization that the can-didate 'is able to construct a view of the order or congregation and the personal desire"to enter religious life. Idealization speaks of dreams, hopes, desires and what the ca.ndidate wishes to become. It implies a mold~ ing process of gradual evolvement which is shaped from images and hopes yet to be realized. Idealizations indicate the quality of one's emo-tional investment and the underlying values to which the moral self is committed. Several questions are pertinent.~,How realistic is the candidate's view of self? religious life? It is to be expected th~at the view of both self and the order/congregation might be somewhat distorted; and the issue b'(- comes how open 'is the candidate to having his or her idealizations rfiodi-fled? A further question refers to the capacity of the candidate to deal The "Moral Integrity" of Candidates with disillusionment. Since idealizations are so valued, the failure of them to occur or be implemented can lead to tremendous hurt and an-ger. Behaviors emanating from such perceived slights and disappoint-ments include acting out, cynicism, passive-aggressive behavior, ration-alizations. In other words, the negative affect resulting from disil-lusionment can cloud healthy moral reflection and an authentic living of the vows. Teleology. A final dimension of the well-integrated conscience is a re-flective sense of purposive meaning. A teleological perspective is sim-ply one's capacity for rational reflection which provides reasons ("that for the sake of which") why one's behavior is carried out. Candidates to religious orders and congregations, of course, are capable of reasoned and reflective behaviors. The issue here is more the "style" of one's telic inclinations rather than the content of the reasoning. In other words, most people could give reasoned responses for their behaviors. The key for mature functioning, and most certainly for moral functioning, is the motivation behind such reflection. Tendencies to be observed include the following: Does the reasoning of this candidate contain a healthy per-sonal investment? Is there an emotional investment in his reasons? Con-victions are most apt to be lived out when they contain a mature blend-ing of reasoned reflection and emotional commitment. On the other hand, does the candidate isolate affect? Does he or she appear to sepa-rate reasons from the emotions which such content would naturally elicit? For example, a candidate who would,speak of a particularly disturbing experience in a cold and very intellectualized way might well not be aware of underlying emotional dynamics. On the other hand, the candi-date whose rationales are continually interspersed with an impulsive qual-ity or tinged with emotionally laden content might be too absorbed in de-veiopm+ ntal issues or underlying dynamic processes to offer healthy dis-tance and the requisite discerning that is needed for moral decision mak-ing. Conclusion This article has underscored the significance of exploring the moral integrity of applicants in any overall assessment of candidates. It is ar-gued that moral development is not simply a process of doing right or wrong. Rather, growth in the moral life is a complex event best exem-plified as an integrative process emanating within the rooted experiences of human living. In the assessment process itself, an exploration of the candidate's past life history is imperative. Equally important, though, is assessing some quality of the candidate's capacity for moral growth. This 190 / Review for Religious, March-April 1989 article argues that optimum moral growth for the candidate is most apt to take place when the following qualities are present: appropriate work-ing through of developmental issues, a realistic and adaptive view of self and others, a caring sensitivity, the capacity for admitting wrong, a healthy sense.of self-esteem, aspiring ideals that are realistic, and reflec-tive reasoning. Though no assessment procedure can accurately predict a candidate's ability to live consistently the moral life, it is well worth the efforts of those involved in the formation process to address every candidate's capacity for moral integrity. An Easter Prayer Love's force is stron.ger than the pull of dark: It can level mountains, raise the dead To a new life, and strengthen weary feet To walk on waters, piled rough waves of night. Its breath can blow the dying coals to light A tunnel black as pitch and radiate The way round pitfalls and sucking s~nds Even to the long, long corridor's end: Chain love's force in tomb with rock-seal tight, Beat it level on Friday's cross and still After three-days He rises above The morning sun in Tabor splendor. See how He moves unhindered through barred doors, All His glory sta.mped on hand and foot and side: Balm to festered sores of Calvary, Now free from binding shroud and fastening nails. Oh, Beacon Light at the end of the sea's corridor, Ointment spice for hurt eyes and wounded hands, Oh, Summoning Bell, buoyant to all our stumbling feet, Help us, Risen Christ, to walk life's dark waters! Marcella M. Holloway, C.S.J. 6400 Minnesota Avenue St. Louis, Mo. 63111 Comprehensive Counseling David Altman, O.C.S.O. Father David is a monk of Holy Trinity Abbey; Huntsville, Utah 84317. At one time or another during our lives, individuals will come to usfor the help they think we can give. Whether or not we find ourselves ex-pert in various kinds of problem-solving, we ought to be able to help them identify problems and be able to present recommendations. Perhaps the key to success in relating to and helping others is to see personal relationships as Christian ministry. The people we meet are, of course, Christ himself, in one of his many disguises. They are also our current pastoral assignments, to be met with faith and self-sacrifical love. Upwards of 85% of helping others consists.in listening: listening at-tentively with compassion and understanding. At times we will be called upon to respond, and this must not be done tritely, but intelligently and constructively. The Approach The secret, if there is one, of a good approach to solving personal problems is to meet each person-situation comprehensively, which is to say, completely. This simply means that we have to use a method which will ensure that problems are not permitted to get by undetected. We want to throw out a net, so to say, which will catch and identify all the difficulties from which a person is suffering. A way to do this is to realize that we human beings are basically three-fold in our makeup: we are physical beings, mental-psychologi~:al be-ings, and moral-spiritual beings, Obviously, then, we can have three gen-eral kinds of problems: physical, mental-psychological, and moral-spiritual. 191 Review for Religious, March-April 1989 These categories are not mutually exclusive since they all pertain to one human person in each case. I have found them useful in my own coun-seling experience because they are complete: they are the net from which no problem need escape, provided that each category is kept in mind dur-ing communication with the person who is seeking help. Competency Few of us are competent to handle difficult cases of pathological na-ture. Of course, those with severe illnesses are to be directed to pro-fessionals with the appropriate expertise. Psychotics need psychiatrists or psychologists; seriously sick bodies require medical attention; and mor-ally ill people need men and women who can show them God's healing ways. Because we presumably are these men and women of God, we ought also to have a certain competency in identifying problems in the other two areas of each person: the physical and the psychological. The body-soul unity is the temple of God's Spirit, sharing intimately in the spiri-tual life of each of us. Therefore our desire to, help the suffering Christ in others ought to carry us beyond spiritual and moral interests alone. Though we may not have the professional training by which we can solve a probiem fully, our working knowledge of various problems en-ables us to provide reasons to a person of his (or her) need for another with more expertise. Simply remarking, "You need a doctor" can be a slap in the face for one who is in pain. We should be able to convince another of his need for help, and perhaps even supply a good name for reference. Difficulties One of the greatest difficulties in attempting to solve individual prob-lems in any of the three areas is to give a suffering person What we want instead of what he needs. When a medical doctor sees a patient, the as-sumption is that the patient has a medical problem. Tunnel vision can take over, and physical medicine is all the doctor can see, whereas the patient's main difficulty may be in a quite different area. It is not un-usual for doctors to listen to remarks such as "I'm not feeling well" and respond with great pastoral concern: "Here, let me give you something for your nerves." This is treating the, sympto.m rather than attempting to identify the underlying cause, the root problem. When a person sees a psychologist with a problem, the psychologist will usually presume that the problem lies within the bounds of psycho-logical expertise. This too may not be the case at all. Remember the story Comprehensive Counseling / 193 of the man who went to a psychologist with a physical ailment that was impinging on his nervous system. "I feel terrible," was the complaint. The doctor responded unwaveringly with talk therapy and persevered in missing the mark. There is little sense and even less success realized in forcing one kind of solution on an entirely different kind of problem. Equally futile and costly is the failure to address real problems in favor of their symptoms. Worse still is the failure of the health-care specialist torecognize a ~prob-lem, then write off the patient as a hypochondriac. This is no solution, only an excuse. When religious or priests are approached for counseling, we nor-mally presume, in our turn, that the person is simply looking for a closer relationship with God, and we proceed accordingly and unfortunately. I remember a person coming to see a religious for years, feeling terrible for a great deal of her time. The counselor came across very generously with saccharine exhortations to a deeper relationship with the Lord. The individual responded with nodding smiles as tears of pain continued to roll down her cheeks. The religious was giving what he wanted, not what the person needed. As it was, the individual had developed a severe case of hypogly-cemia, diagnosed laterby a physician. And, as counselors should know, fluctuating blood-sugar levels have very much to do with a person's emo-tional dispositions. As soon as the suffering person said, "I feel terrible," that was the tip-off for aphysicai condition. After all, we can only feel, bodily, through our nervous-system cells. When they are offended, they are go-ing to let us know about it, one way or another, In addition to hypoglycemia and diabetes, people today are subject to stress situations--and with widely varying nutritional needs. Medical science today knows that under these stress conditions the body gobbles up vitamins and minerals to an enormous degree. Since the B vitamins, vitamin C, and calcium predominantly nourish the human nervous sys-tem, a deficiency is going to show up with contributions toward various kinds of problems: mood swings, nervousness, anxiety, anger, irritabil-ity, depression, compulsive sexual problems, insomnia. Any nervous-system- related problem can be caused or made more burdensome by the severely deficient diets that are practiced today throughout our junk-food land. One person complained of not feeling quite herself: irritable, even biting toward others. I learned that she had just recovered from the flu, Review for Religious, March-April 1989 which is just one of the stress factors we experience. I suggested a vita-min- mineral supplement on an as-needed basis, and the problem was cleared up. A third physical difficulty, also masked as spiritual or psychologi-cal, is the problem of intolerances. Pioneer medical research has shown that all kinds of personal difficulties are really the human body's reac-tion to ~,arious environmental factors: food intolerances certainly, but also paints, finishing substances, and other chemicals, even artificial light-ing. PhysiCal problems are the first options to explore in c~unseling. They are the most quantifiable, and perhaps the easiest to identify, if not to solve. Relationships People have trouble with relationships, and each of us has three re-lationships in life: a relationship with God, with others, and with one-self. Problem areas are identified by determining the quality of these three relationships, and there are many tip-off statements that come your way as a~counselor. They come voluntarily to the listening ear, and they can be elicited .by asking the right questions. For example, a counselor can determine the quality of someone's re-lationship with God by asking for details about private and communal prayer-lives and: about fidelity to known moral obligations :in 'marriage and work-commitments. Listening to descriptions of interpersonal rela-tionships can reveal much. On one occasion I heard, "They're pickin' on me." This could be true, or it could be a defense. In this particular case, "they" were not the problem. I was talking to the problem. We all enjoy the forbidden luxury of finger-pointing, but we should be mos'e aware that whatever we do, whatever~we say, whatever we wil.l-fully think, we are always saying something about ourselves. We behave out of what we are. Often individuals will present their relational difficulties in terms of an impossible situation with absolutely no way out. The answer is the awareness of the great difference between a real relational situation, and the particular way it is described. Simply reframe the problematic situ- ¯ ation. Discard the impossible description, redescribing the circumstances yourself, so as to provide as many solutions as you can. This takes imagi-nation, and first attempts will result in grasping at straws. But hold on to the straws, as they lead to stronger, more promising answers. It should also be clear that principles of good counseling are appli-cable not only to others,,but also to ourselves. In this connection there Comprehensive Counseling / 195 is a check on the judgments we must make in order to help others: the golden rule, the virtue of empathy, placing oneself in the other's shoes. These principles demand questions such as: Would I follow this advice myself? How would I feel were this advice given to me? Would I bene-fit from the behavior I am planning to recommend? The measure of the quality of any relationship--with God, others, or oneself--is the answer to this question: How does the individual han-dle conflict? We are all fair-weather friends of God, of others, especially of ourselves. But the true measure of a person's strength of character and personal integration is how one stands up in adversity. Do we respond to challenges with virtue and resultant, growth, or with vice and rebel-lion in its many forms? : We cannot give what we do not have; we can only give what we have, so the personal problems we carry around are going to show up in relationships with others. Do they handle re!ational conflicts with at-tempts at reconciliation and peace, or are they inclined to antagonism, revenge, and consequent alienation? Vices In the course of counseling experience, we come across the problem of evil: evil circumstances, evil behavior. We are all sinners before God, and before each other, a fact which ought never to be discounted in problematic relationships. We meet people who sin against God, against others, against them-selves. One of the best favors we can do for them is to help them admit and own their own evil. It is a mistake to try to identify every problem medically or psychologically. Wrongdoing must be identified, owned, and corrected. We are admittedly honest and generous in assigning praise for vir-tue and for any good act; we must be just as honest in recognizing and assigning vice (evil habits)and sinful acts. How we speak about this to others is important, but the honesty must be there, because the only way to solve a problem is to' face it. The love of Christ is a challenging love, because it is only through challenges that people grow. We must often challenge others' behavior, challenge their sin, challenge our own sin. It is these challenges which are the cross-experiences of our lives and the meaning of suffering. We grow through challenges into the strength of character that we need, to live life well, and to die well. These challenges or crosses hurt, because growing pains always do hurt. But the rewards are well worth the perse-vering effort. Review for Religious, March-April 1989 After the apparently innocuous complaint "My life seems to have no direction or purpose," aofew questions were able to uncover a some-what profligate sex life, little or no prayer, and a difficult family back~ ground. Well, we are all products of our background, but we never need be slaves of our backgrounds: Psychotherapy can be of great healing bene-fit; so can a humble confession of guilt with attendant petitions for for-giveness and :mercy; so can the healing power of prayer: holding up bad memories in prayer, exposing them to divine remedies. Whatever difficulties we:have had to endure, they tend to force upon us burdens and pressures which are often channeled compulsively as they please. Kn~owing that our two main emotion-vices are anger and lust, we see that compulsions can spell big trouble. As a result~ people gravitate toward giving up dominion over their own beings:~They become slaves of various emotions and habits. Indi-viduals abdicate the kingship or queenship of their beings in favor of an-ger, lust, drive for power, vain ambitiow, money, prestige, or another person. Taking steps to become one's own man, one's own woman, elimi-nates this slavery, and the first and most important step is fidelity to God ~nd his laws governing human living. This is i'eal love, which will in-variably be returned in greater measure, because w'e love a God who will not be outdone in generosity. Conclusion This contribution has also been called comprehensive because it is only an overview. There is no substitutefor common sense in counsel: ing, and no substitute for prayer. The Jesus Prayer o~: another prayer,of aspiration before, during, .and after the counseling session deepens the session in God, exposing both parties to divine healing power and spe-cial graces. We are ourselves healed as we heal others, because with our love, our desire to give.God to others,' we find that the same generous God gives to us in response to our needs. We offer the gift of our lives to the suffering Jesus in others,', and he returns this gift with his own life and gifts: the graces we need to accomplish our healing task well, and the grace to grow through our own physical, psychological, and moral prob-lems into the personal sanctity ordained for us. The Power of Romantic Love William F. Kraft, Ph.D. William Kraft, Ph.D., is well known to our readers. Dr. Kraft is on the faculty of th~ Psychology Department of Carlow College where he may be addressed: 3333 Fifth Avenue; Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 15213. ~1 don't know what's gotten into me, but I do know that I'vemever felt like this. I never thought I could feel so alive, so open, so good. Since becoming friends with Sarah, I feel more confident; it's as though prob-lems don't bother me like they used to. I function better, I'm more open, and life just seems to finally make more sense. Especially when I'm with Sarah, I feel light, energetic,optimistic. It's as if almost anything is pos-sible. "Some sisters label our relationship as exclusive, or God forbid: par-ticular. In some ways, I guess it is. I know I can hardly wait to see her, to spend the weekend with her, to go on vacation with her. And some-times, I think I yearn too much to be with her. And yet, how could some-thing as wonderful and good be bad? True: sometimes we get a bit too physical, but never genital. We really strive to be chaste, but it's diffi-cult at times. I would like to be more physical, to give all, but I know that would be going out of bounds. "Before my friendship with Sarah, I was sort of happy. I was a good teacher and got along okay in the community. But ! always had the feel-ing that I was missing something important, that life should be more than getting by or maintaining the status quo. And I was always kind of shy or constricted. It was as if I had all these flashing red and yellow lights in my mind, and now there are more green lights." This sister has fallen romantically in love--one of our most invigo-rating and seductive modes of love. She has been lured into and is en- 197 Review for Religious, March-April 1989 joying the experience where almost anything seems possible and almost nothing seems impossible. Feeling more courage and confidence, old problems seemed to have changed and new possibilities have emerged. And her friend seems to be the center of her life, the source of her new vision and strength. Her life is so much more alive than her relatively constricted past. Understandably, she wants more of this new life. Such is romantic love. Listen to this male religious. "Something incredible happened to me this summer. While finishing my master's degree, I fell in love. I met. Carol, and my life changed. It wasn't as if I had a game plan; it wasn't even on my mind. It just happened. "It's great. I've never been so open in my life, especially with a woman. I share everything, and it feels so good. We hold nothing back, and we seem to know what each other is thinking and feeling without even saying anything. It's magic. She's on my mind and in my heart all the time, and I can't wait to see her or at least call her. Thank God she lives in the same city. When we are together, time goes so quickly. A few hours seem like a few minutes. "I think others would say that I've been a good religious. I've done well in my ministry and have gotten along in my community. I am grate-ful to my fellow brothers and priests. So it is difficult to think about leav-ing the religious life, and neither is it an easy question for Carol. We love each other very much, but we also love the religious life. And it has been good to us. "When you asked me what is wrong with Carol, I was stumped. I know she is not perfect, but I don't see or feel anything wrong with her. And I feel so much better myself. I'll take your advice to wait until life settles, and not make a hasty decision that would change my entire life. True, I have known Carol for only four months, but it seems like I have known her all my life. "Why shouldn't I leave. True, it would be difficult to find a good job, and family life would certainly be different. But I could still do much of what I do now, and I feel that being married to Carol, I could even be closer to God. I will, with the help of you, my friends, and God discern my experience. But why would God give me such a beautiful gift and then expect me to reject it?" Indeed, romantic love is wonderful. Although this man has been a very rational, successful, and good community religious, he finds him-self in a serious dilemma: to leave or stay in religious life. His past has been good to him, and he to it, but his future seems to offer an even bet- The Power of Romantic Love / 199 ter life. Being immersed in the magic of love, he feels strongly drawn to this land of apparently unlimited possibilities. Both of these religious are enjoying and being inspired and chal-lenged by romantic love. Their love consumes them, embracing all their senses, mind, and spirit. Radically new horizons of meaning have opened up, pressuring them to restructure their lives. What should they do? In this article I will discuss the nature and dynamics of romantic love, its positive and negative possibilities and consequences in religious life, and ways to cope with oneself and others in service of healthy and holy growth. The Nature and Dynamics of Romantic Love Romantic love lures us into a world where there is nothing dull and mundane, a world that promises a new and better life. It offers us an ex-hilarating and inspiring unity of feeling intensely and of being strongly involved with the ideal. To experience transcendence passionately can be awe-fully seductive. Romantic love offers us an exhilarating and inspiring unity of feel-ing intensely and of being strongly involved with the ideal. As romantic lovers we yearn to be with each other, constantly think about and feel for each other, and so it seems touch each other even when we are physi, cally absent. Being without each other, we feel an intense void as well as presence in absence, and being with each other brings warmth, secu-rity, and fulfillment along with this sensuous enrapture. We initially ide-alize each other, feeling that we can do and share anything, and be our most perfect selves. We feel what love can be without its limits, and we want to give, to be,and to receive all that is possible. There is a special magic--a passionate affair with the ideal, an experience of heaven. What happens when we fall romantically in love? Initially we prob-ably feel as though we are walking on clouds, and that everything is pos-sible. We experience each other in terms of perfection, while our imper-fections are denied, minimized or rationalized. We may feel thatwe want to live together, to capture this love forever. This romantic time is one of the most exciting, pleasurable, and satisfying experiences. In the in-itial stages of friendship we may experience new possibilities in testing our limits, risking our vulnerability, feeling more alive than ever before, and willing to do almost anything. We may feel that everything is possi-ble and all right, and that life is radiantly alive. Our romantic friendship usually inspires us to become our best selves, and often new energy and courage provide the way. We can have romantic experiences in solitude. For instance, we may 200 / Review for Religious, March-April 1989 intensely feel the spiritual possibilities of contemplation. We may expe-rience a world of meaning that is transcendent and permanent. To ask ultimate questions and to be confronted with mysterious issues can be a peak experience. T° hear silent music can include the romantic. Romantic lovers--religious, single, or married--initially experience the unlimited potential of each other and concretely celebrate each other's perfection. However, paradise does not last; our romantic time is usually followed by one of imperfection. Sometimes suddenly, instead of experiencing each other as unlimited, we intensely experience our limi-tations. We find ourselves criticizing, obsessed with the other's imper-fections, or perhaps withdrawing from each other. Think of a sister and priest (or lay couple) who fall in love and get married. At first, they radiate with love and cannot stand to be without each other. But sooner than later they begin to test and question their love, and at times cannot stand to be with each other. Instead of diviniz-ing each other, they now demonize each other. For instance, minor hab-its may become irritating. One squeezes the tooth paste from the middle and the other from the ind. His snoring upsets her, while her hair curl-ers upset him. More seriously, she becomes frustrated and angry because he no longer shows his feelings as he apparently once did. He becomes confused and angry with constant complaining about his overworking and in general his unavailability. Whatever the focus of criticism, they focus on eacffother's limits, as contrasted with their past when they en-joyed their unlimitedness. Instead of heavenly, being with each other feels more hellish. Their magic has disappeared. Consider a novice who experiences religious life as a perfect way of living. Particularly in early formation when there is considerable personal affirmation, exploration, and direction, religious life offers extraordinary opportunities for individual and communal growth. However, "reentry problems" may be experienced when a new religious moves from the no-vitiate to living in an ordinary community. Community living seems rnuch~different than it was in the novitiate, or how it was ideally de-scribed. The inevitable imperfection of living with others may feel more like a burden than a joy. A danger is to identify religious life (or any life form or person) with its perfections and possibilities, or with its limits and obstacles to growth. Like any personal (and professional) life, there are more or less problems and opportunities. Positive and Negative Seduction As its etymology indicates, seduction conveys a negative meaning, namely, some thing, activity, or person that leads us astray or into The Power of Romantic Love / 201 trouble. And indeed, this can be the case. However, seduction can also have positive meaning in luring us to a better life. One reason romantic love is important is that it can be a prelude and invitation to a more committed love. Its strong attraction, gentle excite-ment, and erotic idealism make it easier, more enjoyable, and exciting for us to enter love. Since love, especially intimate love, is a risky ven-ture, romantic love makes the entry into love relatively easier, safer, and moi'e fun. It is a delicious taste of heaven. But like food, its satisfaction is temporary, and if we eat too much of that elixir, we can get sick. Ro-mantic love is an intense promise of a more permanent love that is both ideal and limited, erotic and transcendent, for the moment and forever, pleasurable and painful, divine and demonic--a love that embraces and dignifies all of us. If some of us knew the total picture of religious life, especially its hard times, before entering religious life, we may have had second or third thoughts about making a life commitment. Strictly from a rational-istic view, religious life may not have been as appealing. Fortunately our Holy Spirit called us with an alluring voice. Likewise, some of our friend-ships may never have occurred without romantic love's promise of an even .more balanced, wholly, and permanent love. To be sure, not all men and women entered religious life or friendship in a romantic aura. But many did, and few people live without any romanticism. Our spiritual journey with and toward God can also include romantic times. It is not unusual to go through a time--or times--of being roman-tically in love with God. We may suddenly feel that anything is possi-ble, that everything will turn out all right, that everything makes sense. We may bask in a divine light while minimizing, forgetting, or even re-pressing darkness. Although there is much truth in the vision, dark nights will come in service of a deeper and more realistic presence to God. Romantic love is not only a means toward an end. When immersed in romantic love, it is good to celebrate and proclaim our romantic stand in the world. Our experience is a witness to love and often promotes hap-piness for others. We can also build a precious source of memories that can help us gain perspective when going through difficult times. And in-deed as authentic lovers we can, though not constantly, congistently cele-brate times of romantic love. Helping Oneself and Others Think of two religious who care for each other and become close friends. Initially, they may idealize their relationship so that it is basi-cally exclusive. At first, they may wonder how they ever li.ved without 202 /Review for Religious, March-April 1989 each other. Especially if one or both persons have had restricted feelings of affection, now they can feel free to express themselves without re-straint. They feel liberated and more wholly alive. Their "particular" friendship, however, soon incorporates limits and obstacles. For in-stance, they discover that they can irritate and confuse each other, and :they can become hurt, angry, jealous, and perhaps guilty and ashamed. Instead of harboring resentment, or ending the friendship, both persons can step back--physically, psychosocially, and spiritually--and listen to themselves and each other, and hopefully return to renew and deepen their friendship so that it includes both their positive and negative dimen-sions. The challenging ideal is that both the light and dark sides of life be integrated, rather than absolutizing one of them. In fact, these experi-ences point to and affirm what life is--both divine and demonic, light and dark, life and death. When we experience a person as perfect, it is helpful to keep in mind that every person is imperfect. When there are disagreements, past agreements can be remembered as well as agreeing. to disagree. Our challenge is to see potential virtue where there is vice, strength where there is weakness, joy where there is sadness, love where there is hate, life where there is death. Courage and commitment are needed to move with and grow from life's paradoxical rhythm. Although romantic love is particularly enjoyable, the genuine desire to give one's self totally to another p~'esents challenging difficulties. Be-cause of the affective and ideal qualities of romantic love, we may nei-ther want nor perhaps experience any limits, and consequently may yearn to give unconditionally in every way pogsible. As religious we may yearn to celebrate our love in genital experiences, but we can say "no" in serv-ice of a "yes" to our love. What can superiors, friends, or other community members do when they observe religious in romantic love. Particularly when the exclusivity is causing little community I~arm, the wisest approach may be to do noth-ing, that is, to let romantic love run its course from the divine to the de-monic. However, when infatuation occurs or the dark, limited phase ap-pears, interveution may be called for. What you d6 depends on the kind and amount of power and responsibility your superior and others in re-sponsible roles have, as well as what you are willing and able to do, par-ticularly in being willing and able to invest the time and energy on con-fronting, processing, and following through with consequences. A superior may choose to confront a priest with his infatuous friend-ship. Confrontation means to state assertively and with concern what you The Power of Romantic Love / 203. observe in the other's behavior. It does not mean to interpret or analyze a person's behavior, nor does it include verbal oppression or emotional rape. We give feedback, and depending on our authority, we state natu-ral and logical consequences of one's behavior. For instance, if you con-tinue to date this woman as well as isolate yourself from the community, then counseling must be pursued or you will be transferred to another city, or you will be asked/told to leave. It is important to remember that although we impact on one another more or less positively and negatively, we cannot change anyone. We can give others opportunities, feedback, advice, consequences, and so forth, but only they can change themselves. We can only change and con-trol ourselves, and this is accomplished within varying degrees of lim-its. Authoritarian, codependent, and other well-intentioned and overly responsible people may find this fact difficult to accept. Ideally, a radical decision (for example, leaving religious life) or a life commitment (for example, vowed religious life) should not be made in either the so-called divine or demonic phases of love. When we are madly in love and experience no imperfections whatsoever, a life com-mitment is precarious. And we should be equally as prudent about mak-ing radical decisions, those that significantly irnpact on our lives, while in a demonic phase. When life is overwhelmingly dark, any light or re-lief can be tempting. It is better to wait until light emerges in our pre-sent situation--to wait until we make more sense of our struggle and be freer to choose. To paraphrase an old saying: the darkest and coldest time is right before dawn. Ideally, we should also not make a decision for life only out of ro-manticism or infatuation--when there are no limits or imperfections, but rather when we can be open to both the positive and negative factors of our past, present, and future situations. For instance, a brother who falls in love with a sister may be in the divinizing stage of romantic love. When asked what is wrong with his beloved, he may say nothing con-crete. Until he can point out experientially what is positive and negative about her and himself, it is probably better for him to wait before mak-ing such a radical decision such as leaving religious life to get married. A decision to leave, not because of romantic involvement, but be-cause nothing seems right and satisfying is quite tempting. When under enormous stress, we can be duped into feeling that a change in lifestyle will solve personal and interpersonal problems. It is more likely that we will take our problems with us and unconsciously seek a similar situ-ation. It is wiser to look at and deal with the dark side in ourselves and 204 / Review for Religious, March-April 1989 then make decisions. In short, authentic committed love is never perfect or divine, and nei-ther is it always imperfect or demonic. It is a combination of both. When on earth, life and love are matters of heaven and hell. If authentic love were perfect, commitment would not be necessary, there would be heaven, not earth. Because we are a unity of perfection and imperfec-tion, commitment is called for. Seed I .know interpretation has rules, But they should not freeze mystery. Why can't metaphors step between parables, And people and plots mingle? The sower, for instance, and the birds on the wayside who fed, the birds Who never fall unknown any more Than the bum thrown out of the bar And the starving, potbellied African baby. How wide is the wayside'? Past oceans And deserts and ranges and space to Ultimate doing of truth in love? And the rocks (poor Peter), are they always shallow? Have you seen those rock walls on roads Where, in spite of technology, a stubborn Wild shoot adorns the crazy face of An impossible height? or the sturdy Root that splits concrete apart and Frees the seed of a water main (prodigal spill)? Then There's the child who patiently pulls the Tufts from the cracks between bricks And scatters the clumps for the wind To sow next season's crop and chore. But the thistles--I don't know about them. I cringe at the vision of crowns And wonder if scarlet hands too Can drip the seeds of the realm That the sower went out to sow. Clarita Felhoelter, O.S.U. 3105 Lexington Road Louisville, Kentucky 4020'6 The Experience of Mid-Life Divorce and AlienationI David J. Hassel, S.J. Father David Hassel, S.J., is currently Research Professor of Philosophy at Loyola University of Chicago. The contents of this article will be part of his forthcoming book called The Ache of Alienation. His address is Loyola University; 6525 N. Sheridan Road; Chicago, Illinois 60626, Helen,s husband had confronted her a year ago after a very quiet dinner. "Helen," he had said, "there is something we have to talk about in the living room while the kids are out." They had sat there through a long silence before he said in a rush of words: "I want a divorce; I cannot go on living as we have been--distant, on parallel courses, never really meeting. The kids already suspect something and are old enough to han-dle this now. I've made a decision and no talking will change it. I don't want to hurt you anymore than I've already done. My lawyer has drawn up the legal papers; you'll be taken care of financially." Helen, her voice sounding like cracking ice, had said to him: "Joe, it's Anita, isn't it. That day down at the office I saw the glance you gave her--like the one you had once given me." "Yes," he said, "but we are not going into that." Helen could recall herself slowly getting up, slowly going up the stairs to her room, throwing herself on the bed and beginning to shudder with great dry heaves. No tears, only a terrible emp-tiness. When during the course of the following weeks, she had been alone with each of the children, she had received some additional shocks. Jim, the twenty-two year old just finishing college, put it simply: "Look, Mom, where have you been the past two years? Dad has been home less and less, and telling less and less what he has been doing. What have 205 206 / Review for Religious, March-April 1989 you been thinking?" The twins, Edith and Carol, high school seniors, were rather casual: "Morn, this is the way things go these days; you have to be ready for the worst and this is the worst, no doubt about it." Timothy, the twelve-year old, was inconsolable: "Dad's leaving us be-hind and it's unfair; I hate him now. But what can we do? I guess we just get used to it the way Jerry Kanz did when his Dad moved out." Helen, like many another to-be-divorced woman, had looked back over her life and wondered bitterly: Where did it start to go wrong? Where did I fail? Except for Timmy, the children seemed so casual about it all. Were they simply ungrateful, without any affection for her and Joe or were they covering up their anger and disappointment? Her telephone call to her mother had caused a flood of tears and a scalding anger-- more at Helen's stupidity than at Joe's two-timing. Her favorite brother had only said, "Well, the bastard finally owned upto it, did he?" Women friends had been properly shocked and consoling for some weeks; then the telephone calls became less frequent and one friend fi-nally said to her: "Honey, you have to stop lamenting and get your life together--without Joe; the sooner the better." All her doings had be-come meaningless: cooking meals, house-cleaning, shopping, bridge-clubbing, fulfilling the immediate needs of her children, attending Mass, telephoning friends, volunteering at the hospital, watching TV late into the night. Then the depressing guilt-fits began. Why were her children so un-feeling unless she had failed badly in their upbringing? Why had she not noticed sooner her husband's wandering and done something to woo him back? Had she become an insensitive creature herself? Were all her friend-ships superficial, revealing her own lack of depth? Was all her busyness merely a way to hide from herself who she really was: an empty shell of a woman? How could even God find time for her anymore? Actually her past seemed gutted, her present confused and her future dark with anxiety. The Woman Religious' Parallel Experience of "Divorce" Helen's experience, in one form or another, is that of thousands of wives and mothers as divorces continue to multiply across America. But is it so very different from the experience of not a few women religious who at mid-life review the past ten or twenty years of their own lives and wonder where their prayer-union with Christ has gone? The woman religious has been living the regular routines of a life consecrated to Christ: spending some time with him before breakfast and before heading to bed; taking care of his people in hospital, school, day- Mid-Life Divorce and Alienation care center, parish, and social work office; making some friends along the, way; watching TV and going for occasional walks; attending family gatherings, and centering her life in daily Eucharists. But in everything she feels hardly any feedback of gratitude or joy. If she is a social worker, she may have been called a meddler by the fam-ily whose children she has seen through hospitals, remedial reading courses, and angry bouts with their parents. The high school teacher of twenty-five years' experience may have been told by a lay colleague that she is twenty years behind the times in her teaching techniques and thirty years behind in her understanding of today's high schoolers. The sister-nurse may be overwhelmed with the ugly fact that her order's hospitals are now big business and that she had better play it safe with charity cases lest the hospital's budget-report show red ink. An almost exhausted sister may be informed by her superior that if she cannot take this job of religious coordinator at the disorganized St. Dismas parish, she had better find another job.to earn her way. Meaning seems to have drained out of her work. The once beautiful routines connected with teaching, nursing, administrating, catechizing, parish organizing, and social work-ing feel drab, spiritless, and unending. Meanwhile, because of her busy dedication to her order and its works, she has allowed her own brothers and sisters to fade out of her life as they moved to the distant coasts and as she wrote less and less ¯ often. Her parents have become elder.ly, somewhat absent-minded, eager for her presence but hardly able to carry on a relaxing conversation, and evoking melancholy in her at their decline and helplessness. Her sister-friends are as busy as she; glad to see her and to chat for a time, but al-ways on the move to another appointment: little time for long leisurely conversations, not many fun times." Because she is one of the few younger sisters in tier older community, she may have to assume greater responsibilities without any contemporary nearby in whom to confide and with whom to laugh at life's crazy antics. This is a new aloneness never felt in her initial formation. The simple joys of life seem few and far between during these periods of intensely felt alienation. She wonders: is all my past life for nothing? Have I lost the respect of my own family; those who first gave me life and hope? Have I missed out on community life? Or did it never exist and I pretended, that it did? Why has my ministry lost its zest? Have I begun to give up on it and, if so, will I ever find a second ministry and trust myself to its demands for a disciplined life of sacrifice? Do my superiors and fellow religious value me for myself or only for what I can do? Are we all just worker- Review for Religious, March-April 1989 bees in the religious hive? Where is the reality of my prayer life? God seems so distant, so uninterested in me, so unlike the intimate friend of my early religious life. Around me I seem to find so many happy fami-lies and fulfilled career women. Or am I just romanticizing their lives out of my own drabness? Then begin the guilt-fits. Mow did my life dissipate into merely con-stant duties, deadlines, hurried moments of leisure with friends, commu-nity tensions, and superficial moments with Christ? How could I have ¯ let it happen? Does all this mean that I never had a vocation to religious life or that religious life in my particular group is now ,antiquated and no longer viable in ou~ present culture? What is my future--if anything? Who but a recently divorced iaywoman could Fully appreciate these questions and feelings 0f the woman religious. The divorced man, hear-ing a man,religious venice similar questions and feelings, would surely resonate to these pains of the heart and mind. The Feel of Alienation from the Church Among the Divorced and the Alienated The suffering asked of divorced men and women and of alienated re-ligious is scandalous not only to them but to the people who love them dearly. The shock felt by the "divorced" is such that at times they do feel isolated from their family (blood or religious) and perhaps even from Christ's Church. Their great temptation is to cut loose from past ties; to be free from all the b~aggage of the past~ They ask themselves: "Why not just leave the family or the religious order and forget any service of the Church?" It seems so much easier simply to concentrate on a career and, if the occasion offers, to form a small manageable group of new friends. Later some of these "divorced" will leave the Church deliber-ately and others will slowly drift away complaining: "'I'm tiredof fight-ing Church bureaucracy and small-mindedness." There is no denying that, in the twentieth-century Church, the petty pride of place, the drift towards disorder, the trickery practiced in the name of the kingdom, the mechanical use of the sacraments, the eloquent extolling of poverty by comfortable clerics, andthe depreciation of women's ministry are all very much alive. In fact, Christ found them quite active in his first century Church: the women's announcement that they had met the risen Christ was called "women's gossip"; John and James used their mother to agitate for their occupying the seats of power next to Christ; Paul had to confront Peter about using different standards for Jewish and gentile converts; Jerusalem converts tried to saddle all gen-tile converts with the hea~y apparatus of Judaic Law; Ananias and Sa- Mid-Life Divorce and Alienation / 209 phira embezzled the common holdings of the Christian community; some of the apostles, notably Judas, deplored Mary Magdalen's ministry to Christ as frivolous. This is the kingdom, God's people, as Christ de-scribed them in the parables where the net is thrown into the sea to haul in both good and bad fish or where the wheat field is sown with weeds by the enemy. The problem is not that scandal is always in the Church but that faith-fulness is needed to live through the scandalous events amid feelings of alienation. Men and women religious suffering alienation from their com-munities need to share their lives with divorced laymen and laywomen if they are all to remain faithful to the Church and to their families, lay and religious. The pooling of experience, the companioning in common sorrows, the cooperative attempt to let the Church know their agony, the working together to build better futures for each other and for the Church, enable the divorced lay people to take heart and the alienated religious to remain loyal. One woman religious who has been offering a program for divorced women in her motherhouse found that the prayers of the retired sisters gave solace to the divorced women, while the faith of the divorced women amid severe mental suffering proved encouraging to elderly sis-ters, some of whoin felt~ intensely their seeming uselessness to the world and to their Church. One of the divorced women approached this woman religious directing the program and said to her: "Were you divorced be-fore you entered religious life? You seem to read us so well." Aloud the sister said: "No, I've never b~een married," but whispered inside her-self "But I have experienced divorce--from my congregation." Recently women and men religious groups have been welcoming some divorced into their communities and finding that these women and men bring in a dimension of life much needed by the religious order. The divorced woman or man has gone through devastating bereavement from all that once gave meaning t,o her or his life. Through this stripping, they have rediscovered their own personal worth, having learned how to dis-tinguish life-roles (mother or father, wife or husband, secretary or car-penter, daughter or son, sister or brother) from their own selves which play out these roles. The divorced woman, for example, no longer de-fines herself merely by what she can do, but by what she can be--first in herself and then for others. This, of course, affects her relationship with Christ. She is devoted to him, first of all, for his own sake; and she expects his affection to be directed towards her for herself and not sim-ply for her accomplishments. Neither God nor herself is made out to be 210 / Review for Religious~ March-April 1989 an heroic workaholic. Such a mature attitude can be benevolently conta-gious. On the other hand, women and men religious have something to of-fer divorced laywomen and laymen. After all many religious have had to deal with the mid-life transition.2 They have come to see that the "yes-terdays outnumber the tomorrows" and that they have to trim their ap-ostolic sails accordingly. Their eqergy is less, their talents are not quite as rich as they first thought, they must drop some projects totally, oth-ers partially, in order to do the central works. At this point envy of the younger, the more energetic, and the more talented can creep in. Amid these tensions, one becomes more aware of personal shortcomings, pre-tenses, sins of revenge .and cattiness, and suddenly vehement sex-drives. This discouraging aspect of life is often allied with a sense of being enmeshed in a great bureaucratic machine (at the job or in the congrega-tion o~in work with the local government) with which one must battle for personal values without destroying oneself or the organization. At this same t~me friendships take on greater importance and one must re-order one's commitments to people, work, and God. Here the man and woman religious~face bereavement from parents and older friends who die. They have moved away from pet projects, from. former work that gave much satisfaction, and from favorite attitudes or ideas that no longer fit the times.' Death, including their own,.seems at times to totally sur-round them. But at the same time, if the man and woman religious can ride all these waves with some gratitude and graciousness, the slower pace al-lows them to have time for more care of others. A warm Wisdom, the fruit of keeping a sense of humor amid much suffering, can pervade their every day. A new stability may take shape at the center of their being. In their lasting friendships, they may rediscover their faithful God. And all this they can offer to divorced laymen and laywomen out of the very alienations which they had felt towards their own congregations. How bountiful the divorced lay people and alienated religious can be towards each other and thus towards the people of God--even though at times they feel so utterly empty and find themselves walking laboriously as though in desert sands. This desert experience has been chronicled and deserves our attention since out of it can come a conversion which will reveal a new self, a new God, and a new world. The Desert Experience of Transition Before Conversion Two women have given us brutally honest yet sensitive accounts of Mid-Life Divorce and Alienation their transitions from one congregation to another. The great change seemed to them like a lay person's divorce and remarriage with its awk-wardness, periods of loneliness, and rediscovery of self and life.3 Sr. Marie Conn found the loneliness of transfer to a new religious commu-nityunique in its roots and in its intensity. For she left behind a vibrantly rich past with only a vague future in mind. Besides, those with whom she would live her present and future had little idea of her past and she, of their past. When one starts all over with new and slowly developing friendships, with fresh routines, and with no one able to enter into one's more precious memories, one is thrust into a new relati
Falta palabras clave. ; La presente tesis doctoral -titulada El Museo Vacío- parte de la convicción que, en vista de que los museos son instituciones culturales que han alcanzado una increíble notoriedad y popularidad desde el último tercio del siglo XX, fenómeno este sin precedentes, atrás quedó el museo como simple caja contenedora donde acoger numerosos objetos, reducto para unos cuantos instruidos, a transformarse en atractivos lugares, donde ofrecer al visitante nuevas experiencias, no sólo en la recepción del Arte y la Historia. Es decir, de instituciones cerradas e impenetrables para el gran público, se ha pasado a recintos abiertos (para las masas), con un papel renovado frente a la sociedad, llegando a ser consideradas las insignias de la Postmodernidad. En el contexto de la sociedad postindustrial, la cultura y el conocimiento toman protagonismo, del mismo modo que la memoria y su recuperación se han convertido en una obsesión global. El concepto de patrimonio cultural ha crecido sin cesar en los últimos tiempos con la aparente intención de dar satisfacción tanto a una sociedad postfordista que demanda "un mayor conocimiento" como a una insistente mirada hacia el pasado. Como resultado, cada vez ha sido más habitual la creación y ampliación de nuevos espacios culturales para albergar un determinado patrimonio (material e inmaterial). Incesantemente se han fundado múltiples y distintos tipos de museos, extensiones o renovaciones de antiguos edificios como centros culturales, nuevos espacios con carácter museístico y/o conmemorativos, múltiples (macro) exposiciones, nuevos proyectos artísticos y culturales de digitalización (gracias especialmente a los nuevos mecanismos de producción de imagen, a las nuevas tecnologías de la información y la comunicación -TIC-, así como a la democratización informativa de la redes mediáticas), y a diversos modelos museológicos y museográficos que plantean un nueva concepción de museo que poco tiene que ver con el tradicional museo-almacén. Este "efecto museo" y proliferación memorística se ha dado desde la década de los setenta, pero se ha intensificado a partir de los años ochenta, cuando se afianzó la cultura posmoderna del entretenimiento y la "Industria Cultural" de la sociedad postindustrial, coincidiendo a su vez con las estrategias revisionistas de la institución artística y con un crecimiento económico. En especial con el Centro Georges Pompidou de París (1977), pionero en lo que a público masivo se refiere y el que marcará el punto final de los museos del Movimiento Moderno y de partida de la Postmodernidad, cuando se dé con mayor impulso el fenómeno de un considerado aumento de nuevos museos y centros de arte contemporáneo, tanto de nueva planta como de edificios reutilizados para tal fin. Aquellas formulaciones de nihilismo museal y del arte institucionalizado levantadas sobre todo en los años sesenta y setenta por parte de distintos artistas y pensadores (ceñidos al debate sobre la muerte de Dios, el Ser y el Arte), paradójicamente desembocó en una progresiva expansión museística, cobrando el museo todo su protagonismo y su monopolio en el discurso artístico dominante y en la difusión del arte en una vitalidad nunca vista hasta ahora, al igual que la exitosa proliferación de centros artísticos, galerías de arte y (macro) exposiciones pensados en función del arte contemporáneo. Este fenómeno, desde las dos últimas décadas del siglo XX y principios del siglo XXI, ha adquirido tal dimensión que merece cierta reflexión o comprensión y un deseo de interpretación que, en "nuestro" caso, parte del asombro que despertó el macroespectáculo de la museomanía arquitectónica que se ha estado rivalizando principalmente entre los museos y centros de arte contemporáneo. El espectáculo de la arquitectura (museística) como imán de sustanciales audiencias, junto con las pautas que promueven el negocio del ocio y el turismo, pasó a convertir estos espacios culturales en parques temáticos de atracción turística: museos-espectáculo (con firma Pritzker), donde las masas han sido atraídas sobre todo por el marketing de la arquitectura-icono, restándole valía al tradicional significado del museo (que es de proteger, coleccionar y exponer), adquiriendo el contenedor todo su protagonismo como auténtica pieza artística en sí misma. Siendo esta una de las particularidades del museo posmoderno (definido como la nueva catedral del S. XXI), la cual realza nuestra cultura globalizadora, en la que impera el consumo de masa y la cultura de la imagen, incentivando al público la peregrinación al edificio el déjà vu. En las tres últimas décadas, el Museo ha pasado de ser un contenedor "neutro" a un objeto artístico destacado de la exposición; transformándose, estas "nuevas catedrales" de nuestro tiempo, en uno de los espacios más relevantes de promoción urbana, de peregrinación del turismo y en lugar de atracción para el consumo de masa. De manera que hemos pasado del modelo de museo-almacén, al museo fábrica (o laboratorio) y en los últimos años al tipo de museo seductor y espectacular. No obstante, la crisis actual del museo (de arte contemporáneo), envuelta por el espectáculo turístico que rodea a estas instituciones, está íntimamente ligada a esa sobresaturación a modo de ¿efecto Guggenheim¿ en la que, en tiempos de bonanza económica, se ha visto sumergida toda comunidad y ciudad, convirtiéndose la creación de museos y centros culturales en un instrumento de status político y de rentabilidad económica, más que de difusión artística y cultural. Dando paso a un modelo de museo altamente vacío (en su contenido), falto de debate crítico, de discusión y sobre todo de didáctica, valorándose el continente por encima del contenido. Así que hemos pasado de aquel vacío que ha dejado el museo moderno en torno a las prácticas artísticas, sobre pedagogías críticas e inclusivas, a la vacuidad de aquel que responde a la cultura del espectáculo; una cultura del "todo vale", de lo banal y superficial como la nuestra, tan efímera y tan post en tantos aspectos y sentidos. Y en definitiva, se observan unos vacíos (en la museología y en la historia del arte) que aparentan ser completados a través del espectáculo de la moda, el consumo y el diseño, atendiendo a una expansión sin límites del museo nunca vista hasta ahora. En una época donde la obra de arte contemporánea se produce y se expande tanto en espacios cerrados como en espacios naturales, urbanos o en red. De ahí también el título de la presente investigación, pues esta idea de museo vacío pretende con ello expresar la metáfora de un museo (expandido) fuera de lugar, infinito e imaginario, pudiendo trasladarse hasta los no espacios del museo virtual. Es de obligación en cualquier asunto de investigación plantearse cuestiones epistemológicas, en el que a partir de la corriente postmoderna, está cayendo toda una serie de valores (morales, éticos, educativos y culturales) a favor de la vacuidad del espectáculo, el consumo y la banalización. Además en un contexto donde predominan las imágenes, hoy más que nunca se necesita de la palabra. Consideramos que todo artista debe confrontarse con este tipo de cuestiones trascendentales de su tiempo en la tarea de investigación y creación artística, a favor de un pensamiento crítico con respecto a los fundamentos esenciales de su trabajo. De modo que este interés por el museo nace de una serie de preguntas que, como artista y consumidora (de arte) interesada, como es lógico, en el hecho expositivo, se hace [la autora] acerca de las prácticas de exhibición dentro y fuera de los museos y en torno a los espacios de discusión sobre las prácticas artísticas e institucionales. Más aún en un momento donde, paradójicamente, la madre institucional museística una vez más se encuentra en plena crisis de identidad -en un contexto de profunda crisis económica, política y social-, en busca de una necesaria reformulación de su concepción desde su uso, según su finalidad, acorde a los nuevos tiempos. El objetivo principal de este estudio teórico (de análisis y reflexión crítica) es reflexionar y debatir sobre múltiples interrogantes que plantea el fenómeno de los museos actuales, especialmente de los museos y centros de arte contemporáneo. Con el deseo, por un lado, de reflexionar -desde una perspectiva crítica- sobre el concepto mismo de museo, su rol-función en el mundo contemporáneo. Y, por otro lado, profundizar en el conocimiento de nuevos planteamientos y usos del museo, a través de distintos períodos y ejemplos nacionales e internacionales, muy distintos en relación con aquellas que ha ido asumiendo el museo tradicional desde sus orígenes: pasando de ser simples almacenes, contenedores de tesoros merecedores de fervor, a reivindicarles una dinámica viva, mudable y renovadora. Con el fin de descifrar las claves de los incipientes caminos del Museo Contemporáneo (tanto en su perspectiva socio cultural, artística y conceptual), y plantear un análisis y debate crítico sobre el estado del arte contemporáneo y su mediación, logrando una mayor conciencia y juicio personal con respecto a dicho fenómeno. No sólo se analiza de qué manera la creación de los nuevos museos plantea nuevos conceptos y trazados estéticos, culturales y filosóficos. Un tema, obsesivamente evocado por numerosos autores, mediadores, artistas, arquitectos, críticos de arte, filósofos, historiadores de arte, sociólogos, etc. Para ello también se tendrá en cuenta, entre otros asuntos, la presentación expositiva -como formato estrella- del arte contemporáneo, ya que la exposición entendida como dispositivo de presentación artística es uno de los elementos primordiales de la articulación discursiva del museo. Esbozando cuáles son algunos de los mecanismos y relaciones de poder y control de las instituciones museísticas, donde se revisan algunas de las propuestas e ideas que plantean distintos autores desde la teoría crítica (frankfurtiana y postmoderna), hasta la teoría artística contemporánea y la crítica institucional, donde se encuentran muchas preguntas, que más que responder, nos interesa plantear. De este modo, la tesis invita a reflexionar sobre el nuevo cambio de paradigma que rodea a la institución museística y a partir de ello identificar una serie de problemáticas que aún persisten en los museos, con el fin de ver sus límites y contradicciones, y generar una reflexión para proponer nuevos retos para el siglo XXI. Nunca como hasta este momento había sido tan cuestionado el papel del museo como institución cultural, hasta el punto que en numerosas ocasiones se ha hablado de una ¿muerte del museo¿, en concreto de los museos de arte contemporáneo. Pero a pesar de que el museo es una ¿institución en crisis¿ tampoco antes había despertado tanto interés como también demuestra la reciente numerosa producción bibliográfica museística a la vez que se ha convertido en un centro de mira de numerosos historiadores, teóricos y artistas, como paradigma de la cultura contemporánea, deslizando a la obra de arte a un segundo plano. De hecho, la relevancia de este trabajo pone también en cuestión el antecedente que originó la inquietud por uno de los problemas que se desea analizar: la posición artística del edificio-museo, pues como ya se ha dicho, el interés por crear un diseño espectacular ha supuesto el riesgo de que la arquitectura museística arrebate la importancia a las obras exhibidas. Tal y como puso de moda el Guggenheim de Bilbao, inaugurado con rotundo éxito en 1997, como paradigma de la cultura convertida en instrumento de consumo pero también de revitalización urbana y económica. Cuestión que, interrogada en multitud de ocasiones (especialmente en foros, conferencias y publicaciones especializadas), es pertinente analizar ya que está profundamente relacionado con la crisis de estas instituciones culturales. Pese a que, por otro lado, los museos se han convertido a finales del siglo pasado en uno de los principales referentes culturales, tendencia que mueve a miles de turistas todos los años, aunque esta nueva situación no está exenta de una serie de problemas que trataremos también de prestarle atención y que empezaron a examinarse en el S. XX. Sin embargo, tras pasar en los últimos años del fenómeno "efecto museo", acrecentado en pleno boom económico, nos situamos en nuevos tiempos de incertidumbre; donde contribuiremos -a modo de reflexión- a la discusión introduciendo ciertas cuestiones sobre el tema: cómo el reciente impacto de la crisis financiera pone en peligro tanto la supervivencia de muchos museos y centros culturales, como la divulgación, educación e investigación del arte y cultural. Poniendo igualmente énfasis en cómo la crisis económica obliga favorecer una reconfiguración de las instituciones culturales y nuevos modos de comportamientos de sus protocolos internos. Nuevos caminos que se abren en un periodo de transformación radical como el actual y el consecuente cambio de paradigma económico, social, político y cultural que se está produciendo, que está impulsando nuevos espacios de producción y colaboración, nuevas maneras de financiación, producción y distribución para las artes, así como redes de colaboración e intercambio -en torno a los bienes comunes y la gestión colectiva-, que abren igualmente nuevos modos de producción, distribución y recepción del pensamiento crítico, donde se toma como punto de salida y de lo común el contexto actual de crisis, que está a su vez marcando un cambio político y social. De modo que igualmente importante son las transformaciones que se están dando a raíz de los cambios producidos con la aparición de las nuevas tecnologías de la información y la comunicación (TIC), sobre todo con Internet, ya que están produciendo grandes cambios en nuestra actual sociedad que necesariamente afectan al mundo del arte. Todo ello se presta a un significativo análisis y valoración, en el que adoptaremos una metodología de trabajo de carácter reflexiva y crítica, desde una sensibilización con el asunto a partir de la observación y experiencia en la visita a estos y otros espacios expositivos, enriquecida con la teoría y la crítica institucional, con la consulta de fuentes bibliográficas en materia museística y publicaciones de revistas especializadas, investigaciones, monografías, ensayos, páginas web, prensa, etc. De esta manera, con la ayuda de dichas herramientas de trabajo, la metodología principal consistirá en recopilar ideas, pensamientos, teorías, fenómenos, nuevos paradigmas, recontextualizarlas y sacarlas a colación, evidenciando y revisando, asimismo, aquellos sistemas (visibles e invisibles) de poder que se manifiestan en todo ámbito de entretenimiento, del lenguaje y la política. La presente investigación encuentra fundamentado su marco teórico en distintos autores de diferentes áreas de conocimiento que rodean al ámbito museístico, básicamente: historia del arte; arquitectura; filosofía; estética; museología; sociología; arte contemporáneo. Si bien, existe una extensa y heterogénea literatura sobre el tema de investigación, la presente tesis pretende cubrir la carencia de estudio y análisis del objeto del museo en el área de Bellas Artes; ahondar sobre temas de actualidad en el mundo del arte y analizar una serie de paradigmas que rodea al ámbito museístico y al mundo del arte contemporáneo, planteando reflexiones y preguntas claves sobre la validez, alcance y naturaleza de ello; de este tema vigente de existente discusión, para que este tesis teórica -de corte crítico- no constituya un punto final de este trabajo, sino una puerta abierta hacia la prolongación de este estudio u otro. Y aunque será un tanto difícil plantear unas conclusiones finales en un asunto como es el museo y el mundo del arte que está en continua transformación, observamos que hay un vacío, un problema, si no, no se habría generado tanta crítica al museo, sobre todo a partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XX, y por supuesto ni tan ingente cantidad de investigaciones y literatura teórica sobre el mismo, que ha conducido, además, en las tres últimas décadas a un debate sobre la especificidad del museo, de los espacios expositivos, del arte y, en consecuencia, a nuevas definiciones del mismo acto creativo. Pero lo cierto es que, según los datos que nos ofrece la historia del arte, el museo se ve avocado a una crisis y renovación permanente. Si no desea morir, a seguir cambiando y evolucionando, según las tendencias artísticas y las necesidades sociales. Así que para una mayor comprensión y conciencia de dicha realidad, en la presente tesis, intentaremos dar cuanta de cuáles han sido los cambios más drásticos que ha sufrido el museo a lo largo de la historia, sin dejar las formas de los edificios inalterables. Especialmente desde que nace el museo como institución pública, a finales del siglo XVIII y principios del siglo XIX, como consecuencia, del paso definitivo de la colección y exhibición del arte privado al dominio público, tras la Revolución Francesa; el nacimiento y desarrollo del museo de arte moderno hasta aquellos proyectos de museos generados por el Movimiento Moderno en la primera mitad del Siglo XX y, por otro lado, su conversión en centros de arte contemporáneos en la segunda mitad del siglo pasado; para posteriormente situar el presente trabajo en dicha evolución histórica, ubicando el museo en nuestra época de la información/comunicación, post-moderna y globalizada, y extraer una serie de consecuencias prácticas para la investigación. De este modo, el analizar cómo ha ido cambiando a lo largo de la historia la forma y la función del museo, nos permitirá a su vez plantear una serie de reflexiones (críticas) en torno a la crisis inherente que ha perseguido al propio museo desde sus orígenes. Con respecto a la estructura de la tesis, ésta se presenta en tres grandes bloques que comprende un total de diez capítulos pensados, por un lado, en base a los objetivos propuestos y, por otro, a las etapas o ciclos más significativos en el origen y desarrollo del Museo, en aquellos acontecimientos y fenómenos más relevantes (de un pasado lejano y cercano) que han devenido en un cambio de paradigma, así como a distintas posiciones que se consideran predominantes en las formas de los museos contemporáneos. Pese a que se ha intentado delimitar en todo lo posible la investigación, el tema en cuestión es un poco rizomático, porque en cuanto se replantea un asunto en torno al museo aparecen otros que nos llevan también a otras cuestiones. Es por ello que en el desarrollo de la investigación se han abordado simultáneamente casi todos los puntos bajo la influencia recíproca de las diferentes observaciones y conceptualizaciones. Con un tono sencillo, aunque un tanto filosófico, se profundiza en las diversas cuestiones planteadas, en las dos primeras partes del estudio se hace un recorrido histórico por la construcción de estos espacios destinados al arte y como una especie de registro (de evaluación) de los movimientos (arquitectónicos) dominantes que han envuelto la concepción del museo a lo largo de la historia, con la intención de profundizar asimismo en la transformación de dicha institución. Además de analizar las diversas tipologías museísticas que se han venido dando a lo largo de la historia, veremos de este modo que la relación que se establece entre la obra y el marco espacial en el que se inserta suele generar numerosas tensiones, como por ejemplo al interactuar con una arquitectura museística como la actual que tiene una fuerte carga narcisista. Precisamente, daremos cuenta que las cuestiones y conflictos en torno a estos contenedores de arte se han estado dando desde la creación de los museos, razón demás por lo que nos situamos en diferentes períodos, con el fin de dar cuenta si el museo es un espacio ecuánime, capacitado y autosuficiente para acoger tanto la obra de arte contemporánea como al espectador. Del mismo modo, que en la 3ª parte examinamos si el formato tradicional de la exposición (física) sigue siendo el más apropiado para acoger aquellas novedosas propuestas y prácticas artísticas que se originan fuera del marco institucional. Pues llegados a la Postmodernidad, en esta última parte, daremos cuenta de los nuevos paradigmas de representación que envuelven al museo desde el inicio del postmodernismo hasta la actualidad (y que, en definitiva, transgreden la misión tradicional del museo y sus límites). La primera parte comprende el "Concepto de Museo y su Expresión Arquitectónica". Distribuida en los tres primeros capítulos de la tesis, se definen las nociones más importantes de la presente investigación. Analizamos en primer lugar la definición y la formación histórica del concepto de museo, su origen en la historia y su significado en la Antigüedad; la gestación del Museo desde hace ya casi tres siglos y las primeras dicotomías de la obra de arte con el espacio que la contiene; se analiza el descubrimiento de las formas de exponer y su expresión espacial en las tipologías básicas, y como se desarrolla su lenta y complicada transformación en los prototipos arquitectónicos del primer tercio del siglo XIX. Para ello le prestamos atención a la evolución de las primeras arquitecturas (palaciales) de uso exclusivamente museísticos (a partir del Siglo XVI), hasta aquellos primeros contenedores de tesoros artísticos que pasaron a materializarse partiendo de "arquitecturas dibujadas". Por otro lado, las causas y el origen del museo público a finales del Siglo XVIII, su gestación como institución estatal pública y patrimonial, y el auge de las exposiciones temporales en el siglo XIX (primero con la creación de los museos de artistas vivos y, por otra parte, con el fenómeno de las exposiciones universales); reflexionando al final del mismo sobre la noción de "museo efímero" frente a los límites del museo almacén, junto a otros fenómenos socio-culturales y prototipos de museos contemporáneos que transgreden la concepción del Museo (tradicional). En la segunda parte: "Antecedentes Artísticos del Museo Postmoderno (la nueva estética de la Modernidad)", a lo largo del capítulo 4, 5 y 6 daremos cuenta de las transformaciones socio-culturales y de los cambios e innovaciones en el arte y en la arquitectura del siglo XX. Se analiza las aportaciones del arte y la arquitectura de vanguardia en la concepción del Museo de Arte Moderno -MOMA- de Nueva York (a través de una nueva enunciación estética y conceptual que irá imponiéndose a lo largo del siglo XX sobre el no estimado palacio o templo de las artes), junto con las aportaciones de los maestros del Movimientos Moderno (Le Corbusier, M. van der Rohe, F. Lloyd Wright) en el desarrollo y evolución del mismo, así como las contribuciones de críticos, teóricos, artistas, sociólogos y filósofos que han cuestionado mordazmente el museo desde distintas perspectivas, hasta los inicios de la Postmodernidad; cerrando esta 2ª parte con aquellos antecedentes más próximos del museo posmoderno: el espectacular Museo Guggenheim de Nueva York, con su espacio expositivo de movimiento continuo, y el espacio flexible e interdisciplinar del Beaubourg de París, entre otras propuestas de museos no edificables pero de enorme repercusión. Situarnos en la era pompidou llevará establecer un nuevo vínculo del museo con las neo-vanguardias, el cual nos permitirá hablar de la ruptura con la cultura oficial de la Modernidad. Además del análisis arquitectónico y conceptual de aquellos proyectos que han marcado un cambio de paradigma, nos introducimos en algunos aspectos del museo visto tanto por arquitectos e historiadores del arte como por filósofos y artistas, de esta manera ampliamos las distintas visiones y aportaciones que han influido en la configuración y la constante evolución de esta institución socio-cultural. Sin obviar, por tanto, aquellos aspectos tanto sociales, económicos y políticos como aquellos vinculados al público. En la tercera parte, estructurada en los últimos cuatro capítulos de la tesis, bajo el título "Transgrediendo los límites del museo: nuevos paradigmas representacionales; nuevas prácticas artísticas y curatoriales", se examina la situación actual que atraviesan los museos y centros de arte contemporáneo, abarcando distintos asuntos ligados a la Posmodernidad, sus efectos y excesos sobre el museo como institución cultural. Si bien, el detonante de la presente investigación, la arquitectura (museística) contemporánea y su artisticidad (avivado por el protagonismo que se le ha dado a estos brillantes contenedores de arte y por la museomanía en la que nos hemos visto envueltos en las tres últimas décadas), nos ha permitido también reflexionar sobre los fundamentos del arte contemporáneo. De este modo, nos introducimos en esta última parte en el tema más amplio, de cómo se han transgredido los límites del museo, con el fin de analizar el museo como un espacio que por sí mismo ejerce una influencia o una política en la sociedad, y, por otro lado, las contradicciones y límites que presenta como institución cultural. Para ello se analizan aquellas prácticas artísticas y curatoriales que desplazan el lugar de la obra de arte y dislocan la autoridad del museo. En este punto se incluyen distintos asuntos sobre las conexiones entre la estética y la política. De modo que, en esta última parte, empezaremos dando cuenta de nuevos discursos y actitudes críticas frente al Museo en los inicios de la Postmodernidad; la crítica feminista; la crítica institucional de los años 60/70 (teniendo en cuenta el precedente crítico de las vanguardias históricas radicales); las nuevas formas de representación que trae consigo la Postmodernidad que exigen a su vez nuevas formas de exhibición, nuevos espacios (públicos) de producción y distribución artística. Por otra parte, se analizan distintos modelos de museos contemporáneos con dinámicas muy distintas, nuevos espacios artísticos y culturales -físicos y virtuales- que rompen con el concepto clásico de museo. Nos situaremos en el contexto actual de crisis que viven estos espacios legitimadores (museos, centros de arte contemporáneo, galerías,.), en un momento de profunda crisis económica, política y social. Y, por otra parte, examinaremos el impacto de las tecnologías digitales en la producción, distribución y recepción del arte contemporáneo; las nuevas formas de participación e interactividad en el arte (arte público, arte contextual, arte relacional) y la importancia de las teorías de la recepción en la configuración de las diferentes orientaciones conceptuales que trazan cuál debe ser el objetivo del museo en el siglo XXI. En definitiva, entre otros asuntos, intentaremos ver en esta última parte cuál es la situación actual del museo (su rol en el contexto socio-cultural, artístico y conceptual), y los retos a los que se enfrenta hoy día esta institución en el actual panorama de crisis globalizada. Analizando aquellas transformaciones a las que se ve avocado el museo para acomodarse en los cambios sociales en consonancia con la sociedad -de la información y mediática- contemporánea. Pues uno de los objetivos principales de esta tesis es precisamente debatir sobre el impacto de esas transformaciones, analizando aquellos paradigmas que han impulsado los cambios más drásticos en el museo a lo largo de su historia, a la vez que exponemos distintos ejemplos de intervención artística que han transgredido los límites del museo y han posibilitado el desarrollo de dispositivos críticos. Conjuntamente, en las tres partes se analizarán algunas de las críticas más destacadas al museo desde que nace como institución cultural hasta la actualidad por parte de filósofos, artistas, historiadores del arte e intelectuales. Así que la presente investigación ha devenido en pensamiento y reflexión crítica en torno al arte contemporáneo, la cultura contemporánea y la sociedad, en torno a las prácticas artísticas y su relación con los espacios expositivos de distribución, instituciones como centros de arte y de producción, galerías y museos, lo cual nos ha permitido adentrarnos en un análisis previo sobre la arquitectura de estos espacios -de ficción y consumo- como reclamo mediático y espectacular. Por último, un apartado con las conclusiones finales de los diferentes temas abordados, donde se recogen las principales reflexiones (críticas) que se derivan de este estudio, que nos ha servido sobre todo para reflexionar en torno al arte y cuestionar lo establecido. ; La présente thèse doctorale -intitulée «Le Musée Vide» (El Museo Vacío)- est animée par la conviction selon laquelle le musée a cessé d'être une simple caisse où conserver de nombreux objets, des bastions de quelques instruits, pour incarner des lieux fascinants conférant au visiteur des expériences novatrices allant au-delà de l'enseignement de l'Art et de l'Histoire. Autrefois fermés et impénétrables au grand public, les musées constituent désormais des enceintes ouvertes aux masses et jouent un rôle nouveau dans la société en tant que symbole de la Postmodernité. Si la culture et la connaissance occupent une place à part entière dans la société postindustrielle, la mémoire et sa récupération sont également devenues une obsession généralisée. Le concept de patrimoine culturel n'a pas cessé de grandir au cours de ces derniers temps avec l'intention apparente de satisfaire aussi bien une société postfordiste aspirant à «une plus grande connaissance» que le regard inflexible jeté sur le passé. Ainsi, la création et l'ampliation de nouveaux espaces culturels pour accueillir un patrimoine concret (matériel ou immatériel) sont devenues monnaie courante. Dès lors, de nombreux musées, aussi différents les uns que les autres, ont vu le jour, en ayant parfois eu recours à l'agrandissement ou la rénovation d'anciens bâtiments, pour donner place à des centres culturels ou de nouveaux espaces muséaux ou commémoratifs, expositions multiples, des nouveaux projets artistiques et culturels de numérisation (notamment grâce aux nouveaux mécanismes de production de l'image, aux nouvelles technologies de l'information et de la communication — TIC —, mais aussi grâce à la démocratisation informative des réseaux médiatiques) et aux nouveaux modèles muséologiques et muséographiques proposant une vision novatrice du musée n'ayant guère de rapport avec le musée-entrepôt classique. Les années 1970 ont été marquées par l'émergence de cet «effet musée» et la prolifération de la mémoire. Ce phénomène s'est par la suite intensifié à partir des années 1980, lors de la consolidation de la culture postmoderne du divertissement et de «l'Industrie Culturelle» de la société postindustrielle, coïncidant, ainsi, avec les stratégies révisionnistes de l'institution artistique et une croissance économique. Ceci est particulièrement spécial le cas du Centre Georges Pompidou de Paris (1977), précurseur dans l'avènement du public de masse, qui va annoncer la fin des musées du Mouvement Moderne et le début de la Postmodernité, au moment où l'on constatera le phénomène d'une augmentation considérable du nombre de musées et de centres d'art contemporain nouvellement fondés, qu'ils procèdent de nouvelles édifications ou de reconversions de bâtiments prévus à cet effet. Le musée assume déjà toute l'importance et a récupéré son monopole dans le discours artistique et dans la diffusion de l'art avec une vitalité encore jamais vue, et également la prolifération des centres artistiques, les galeries d'art et (macro)expositions pensés surtout en fonction de l'art contemporain. Ce phénomène a acquis une telle dimension qu'il invite à la réflexion, voire à la compréhension, et provoque, en ce qui «nous» concerne, un désir d'interprétation né de l'émerveillement suscité par le spectacle de l'architecture (muséale) se retrouvant principalement dans les musées et les centres d'art contemporain et agissant en tant qu'aimant d'audiences considérables. Ainsi, ces «musées-spectacles» (avec la signature Pritzker) font des contenants de véritables œuvres artistiques en soi. Étant celle-ci une des particularités du musée postmoderne (défini comme la nouvelle cathédrale du XXIe siècle), laquelle remarque notre culture globale dont la consommation de masse et la culture de l'image prévaut, encourageant le public au pèlerinage du bâtiment le déjà vu. Pendant les trois dernières décennies, le Musée en tant que contenant «neutre» est devenu un objet artistique du domaine de l'exposition en tout point remarquable et a donné lieu à des «nouvelles cathédrales» de notre temps, des espaces de promotion urbaine figurant parmi les plus influents, des lieux de pèlerinage touristique et d'attraction pour la consommation de masse. De ce fait, on est passé du modèle de musée-entrepôt au musée-usine (ou laboratoire) et, au cours des dernières années, au musée spectaculaire et captivant. Néanmoins, la crise actuelle du musée (d'art contemporain) enveloppée par le spectacle touristique entourant ces institutions, est profondément liée à une sursaturation à titre «d'effet Guggenheim» dans laquelle toute la communauté et la ville s'y plongent pendant la période de prospérité économique, plutôt que la diffusion artistique et culturelle. Laissant du coup la place à un modèle de musée particulièrement vide (dans son contenu), sans débats critiques, de discussion, et surtout de didactique, en valorisant davantage le contenant que le contenu. De cette manière, on abandonne cette idée de vide laissé par le musée moderne –autour des pratiques artistiques sur pédagogies critiques et inclusives - pour arriver à la vacuité de celui qui répond à la culture du spectacle. Il faut observer des vides (auprès de la muséologie et l'histoire de l'art) qui simulent être complétés à travers le spectacle de la mode, la consommation et la conception compte tenu de l'expansion sans limites du musée jamais réalisée jusqu'à présent. À une époque où l'œuvre d'art contemporain se produit et s'étend aussi dans les espaces fermés comme dans les espaces naturels, urbains et sur Internet. D'où aussi le titre de la présente recherche, car avec cette idée de musée vide on essaie d'exprimer la métaphore d'un musée (étendu) déplacé, infini et imaginaire, pour après se rendre jusqu'aux non-espaces du musée virtuel. De sorte que cet intérêt pour le musée est né d'une série de questions qui, en tant qu'artiste et consommatrice (d'art) intéressée, évidemment par le fait expositif, résulte des questions posées sur les pratiques d'exhibition hors et dehors des musées et autour des espaces de discussion à propos des pratiques artistiques et institutionnelles. Notamment dans un moment où paradoxalement la mère institutionnelle muséale se trouve encore une fois en pleine crise d'identité –à l'égard d'un contexte de profonde crise économique, sociale et politique-, à la recherche d'une reformulation nécessaire de sa conception depuis son usage, selon sa finalité en accord avec les nouveaux temps. Le but principal de cette recherche théorique est celui de réfléchir et de débattre sur les différentes interrogations que le phénomène des musées actuels pose, particulièrement des musées et des centres d'art contemporain. D'une part, avec le désir de réfléchir – après une perspective critique - en ce qui concerne le concept de musée en soi, son rôle/fonction dans monde contemporain. Et d'autre part, approfondir la connaissance des nouvelles approches et les usages du musée dans le cadre de ses différentes périodes et exemples nationaux et internationaux, aussi dissemblables en relation avec celles que le musée traditionnel a assumé depuis ses origines: au début ils étaient de simples entrepôts, des contenants de trésors dignes d'être admirés, pour finalement exiger d'eux une dynamique vivante, changeante et rénovatrice. Afin de déchiffrer les clés des voies naissantes du Musée Contemporain (dans une perspective socioculturelle, artistique et conceptuelle) et de débattre à propos de l'impact de ses transformations, alors qu'on est en train d'analyser les paradigmes qui ont stimulé les changements les plus drastiques auprès du musée tout au long de son histoire, en même temps que l'on présente différents exemples d'intervention artistique qui ont transgressé les limites du musée et ont permis le développement des dispositifs critiques. De cette façon il y a aussi une analyse et un débat critique concernant l'état de l'art contemporain ainsi que sa médiation. Non seulement faut-il analyser la manière dont la création des nouveaux musées propose de nouveaux concepts et des tracés esthétiques, culturels et philosophiques, mais il faut aussi tenir compte, entre autre, de la présentation d'exposition – en tant que format étoile- de l'art contemporain étant donné que l'exposition comprise comme dispositif de présentation artistique est l'un des éléments primordiaux de l'articulation discursive du musée. Les mécanismes et les relations de pouvoir et de contrôle des institutions muséales où les propositions et les idées formulées par les différents auteurs se formulent, depuis la théorie critique (de l'école de Francfort et postmoderne), jusqu'à la théorie artistique contemporaine et la critique institutionnelle où se trouvent beaucoup de demandes, qui, plutôt que d'y répondre, nous tient à cœur de les poser. Par la suite, la thèse invite à réfléchir sur le nouveau changement du paradigme qui entoure l'institution muséale et à partir de là, identifier la série de problématiques qui continuent à exister dans les musées afin de voir ses limites ou contradictions et créer une réflexion pour proposer de nouveaux défis pour le XXIe siècle. Jusqu'à nos jours, le rôle du musée comme institution culturelle n'a jamais été autant remis en question à tel point que de nombreuses fois on entend parler d'une «mort du musée», concrètement des musées d'art contemporain. Mais malgré le fait que le musée est une «institution en crise» cela n'avait pas non plus éveillé l'intérêt comme le démontre la récente et nombreuse production bibliographique muséale en même temps qu'il est devenu le centre de repère de plusieurs historiens, théoriques et artistes, comme paradigme de la culture contemporaine, reléguant l'œuvre d'art en arrière-plan. De fait, la pertinence de ce travail remet en cause aussi le précèdent qui a conduit à la préoccupation à propos de l'une des questions à analyser: la position artistique du bâtiment-musée, car comme on avait déjà mentionné auparavant, l'intérêt de créer une conception spectaculaire a signifié le risque de l'architecture du musée minimise l'importance aux œuvres exposées. Tel que le Guggenheim de Bilbao revenu à la mode, inauguré avec succès en 1997, comme un paradigme de la culture transformé en un instrument de la consommation, mais aussi de la revitalisation urbaine et économique. Cette question posée des centaines de fois (en particulier sur les forums, lors de conférences et dans des publications spécialisées) reste pertinente à analyser puisqu'elle se rapporte entièrement à la crise de ces institutions culturelles. Pourtant, après avoir passé les dernières années du phénomène «effet musée», en augmentant en plein boom économique, nous nous situons dans des nouveaux temps d'incertitude, où nous contribuerons (en guise de réflexion) à la discussion en introduisant quelques sujets sur la question: comment le récent impact de la crise financière met en danger soit la survie de beaucoup de musées et centres culturels comme la divulgation, éducation et recherche sur l'art et le culturel. On y souligne également comment la crise économique oblige à favoriser une reconfiguration des institutions culturelles et les nouvelles manières de comportement de ses protocoles internes. Les nouveaux chemins qui s'ouvrent dans une période de transformation radicale comme l'actuel et le conséquent changement de paradigme économique, social, politique et culturel qui se produit de nos jours, favorisent de nouveaux espaces de production et de collaboration, de nouvelles manières de financement, de production et de distribution pour les arts, ainsi que les réseaux de collaboration et échanges -autour des biens communs et de la gestion collective- qui ouvrent également de nouveaux modes de production, distribution, réception de la pensée critique, où le point de départ et du commun –et celui qui marque un changement politique et social- est le contexte actuel de crise. De sorte que pareillement incontournables sont les transformations qui apparaissent à la lumière des changements produits avec l'apparition de nouvelles technologies de l'information et de la communication (TIC), surtout avec Internet, puisqu'ils sont en train de modifier la société actuelle qui affecte directement le monde de l'art. Tout cela offre une analyse essentielle, celle d'adopter une méthodologie de travail réflexive et critique, d'après une sensibilisation avec le sujet à partir de l'observation et expérience dans la visite de ceux et d'autres espaces d'exposition enrichie avec la théorie et des critiques institutionnelles, à une consultation de sources bibliographiques en matière muséale et dans des publications de revues spécialisées, investigations, monographies, essaies, pages web, la presse, etc. La présente recherche trouve sa marque théorique étayé chez divers auteurs de différents secteurs de la connaissance qui principalement entourent le domaine muséal: l'histoire de l'art, l'architecture, la philosophie, l'esthétique, la muséologie, la sociologie, l'art contemporain. Malgré le fait qu'il existe une large et grande variété littéraire sur le thème de recherche, cette thèse vise à couvrir le manque d'études et d'analyses de l'objet du musée dans le domaine des Beaux-arts; approfondir sur les enjeux actuels dans le monde de l'art et ainsi analyser un certain nombre de paradigmes entourant le monde des musées et le monde de l'art contemporain, soulevant des questions et réflexions clés concernant la validité, la portée et sa nature. De ce sujet en vigueur et en discussion, pour que cette thèse théorique -de typologie critique- ne constitue pas un point final de ce travail, mais une porte ouverte sur l'approfondissement de ce cas d'étude ou d'un autre. Et même s'il sera légèrement difficile de tirer des conclusions définitives sur une question telle que le musée et le monde de l'art qui est en transformation constante, nous constatons qu'il y a un vide, un problème, autrement il ne se serait pas généré autant de critiques du musée, en particulier à partir de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, et non plus l'énorme quantité de la recherche et de la littérature théorique sur celui-ci, qui a également conduit dans les trois dernières décennies à un débat sur la spécificité du musée et des espaces d'exposition, l'art et, par conséquent, de nouvelles définitions du même acte créateur. Par contre, il est certain que, après les données que l'histoire de l'art nous a offert, le musée s'est vu obligé dans une crise de renouvellement permanente. S'il préfère ne pas mourir à changer en continuation et évoluer selon les tendances artistiques et les besoins sociaux. Donc, pour une meilleure compréhension et prise de conscience de cette réalité, nous essaierons de rendre compte des changements les plus spectaculaires subis par le musée à travers l'histoire, laissant indéfectibles les formes des bâtiments. Surtout depuis la naissance du musée en tant qu'institution publique à la fin du XVIIIe et au début du XIXe siècle, en conséquence du pas définitif de la collection et la présentation de l'art privé dans le domaine public, après la Révolution française; la naissance et le développement du musée d'art moderne jusqu'aux projets de musée générés par le Mouvement Moderne dans la première moitié du XXe siècle et, d'autre part, sa conversion en centres d'art contemporain dans la deuxième moitié du dernier siècle; pour ensuite mettre ce travail dans ce développement historique, plaçant le musée dans notre ère de l'information/communication, post-moderne et mondialisée, et d'en tirer un certain nombre de conséquences pratiques pour la recherche. De cette manière, analyser comment la forme et la fonction du musée a changé au cours de l'histoire va nous permettre de nous livrer à des réflexions (critiques) autour de la crise inhérente ayant poursuivi le musée depuis ses origines. Par rapport à la structure de la thèse, elle se présente en trois grands blocs comprenant un total de dix chapitres, plus les conclusions finales, destinées, d'une part, sur la base des objectifs proposés et, d'autre part, aux étapes les plus importantes de l'origine et le développement du musée, dans ces événements et phénomènes pertinents (à partir d'un passé lointain et récent) qui sont devenus un changement de paradigme, ainsi que les différentes positions qui sont considérées dominantes auprès des formes des musées contemporains. Bien qu'il ait tout essayé pour délimiter le plus possible la recherche, le sujet en question nous rappelle au rhizome car dès que le sujet autour du musée se relance, d'autres sujets apparaissent conduisant également à la formulation de nouvelles questions. Voilà pourquoi, dans le cadre de la recherche ont été simultanément traités presque tous les points sous l'influence réciproque des diverses observations et conceptualisations. Avec un ton simple, bien que légèrement philosophique, on se penche sur les diverses questions soulevées dans les deux premières parties de l'étude un voyage historique est fait dans la construction de ces espaces destinés à l'art et comme une sorte de registre (évaluation) des mouvements (architecturales) dominants qui ont enveloppé la conception du musée à travers l'histoire, avec l'intention d'approfondir sur la transformation de l'institution. En plus d'analyser les diverses typologies muséales qui ont été mises en place tout au long de l'histoire, on verra de cette manière que le rapport établi entre l'œuvre et le cadre de l'espace, auquel il est insert, tient à générer plusieurs tensions, comme par exemple lors de l'interaction avec une «architecture muséale» comme l'actuelle d'une très forte charge narcissiste. Justement, nous rendrons compte des questions et des conflits autour de ces contenants d'art qui ont été présents depuis la création des musées, une raison de plus pour qu'on se situe aux différentes périodes afin de rendre compte si le musée est un espace équitable, qualifié et autonome pour accueillir l'œuvre d'art contemporain et le spectateur. De même, dans la troisième partie on va examiner si le format traditionnel de l'exposition (physique) est toujours le plus approprié pour héberger les propositions novatrices et les pratiques artistiques qui naissent hors du cadre institutionnel. Donc, dans cette dernière partie, à la Postmodernité, on décrit les nouveaux paradigmes de représentation impliquant le musée depuis le début du postmodernisme jusqu'à ce jour (et en somme, ils transgressent la mission traditionnelle du musée et ses limites). La première partie comporte «le concept de musée et son expression architectural» (el Concepto de Museo y su Expresión Arquitectónica), distribuée sur les trois premiers chapitres de la thèse où se définissent les notions les plus importantes de cette recherche. On examine en premier lieu la définition et la formation historique du concept de musée, son origine dans l'histoire et sa signification dans l'Antiquité, la gestation du Musée depuis déjà près de trois siècles, et les premières dichotomies de l'œuvre d'art avec l'espace qui y contient. On analyse la découverte de façons d'exposer et son expression spatiale dans les typologies basiques, et étant donné le développement de ses transformations à la fois lentes et complexes aux prototypes architecturaux du premier tiers du XIXe siècle. Pour ce faire, nous prêtons attention à l'évolution des premières architectures (palatiales) de l'utilisation purement muséales (du XVIe siècle), aux premiers contenants de trésors d'art après s'être matérialisé à partir des «architectures dessinées». D'un autre côté, les causes et l'origine du musée public à la fin du XVIIIe siècle, sa gestation en tant qu'institution d'État public et du patrimoine, et l'essor des expositions temporaires au XIXe siècle (premièrement avec la création des musées d'artistes vivants et, d'autre part, avec le phénomène des expositions universelles); pour à la fin réfléchir sur la notion de «musée éphémère» face aux limites du muséeentrepôt, à côté des autres phénomènes socioculturels et les prototypes de musées contemporains qui transgressent la conception de Musée (traditionnel). Dans la seconde partie: «Les précédents artistiques du musée postmoderne» (Antecedentes Artísticos del Museo Postmoderno). Tout au long des chapitres 4, 5 et 6 on expliquera les transformations socioculturelles, et les changements et les innovations dans l'art et l'architecture du XXe siècle. Seront analysées les contributions de l'art et l'architecture d'avant-garde dans la conception du Musée d'Art Moderne - MOMA- de New York (à travers une nouvelle énonciation esthétique et conceptuelle qui va s'imposer tout au long du XXe siècle sur le non apprécié palais ou temple des arts), avec les contributions des enseignants du Mouvement Moderne (Le Corbusier, Mies van der Rohe, Frank Lloyd Wright) dans le développement et l'évolution de celuici. Ainsi que les contributions des critiques, théoriciens, artistes, sociologues et philosophes qui ont durement interrogé le musée à partir de différents points de vue, jusqu'aux débuts de la Postmodernité. Pour finir cette deuxième partie avec ces antécédents plus proches du musée postmoderne: le spectaculaire Musée Guggenheim de New York, avec son espace d'exposition de mouvement continu, et l'espace flexible et interdisciplinaire Beaubourg à Paris, entre autres propositions de musées inconstructibles mais d'un impact considérable. Nous situer dans l'ère Pompidou signifie établir un nouveau lien entre le musée et les néo-avant-gardes, lequel nous permettra de parler d'une rupture avec la culture officielle de la Modernité. Outre l'analyse architectonique et conceptuelle de ces projets qui ont marqué un changement de paradigme, nous nous introduisons dans quelques aspects du musée vus soit par des architectes, historiens de l'art soit par des philosophes et des artistes. De cette manière les différentes visions et apports qui ont influencé la configuration et l'évolution constante de cette institution socioculturelle s'étendent et, par conséquent, seront prises en considération. Il ne faudrait pas oublier, donc, tous les aspects aussi sociaux, économiques et politiques comme ceux liés au public. Dans la troisième partie, structurée dans les quatre derniers chapitres de la thèse, intitulée: «Transgresser les limites du musée: nouveaux paradigmes de représentation; nouvelles pratiques artistiques et curatoriales» (Transgrediendo los Límites del Museo: nuevos paradigmas representacionales; nuevas prácticas artísticas y curatoriales), on examine la situation actuelle que les musées et centres d'art contemporain traversent, englobant diverses questions liées à la Postmodernité, ses effets et les excès sur le musée en tant qu'institution culturelle. Alors que le déclencheur de la présente recherche, l'architecture (muséale) contemporaine et son artisticité (alimentée par l'importance accordée aux magnifiques contenants d'art et par la 'muséomanie' dans laquelle nous nous sommes vu impliqués les trois dernières décennies), cela nous a permis aussi de méditer sur les fondements de l'art contemporain. De cette manière, on introduit dans cette dernière partie le sujet plus large, de comment les limites du musée ont été dépassées afin d'analyser le musée comme un espace qui par lui-même exerce une influence ou une politique dans la société, et, d'autre part, les contradictions et limites qu'il présente en tant qu'institution culturelle. À cet effet, cette pratiques artistiques et curatoriales qui détachent la place de l'œuvre d'art et disloquent l'autorité du musée sont également analysées. À cet égard différents points y sont inclus sur les connexions entre l'esthétique et la politique. De la sorte, dans cette dernière partie, on va commencer par expliquer les nouveaux discours et les attitudes critiques face au Musée aux débuts de la Postmodernité; la critique féministe; la critique institutionnelle des années 1960-1970 (compte tenu la précédante critique des avant-gardes historiques radicales); les nouvelles formes de représentation qui entrainent la Postmodernité en exigeant des nouvelle formes d'exhibition, des nouveaux espaces (publiques) de production et distribution artistique. D'autre part, les différents modèles de musées contemporaines sont analysés avec des dynamiques assez divergents, nouveaux espaces artistiques et culturels -physiques et virtuels- qui finissent avec la notion classique de musée. On se situe alors dans le contexte actuel de crise que vivent ces espaces légitimateurs (musées, centres d'art contemporain, les galléries, etc.) dans un moment de profonde crise économique, politique et sociale. En outre, nous devons examiner l'impact des technologies digitales dans la production, distribution et réception de l'art contemporain; les nouvelles formes de participation et d'interactivité dans l'art (art public, art contextuel, art relationnel) et l'importance des théories de la réception dans la configuration de différentes orientations conceptuelles qui tracent le principal but du musée au XXIe siècle. En définitif, entre questions diverses, on va essayer de constater dans cette dernière partie, quelle est la situation actuelle du musée (son rôle dans un contexte socio-culturel, artistique et conceptuel) et les défis auxquels cette institution doit faire face de nos jours dans une situation de crise globalisée. En étudiant les transformations que le musée a subies pour s'installer aux changements en accord avec la société -de l'information et médiatique- contemporaine. Ensemble, les trois partis vont analyser certaines des critiques les plus remarquables du musée depuis sa naissance comme une institution culturelle jusqu'à présent de la part de philosophes, artistes, historiens de l'art et intellectuels. Donc, cette recherche est devenue critique dans la pensée et la réflexion autour de l'art contemporain, la culture contemporaine et de la société autour des pratiques artistiques et sa relation avec les espaces d'exposition de distribution, des institutions comme des centres d'art et de production, galeries et musées, qui nous a permis d'entrer dans une analyse précédente de l'architecture de ces espaces -de fiction et de la consommation- comme réclame médiatique et spectaculaire. Enfin, une section avec les conclusions finales des différents sujets abordés, où les principales réflexions (critiques) issues de cette étude apparaissent, qui nous a permis surtout à réfléchir sur l'art et à remettre en cause tout ce qui est établi. ; Premio Extraordinario de Doctorado US
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Over the past year, a surge in migrant people arriving from Tunisia to Europe has thrust the North African country into the heart of European political agendas, sparking concerns across the continent's capitals about its hardships and risk of economic and social collapse. The immediate policy response involved a frenzy of Euro-Tunisian diplomatic activity guided by the Italian government – itself needing to demonstrate some kind of answer to increased migratory arrivals to its shores – and culminated in the signing of the EU-Tunisia Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) in July 2023.[1] The MoU, structured around five key areas of collaboration – macroeconomic stability, trade cooperation, green energy transition, people-to-people contacts, and migration and mobility – is said by so-called "Team Europe" to aim fostering a strategic and comprehensive partnership between the European Union and Tunisia. However, observers highlighted its detrimental shortsightedness, the flaws in its legal nature, as well as the necessity to allocate political and financial resources beyond migration management to truly diversify the agreement.[2] Against this backdrop, three European experts offer here considerations on challenges and prospects in EU–Tunisia relations and propose alternative avenues where cooperation can evolve, emphasising the creation of a stable and equitable political environment in both Europe and Tunisia.Putting Tunisia into context and empowering local voicesby Akram Ezzamouri[3] Tunisia's path through political transition and democratic consolidation after the 2010–2011 uprisings earned it for years the label of "regional model" for advancements in public freedoms. However, in the current Tunisian context – marked by a continuous decline in rule of law and rights following the power grab by President Kais Saied in July 2021, a shrinking social space and an increasingly numbed political alternative – this standing is seriously compromised. This change in the Tunisian trajectory has come hand in hand with Europe pivoting away from policies initially supporting reforms and the establishment of democratic spaces in Tunisia. Instead, the focus has shifted towards short-term securitisation measures addressing mainly European priorities in the fields of migration and counterterrorism, while overlooking the country's urgent socio-economic needs. The signature of the EU–Tunisia MoU in July 2023 has proved yet another step confirming this trend and marking the establishment of an uncoordinated, transactional and unbalanced European approach to Tunisia. Presented by Italy and the European Commission as a blueprint for the establishment of new or rebranded relations with African countries,[4] both the focus of the MoU and the process underlying its design and implementation are reminiscent of past bilateral initiatives with Libya, Morocco and Turkey. European measures externalising and informalising migration management,[5] coupled with more comprehensive dossiers spanning from energy cooperation, development and economic support have rarely produced the intended improvements in the Southern neighbourhood. On the contrary, they often proved to be self-defeating as they intertwined European interests with the illusion of authoritarian stability. The recent abuses of migrant people's rights in Tunisia and the constant clampdown on voices opposing Kais Saied, highlight how ill-fated funnelling funds into the Tunisian government without concurrently supporting reforms in the country's security sector is. To forge a sustainable partnership, shared challenges between the EU and Tunisia should not be addressed in isolation; they should rather be linked to the broader Tunisian context of centralised power and social fragmentation. In line with this, the so-called "Rome process", designed on the initiative of the Italian government to address irregular migration to Europe through the promotion of development in origin or transit countries,[6] must not overlook the underlying factors of instability related to the deterioration of governance. The Tunisian case is evidence of how strictly interconnected these issues are. The persistent socio-economic challenges drive people to leave the country, opting for perilous journeys across the Mediterranean.[7] This is exacerbated by the flourishing smuggling industry, a direct consequence of inadequate state control and documented collusions with elements within the Tunisian security forces.[8] To improve the Tunisian situation and address the real root causes of instability, the EU should contribute to reinstating a safe and pluralist political landscape in Tunisia, particularly with an eye on the 2024 presidential elections, if maintained. Advancing EU–Tunisia relations in this direction is surely an uphill battle, given Saied's rejection of any external or internal pressure challenging his agenda, as well as the credibility crisis faced by European countries and institutions among the regional population, stemming from their stance and divisions on Israel's war on Gaza.[9] However, empowering local voices and giving them space when discussing the way forward in EU–Tunisia relations could constitute a first step towards a more positive dynamic. It could also contribute to "ensure a safe and enabling environment for civil society, as well as freedom of expression, of the press, of peaceful assembly and of association", in line with what Italy recommended during Tunisia's fourth Universal Periodic Review in November 2022.[10]Folly of cynicism and naivete: Europe's failures to advance a Tunisia strategyby Colin Powers[11] On 16 July, EU Commissioner for Neighbourhood and Enlargement Olivér Várhelyi and Mounir Ben Rjiba, Tunisian Secretary of State to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Migration and Tunisians Abroad, signed a MoU defining "a strategic and global partnership between the EU and Tunisia". In substance, the EU offered a package comprising financial assistance, support to Tunisia's border control capacity and to projects in the energy sector, and facilitation of legal mobility between the two parties. In exchange, they expected the autocratic regime in Tunisia to dutifully (and quietly) accept its role as a deputised patrolman for Europe's southern border. Visibly ill-conceived as the MoU was – particularly in light of the Tunisian President's sovereigntist pretensions – it swiftly proved ill-fated too. A few months after pen was put to paper, Tunis would take the extraordinary step of returning a 60 million euro grant which had been designated as part of a previous European Covid-19 recovery programme.[12] Signalling a wider diplomatic breakdown, the reverse transfer also marked a de facto pause on the implementation of the MoU. Beyond the uncertainty that has come to prevail as a result, the EU suffered significant institutional and reputational damage from the entire venture. Team Europe's freestyling and sidestepping of treaty-making procedures not only pushed the bounds of legality. These actions also caused fissures amongst EU member states while introducing confusion both in Brussels and foreign capitals over who has the right to act in the Union's name abroad.[13] The Commission's attempts at paying off an autocrat whose record of repression, cruelty to immigrants and racialised human rights abuses grows with each day, meanwhile, has eaten away at Europe's moral standing and degraded the EU's status as a defender of international law. To chart a better path in Tunisia and further afield, it is essential that Europe move beyond the superficial engagements it has favoured in addressing complex issues like immigration. There is, at this stage, little ambiguity about what drives Tunisians (and those transiting through the country) to brave a sea-crossing: it is the desire for a better life. Similarly, there is little ambiguity as to why such desires cannot be realised where those people currently reside. The Tunisian economy is structurally compromised, beleaguered by a domineering oligarchy, poor policy design and a subordinate position in global systems of production, trade and finance. Just as distressingly, the spectre of state violence haunts citizens and non-citizens alike at all times, with civil and political liberties won by way of the uprisings of 2010–2011 having been almost entirely wound back. In view of all this, it should be obvious why an MoU like the one agreed to in July last year, even if honoured to the letter, would fail to deliver what its European signatories seek. Economically, the agreement lacks the scale, comprehensiveness and discernment needed to alter Tunisia's structural condition. Politically, it subsidises some of the institutions most responsible for popular repression and helps underwrite the Saied autocracy. In other words, the MoU helps reproduce the grievances compelling people to flee. If equipping a repressive government to intercept more boats off the Tunisian coast, then, an agreement of this type will never stop those boats from departing in the first instance. A wiser policy would attempt to address causality at its source. Materially, it might combine some measure of debt relief conditional on political and security sector reform with fair-minded revisions to trade and investment treaties and concessionary capital deployments for developmentally and ecologically useful projects, for starters. Looking ahead, it is equally critical that the EU henceforth speaks with a single voice on Tunisia, that it installs mechanisms to restrict improvisational interventions like those led by the European Commission last summer, and that it adopts a people- rather than regime-first approach. Under von der Leyen's direction, Team Europe has been content to support Kais Saied under the premise that he might act as a guardian of stability. Weighing the upheaval Saied has already sown against the contributions he has made to the emigration wave, the misguidedness of this gambit can hardly be overstated. It is past time that Europe reverse course. Relevant parties in Europe need pursue a pact with Tunisia and the rest of Africa based not on the expedience a strongman may promise, but on a recognition of all people's fundamental dignity.Flipping the leverage script in EU–Tunisia relationsby Emmanuel Cohen-Hadria[14] There was a time when High Representative Josep Borrell's predecessors were hoping to add Tunisia's democratic transition to the list of EU foreign policy success stories, next to the EU-facilitated Serbia–Kosovo dialogue and the EU-mediated Iran nuclear deal. Tunisia's democratic transition was expected to epitomise the success of a principled and transformative EU foreign policy. Since then, Tunisian domestic developments have forced the EU to fast-track its shift from a principled to a transactional approach. While the former failed to bring about changes in the country, it recently became clear that the latter has not succeeded in promoting the EU's interests. In the weeks following the signature of the controversial MoU between Tunisia and the EU on 16 July 2023, irregular migrant arrivals in Italy increased.[15] Meanwhile, a poorly engineered plan, including promises of additional financial assistance, created expectations that the EU did not manage to meet. This culminated in the highly symbolic decision from Tunisia to refund 60 million euros of EU Covid-related aid in October 2023,[16] de facto freezing the implementation of the MoU.[17] There was a time when Tunisia was seen as a showcase of the EU's comprehensive and united approach, with member states and EU institutions playing off the same hymn sheet. The signature of the MoU broke these dynamics, bringing back the EU's old demons of disunity. In a leaked letter to Commissioner Várhelyi, HRVP Borrell wrote that several member states had expressed their "incomprehension regarding the Commission's unilateral action".[18] There are at least three takeaways from this episode. First, assuming that the shift towards a more transactional foreign policy is most probably unavoidable, transactional moves need nonetheless to be carefully calibrated and negotiated amongst all EU stakeholders, if the EU wants to minimise the risk of backfire. Second, the EU cannot afford poor coordination with other partners. The 400 million US dollar soft loan Saudi Arabia pledged four days after the signature of the MoU is probably good news for Tunisia in the short term.[19] It will indeed help the country's public finances stay afloat in the upcoming months. Yet, in the absence of any indication that Saudi Arabia's initiative was discussed with the EU, it ended up weakening further the EU's efforts to incentivise reforms in the North African country. Third, over-prioritising migration in the bilateral relationship of the EU with its southern partners weakens the former and increases the playing field of the latter. The bad news is that there is no easy fix. Migration will not disappear anytime soon from the top of the list of European priorities. Tunisia will not be the success story the EU had wished for. The EU should, however, make sure it does not turn into a complete failure story.[1] European Union and Tunisia, Mémorandum d'entente sur un partenariat stratégique et global entre l'Union européenne et la Tunisie, 16 July 2023, https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_23_3887.[2] Luca Barana and Asly Okyay, "Shaking Hands with Saied's Tunisia: The Paradoxes and Trade-offs Facing the EU", in IAI Commentaries, No. 23|40 (August 2023), https://www.iai.it/en/node/17362.[3] Akram Ezzamouri is a Research Fellow in the Mediterranean, Middle East and Africa Programme at the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), Italy.[4] Benjamin Fox and Eleonora Vasques, "Tunisia Pact a 'Blueprint' for New 'Cash for Migrant' Deals, Says EU Chief", in Euractiv, 27 June 2023, https://www.euractiv.com/?p=1946104.[5] Catherine Woollard, "The EU's Dodgy Deal with Tunisia Is a Classic of the Genre: Undemocratic, Unlawful and Unlikely to Work", in ECRE Weekly Bulletin, 26 July 2023, https://ecre.org/?p=15766.[6] International Conference on Development and Migration Conclusions, 23 July 2023, https://www.governo.it/en/node/23251.[7] World Bank, Tunisia Economic Monitor, Fall 2023: Migration Amid a Challenging Economic Context, December 2023, http://hdl.handle.net/10986/40676.[8] Refugees International, "European and Tunisian Migration Policies: A Recipe for Failure and Suffering", in IAI Commentaries, No. 24|02 (January 2024), https://www.iai.it/en/node/17964.[9] Nathalie Tocci, "Europe's Stance on Gaza Has Undermined Its Credibility", in Politico, 5 January 2024, https://www.politico.eu/?p=4076316.[10] United Nations Human Rights Council, Report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review: Tunisia (A/HRC/52/6), 14 December 2022, para. 145.73, https://undocs.org/A/HRC/52/6. See also the OHCHR website: Universal Periodic Review – Tunisia, https://www.ohchr.org/en/hr-bodies/upr/tn-index.[11] Colin Powers is a Senior Fellow and Chief Editor for the Noria Research MENA Program, France.[12] Jorge Liboreiro, "In Stunning Move, Tunisia Snubs Brussels and Refunds €60 Million in EU Aid", in Euronews, 12 October 2023, https://www.euronews.com/my-europe/2023/10/12/in-stunning-move-tunisia-snubs-brussels-and-refunds-60-million-in-eu-aid.[13] Lisa O'Carroll, "EU States Expressed 'Incomprehension' at Tunisia Migration Pact, Says Borrell", in The Guardian, 18 September 2023, https://www.theguardian.com/p/pv3qp.[14] Emmanuel Cohen-Hadria is the Director of the Euro-Mediterranean Policies Department at the European Institute of the Mediterranean (IEMed), Spain, and co-founder of Diplomeds.[15] "Migration Rates from Tunisia to Italy Increase Despite EU Deal", in Middle East Monitor, 30 August 2023, https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20230830-migration-rates-from-tunisia-to-italy-increase-despite-eu-deal.[16] Jorge Liboreiro, "In Stunning Move, Tunisia Snubs Brussels and Refunds €60 Million in EU Aid", cit.[17] In December 2023, the EU and Tunisia came to an agreement on a 150 million euro financial programme part of the MoU. See European Commission, The European Union and Tunisia Come to an Agreement on a EUR 150 Million Programme, 20 December 2023, https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_23_6784.[18] Lisa O'Carroll, "EU States Expressed 'Incomprehension' at Tunisia Migration Pact, Says Borrell", cit.[19] "Saudi Arabia to Give Tunisia $500 Million as Soft Loan and Grant", in Reuters, 20 July 2023, https://www.reuters.com/world/saudi-arabia-give-tunisia-500-mln-soft-loan-grant-2023-07-20.
The subject of this study – The Youth in Croatia and the European Integration – is the relationship of youth toward the European integration process, including the Croatian accession to the European Union, as well as their sociopolitical readiness for integration into a united Europe. The analysis is based on a section of data gathered in early 2004, on the entire Croatian territory, and conducted within the scientific and research project Youth and the European Integration Process. The basic sample of youth, aged 15 to 29, consisted of 2000 examinees, and the control sample of persons older than 30 consisted of 1000 examinees. The obtained findings on youth have been systematically compared to results from the previous research project, The Value System of Youth and Social Changes in Croatia, conducted in early 1999, on an identically structured sample of 1700 young examinees. Data on Croatian youth has also been compared to the corresponding findings of several European researches. European integration is a dynamic and multidimensional process, and in this research, the accent was on the political and normative dimensions of integration. The genesis of the political development of European Union has indicated that, in spite of the oscillations in the process of integration, there is a recognizable progress toward the construction of a Europe of values, where all the included countries meet with equally high democratic demands. The existing research into the European integration process has undoubtedly shown that the relationship of citizens toward the EU varies as a function of time, and depends on the specific situation in certain countries or societies. Croatia is a transitional country that has stepped into the process of democratic consolidation, and after the year 2000, it had also stepped out of a certain kind of international isolation. Today, Croatia is a country trying to join the united Europe, which has managed to obtain the status of a candidate country for accession into the EU, albeit with an uncertain date for accession negotiations. Even though the main obstacle for the start of negotiations is supposedly the lack of satisfaction of the EU with the Croatian cooperation with the Hague Tribunal, the existing tendencies and events in the country indicate that Croatia is not adequately prepared to join the Union: not at the political, nor the social, and especially not at the economic plain. The indicated findings are also the starting points in the research of the relationship of Croatian youth toward the European integration process. A valid analysis of this relationship demands a previous insight into some aspects of the political readiness of youth for European integration of Croatia. With that in mind, special attention was dedicated to political values, attitudes and participation of youth, whose longitudinal monitoring enables a detection of changes that took place during the past five years. The data comparison showed that during the observed period of time, the young people' s otherwise relatively high acceptance of almost all the constitutional values, as well as the harmonious perception of politics and institutional trust have increased, while the lack of hard work, discipline and responsibility are now perceived as a social problem to a greater extent than before. The recent data also indicates that today' s youth perceive the existence of educational, gender and age inequalities in the Croatian society to a larger degree, as well as the worsening of political representation of all marginal groups. On the other hand, the understanding of conflicts and democratic rules (especially the role of the opposition) has weakened, the perception of crime in ownership conversion and privatization as a problem has decreased, there is also a weaker perception of the existence of social and religious inequalities, the social activism and political participation have decreased, and the attitude about inclusion into youth organizations of political parties and the establishment of independent youth parties as forms of activities that might contribute to a more active participation of youth in the society has decreased. From hence comes the conclusion that certain changes tend to lead to further social, most of all political, (self)passivization and marginalization of young people. The continuity of tendencies established in the previous research projects, confirm the finding that the young are not a monolithic group when it comes to acceptance of political values, expression of political attitudes and the level of political participation. The greatest differentiation is present regarding the not so present tolerance toward most observed social phenomena and groups, the perception of unemployment as the most important social problem and the cause of existing difficulties, the perception of existence of political inequalities and the stated interest in politics, as well as the perception of the role of the " diaspora" in the Croatian political life. When these results are observed integrally, it is obvious that the young are mostly differentiated by the level of obtained knowledge and their socio-professional status, then party identification, social origin and the phase of maturity. All the mentioned differentiations of youth can simply be summarized by outlining two large, relatively polarized groups: one consists of socially more competent youth, inclined to the ideological and political options of the left center, and the other consists of a socially inferior youth, inclined toward the right pole of the ideological-political spectrum. The socially more competent youth is more liberal, more critical toward the social reality and the political actors, they manifest a greater respect for democratic institutions and procedures, which is an indicator of the importance of favorable circumstances in the process of political socialization. The recent data enabled us to establish the existence of inter-generational differences, which are not enormous but are significant. The comparative analysis of the attitudes of both the young and the older examinees, demonstrated that the young state a higher degree of trust in the media than the older examinees, that they are more tolerant toward a number of social phenomena and groups, which cause dispute both in the Croatian and the European public opinion arena, as well as more sensitive regarding ethnic inequalities. The young perceive war as the main cause of current difficulties to a greater extent than the elders, they have considerably more trust in their own generation as a social force that could initiate positive trends, they express a greater readiness for inclusion in different civil society activities, and believe more that television and youth organizations could mobilize them into active participation in social affairs. At the same time, the young are slower than the older examinees to accept the value of a democratic order, however, they are also less prone to have a harmonious understanding of politics, they are less socially sensitive, they express less trust in the institutions of power, the socioeconomic goals and the preservation of tradition are less often among their political priorities, they less often think immorality and criminal activities in the privatization process are the cause of current problems, they perceive a smaller level of corruption in all areas of social life (aside from education), they believe less in the positive contribution of experts and entrepreneurs to overcoming the trends of crisis, they are less interested in politics and participate less in political parties, and they have a smaller level of faith in the mobilization role of education for democracy, volunteer work, political parties and non-governmental organizations, as well as the contribution of the family and education system in the stimulation of the young people' s social engagement. The established inter-generational differentiation can be explained through the life cycle theory, meaning the mentioned differences are mostly the effect of differing social statuses and the complete experiences of the young and the older examinees. That means that most young people have not assumed some of the permanent social roles, and that their immediate experiences are limited only to some social areas among which politics do not have a prominent place. The existing inter-generational differences are also the result of the fact that most older examinees draw on their experience gained in a different social and political regime, which to a certain measure forms their existing system of political values that is, in certain elements, especially those related to the social dimension, different than the youth' s system of political values. On the other hand, the congruence of the young and older examinees is contributed to by a common experience of an era, that is, life in a specific socio-historic period. The absence of deep inter-generational ambiguities also indicates that, in spite of the radical changes that have appeared through the decomposition of the old and the set-up of a new social and political order, the mechanism for transposing political values from the older generations to the young ones, functions to a considerable degree, along with the transfer of the shortcomings that exist in the structured political awareness of the older generation. Even though it was established that the youth in Croatia accept the traditional values to a smaller degree compared to the elders, the young are at the same time somewhat more conservative in certain areas than their European counterparts. Pointing to this finding is the greater orientation of the Croatian youth toward the family and a smaller extent of tolerance of certain phenomena and groups in the contemporary society. At that, the social participation of the Croatian young generation is at a lower level than the participation of their European peers. The attitude toward human rights is also one of the indicators of political preparedness of Croatian youth for integration into a democratic Europe, which promotes high standards in the protection of human rights and freedoms. The research results about the evaluation of individual human rights and freedoms, show that the youth accept the right to an education, the right to work and personal security, the right to privacy, the social protection of the elderly and those in other precarious situations, the equality before the law, the rights of women and the right to ownership the most. The analysis has shown that the preference of individual human rights and freedoms is not caused by the observed socio-demographic and socio-structural characteristics of the young, aside from education, which points to the significance of the education system as an agent of improvement of the state of human rights. Approximately a third of the young examinees were not satisfied with the respect for human rights in Croatia today nor were they satisfied five years ago, the percentage of the undecided has decreased in that period of time, and the number of those that think human rights in Croatia are mostly or completely respected has increased. The results of the analysis of social attributes of youth indicate that the ability of assessment and a higher degree of criticism toward the status of human rights in Croatia is related to life in economically more prosperous regions, a left ideological-political orientation as well as the female gender. The comparison of the evaluation of the contribution of institutions, organizations and significant individuals in the population of youth in 1999 and in 2004, established that the generation of youth today perceives a higher level of contribution of all observed participants (except for the opposition) to the protection of human rights and freedoms in Croatia. More precisely, most of the young assess that all the participants, completely or mostly, contribute to the realization of human rights in Croatia, which especially refers to the perception of the contribution of the highest institutions of power. The perception of the status of human rights in Croatia and the contribution of the observed actors to the realization of those rights, are considerably highly influenced by regional affiliation and party identification, followed by their social background, their gender and the religious self-identification of the young. The comparison of acceptance of the observed human rights and freedoms of the populations of young and older examinees in Croatia, indicates that the elders accept most individual human rights and freedoms more than the young, and that they also express less criticism toward today' s respect for those rights and freedoms in Croatia, while validating the contribution of all the observed actors to a higher degree. To summarize, the analysis has shown that the young accept human rights and freedoms very highly at the level of principle, but that there is a certain disagreement when it comes to concrete rights and practices in Croatia. Even though the degree of acceptance of the value of human rights and freedoms is high among the young, there are also deviations indicating an increased need for additional engagement of certain agents of socialization, especially the education system and the political actors. The national affiliation of youth is another indicator relevant to its relationship toward the European integration. The research has shown that the attitude most represented with the youth is one of moderate national identification, then the ones signifying an openness toward the world, while ethno-centric statements are at the back of the obtained hierarchy. The attitude that had demonstrated the highest representation of national identification is for the first time at the top of the rank in all our research projects, just as it is evident that nationally tinted attitudes, both moderate and extreme, are more represented now than in 1986 or in 1999. Such an increase of the national affiliation of the young can be interpreted by the fact that there is more emphasis on existential problems and that there is a higher uncertainty regarding the future, then the increase of differences between the rich and the poor, as well as a smaller degree of trust in the political leadership. The immediate confrontation with this type of social instability, results in a search for safer modes of relationships with other people, the society as a whole and some of its parts, where the nation represents one of the safe havens, much like family and church. However, it is necessary to emphasize that the attitudes of openness toward the world are quite stabile, and that they are often complementary instead of being opposite to attitudes of national identification. At the same time, this points to the complexity of the problem of national affiliation and the fact that it does not have to be exclusive, but can actually coexist with attitudes that enhance the process of European association. Regarding their national affiliation the young are, of course, not homogenous. The results of the analysis have shown that the nationally oriented youth is significantly more religious than the others, they prefer the conservative parties, live in Dalmatia, Central and Eastern Croatia, they originate more often from rural areas and families, where the father has a lower degree of education, they personally have a lower level of education and, within the youth sample, they belong to the youngest age cohort (age 15 to 19), and the groups of pupils and the unemployed. On the other hand, a significantly lower national affiliation is expressed by youth coming from the Istrian, Zagreb and Northern Croatia provenience, those indecisive about religion or atheists, youth of urban background and a higher family and personal education status. However, regarding cosmopolitism, the young demonstrate significantly more homogenous results. It is especially indicative that the more ethno-centric examinees and, to a smaller degree, those with a pronounced national identification, more often have a negative perception of the European Union, while the nationally more exclusive examinees refuse to even support the accession of Croatia into the European Union. The examination of the social (ethnic) distance toward certain nations has demonstrated that the young have put members of the former Yugoslav federation and Russians at the back of the scale, while, with an under-average evaluation, the center of the scale is occupied by members of certain Central and Eastern European nations (the Czech and the Hungarian). Inhabitants of the European Western and Southwestern territories, especially the Italians, which occupy the first position after form the Croats, and the Germans, demonstrate satisfactory results just by being evaluated by average grades. However, the degree of social closeness that the young citizens of Croatia feel toward other Croatian men and women, indicates a certain dose of self-criticism, because approximately one third of the young do not feel an especially high level of affinity toward, for the most part, their own nationals. The older examinees differ from the young in that they more pronouncedly represent attitudes at the center of the national affiliation scale, as well as indicate a higher ethnical distance on average. However, the fact is that, in spite of the existence of inter-generational differences when it comes to national affiliation where the older examinees dominate, there are also inter-generational differences that indicate a better position of the youngest examinees in our sample (aged 15 to 19). This phenomenon has already been described in literature by the so-called U-curve, which vividly illustrates a higher national affiliation of individuals at their earlier and later periods of life. Thus, the greater national affiliation, on the one hand, seems to appear as an expression of an adolescent transitional crisis, and on the other, as a consequence of a long-term perseverance of the perception and production of (most probably) negative experiences with a specific out-group. The relationship of the examinees toward the European integration and the European Union has been investigated via numerous indicators, where the emphasis was on the perception of the possible consequences of Croatian accession to the EU. However, other aspects of the relationship toward Europe and the EU have been the object of research, presenting a wider context for understanding the perception of consequences of joining the Union. The obtained results demonstrated that most of the young and of the older examinees in Croatia actually had a neutral image of the EU, even though those with a positive image exceed those that perceive the EU negatively. Actually, nine tenths of the examinees have in the beginning of 2004, supported the Croatian integration into the Union, but among those examinees, there is a highest number of euro-skeptics, that is, those that believe that too much is expected from the accession. At the same time, there were considerably less euro-enthusiasts (those that expect all-around benefits from the integration) and euro-realists (who believe that integration is inevitable for the survival of small countries). As for the difficulties standing in the way of the Croatian road to a united Europe, the examinees had equally addressed them to both Croatia and the European Union, however, the number of young emphasizing the accountability of the EU has increased from 1999 to 2004, and the number of those accenting Croatia' s responsibility has, in the same period of time, decreased. The finding that the young expect significantly more positive than negative consequences after the Croatian accession into the European Union, is especially important. However, in this regard, there has been a mild decrease in the expectation of the positive, and an increase of the negative consequences among the young during the last five years. The highest positive expectations have been registered at the individual and the socio-cultural planes, while the optimism regarding the socio-economic progress has decreased. Indeed, the lack of socio-economic preparedness of Croatia for the entrance into the developed European surrounding is expected to yield the most negative consequences. The research of the expected development of the EU in the coming ten years, has shown that only the possibility of easier travel, work, study and life in Europe is expected by most of the examinees, especially the young ones. The young are quite fearful of the costs Croatia might have from the integration and of the worsening position of the agricultural population. The negative conesquences expecting their own country are, however, less perceived by the youth in Croatia, than by their counterparts in Europe. Related to the fears from the construction of a united Europe and European Union, we have established that the youth in Croatia is most afraid of the abolition of the Croatian currency and the increase of crime, and its smallest fear has to do with the potential loss of social privileges. The fears of examinees in the enlarged Europe are somewhat different – the most expressed fear is that of labor transfer into other countries, the increase of crime and drug trade, the difficulties expecting the farmers and the price their country has to pay due to the development of the EU. Both the young and the old examinees in Croatia are less worried about the loss of national identity, language and their social privileges than the European examinees. All our examinees emphasize the multiple benefits of the EU enlargement, followed by the positive effects of that enlargement for Croatia, while the efforts of the Croatian government, regarding the accession to the Union, are valued quite poorly. The potential accession of Croatia into the European Union shall also signify a change in the decision-making process, meaning that some of those decisions will be reached at the national level, and some jointly with the EU. Our examinees have, in this regard, demonstrated a high level of readiness for integration, because more than half of them believes that four fifths of the observed areas should be the object of joint decision-making by the EU and Croatia. The only areas in which, in the opinion of the young examinees, Croatia should decide autonomously are the acceptance of refugees, the judiciary, culture, agriculture, fisheries and the police. The Europeans differ in their opinions on these issues from the Croats, and believe two thirds of the observed affairs should be decided on jointly by their country and the EU, while their country should be autonomous in deciding about education, basic rules about the media, health and social care and unemployment. Different social groups have, based on the perception of youth, been grouped into potential losers of the integration (farmers, the retired, workers, the unemployed), potential winners of the integration process (such as the inhabitants of the capital and certain regions, the young, as well as the Croatian population as a whole), and certain winners of the process of integration, which are also the best prepared for Croatian accession into the EU (experts, foreign language speakers, the political elite, managers, large companies). Actually, it was shown that the young consider the social groups which are in a relatively better position in the Croatian society today to be the greatest winners of EU integration, and those whose current status is unenviable, who are in the greatest need of a better future, were perceived as those that will potentially gain the least. The only encouraging fact is that the young are seeing themselves as the potential winners, meaning they believe the existing abilities and potentials of the young generation only need optimal circumstances in order to reach their peak. However, the data about the knowledge of foreign languages in Croatia are not very exhilarating, especially compared to the knowledge of foreign languages of the youth in the European Union countries. Within this research, we have also found that approximately three quarters of our examinees are proud of being Croatian citizens, while around half of the young, and somewhat less of the elders are proud to be European. The young are the ones to be more critical toward their national identity, and at the same time they lead in the positive validation of their European identity. However, the most interesting finding concerns the fact that all the Croatian examinees feel less national pride than the inhabitants of the European Union, while it is understandable that the examinees in the EU emphasize their pride of being European more. The answers of the examinees regarding the question about the contents of the concept " being a citizen of the European Union" indicate that neither the young, nor the older examinees posses a coherent understanding of the EU citizenship. Still, the right to work, live and study in any EU member, represents the key element for the understanding of EU citizenship, both with the young people in Croatia and with the youth in the Union. The young and the older Croatian examinees believe that active suffrage is the least important, regardless of whether the elections in question include the European Parliament, the national or the local representative bodies. Only one out of four Croatian examinees believes the Croatian membership in the EU might benefit them personally, while almost half of all the young and a third of the older examinees do not posses a defined opinion on this issue. It is clear that this feeling is closely related to the question of the personal meaning the European Union holds for the examinees, where neither the young nor the elders have a homogenous perception of the meaning of the EU. A single response appeared in an above-average number of cases – the EU is a way of creating a better future for the young – while the claim that the EU signifies a sort of " European government" , superimposed to the national states which are members of the Union, received a small level of support. Unlike that, the young from the Union countries emphasize the freedom of movement most often, while in time, the very concept of " European government" became more pronounced in the attitudes of the European youth. The young people in Croatia, as well as in the EU, express an equally small level of fear of the euro-bureaucracy, the loss of cultural diversity and the utopian idea of Europe. Considering the readiness of the young to live outside of Croatian borders, we have found that almost two fifths of them would like to live (and work and study) abroad for a while, while a quarter of the Croatian youth would like to leave the country forever. The older examinees, on the other hand, demonstrate a higher level of conservativeness toward the possible departure of their children into one of the countries of the Union, but they are, however, ready to accept their possible studying and training in the EU, while only one out of seven examinees would like his/her children to permanently live or spend their entire working life in one of the countries, which are members of the European Union. The analysis of the differentiation of the young in their relationship toward the European integration and the EU, has indicated that the used social characteristics have a limited influence. In other words, the young are relatively homogenous in their perception of a united Europe and the expectations from the Croatian accession to the European Union. However, certain differences do exist, and they are mostly caused by party identification, socio-professional status, regional affiliation and religious self-identification. This means that the most influential attributes, when it comes to attitudes toward the European integration process, are the ones consisting of ideological-political attitudes and the current social status along with the specifics of the wider environment. Thus, we have found that the sympathizers of parties that belong to the left center, then pupils and students, the inhabitants of the more developed regions and the non-religious examinees are more inclined toward the EU and the integration process, and at that, they emphasize the positive consequences and the potential gains from the Croatian accession into the Union, more than they express their concerns with the negative consequences. Hence, the concise conclusion would be that the greater social competence of the young is reflected in the establishment of a stable and more consistent pro-European orientation. Otherwise, the young differ from their older counterparts in their higher expectance of positive effects from the Croatian integration into the EU and, at the same time, in the lower perception of expected problems and undesirable consequences. Considering information sources and the level of information of the young in Croatia, the results show that the young follow the news in all the media outlets relatively often, but that they do lag behind the older examinees, and the examinees coming from the former EU candidate countries. This finding does not apply only to the use of the Internet as a source of information, where the young people are far superior to the older examinees. With that in mind, it is interesting that the young differ the most among each other, in the use of Internet and the reading of daily newspapers, where the socially more qualified young examinees (the more educated, coming from an urban environment and richer regions and averagely older ones) are the ones that use both media for obtaining information more often. As for the contents the examinees look for in the media, it is visible that the young are much more interested in events from the social and cultural life, and much less in issues related to politics. A comparison with the examinees from 13 countries that were EU candidates, demonstrated that they are far more interested in all the contents (aside from sports) than the Croatian examinees. Regarding the assessment of their own level of information about the EU, somewhat more than half of the young have stated that they are well informed about the European Union and events in it, compared to two thirds of the older examinees believing they are well informed. On the other hand, the results of both the young and the older examinees are surprisingly high, compared to the data on the level of information of the inhabitants in the 25 countries of the European Union, where three quarters of the examinees thought they were poorly informed about the issue. Closely related to the question of the level of information about the European Union itself, is the question about the general level of information about the Croatian accession to that association. The results demonstrate a somewhat different trend than the previous finding. In this case, less than half of the young consider themselves to be well informed about the process. It is interesting that the identically gathered data on this issue, from the former EU candidate countries, yielded a much lower evaluation by the examinees on their own level of information. Regarding issues and problems related to the EU that the examinees would like more information on, we have established that both the youth in Croatia and the examinees from the former EU candidate countries, find issues related to the Union' s policy on youth and education to be the most interesting, followed by the economy and social policy. Along with that, the issues regarding the enlargement of the EU, the cultural policy, the international relations, the regional policy and the EU budget are the ones the young find to be the least interesting. The manner in which the examinees gather information on the European Union mostly include the mass media outlets (the press, the television and the radio), and only then other forms of information gathering, such as discussions with their families and friends, surfing the Internet, specialized books and other published material, and the activities of non-governmental organizations. There are no significant differences in the use of the stated sources of information between the young and the older examinees, except in the case of the Internet. Considering the examinees from the 25 EU member countries, they use all of the observed sources as a way of getting information about the European Union, its policies and institutions, in a smaller amount. The examination of the objective knowledge of the examinees on specific issues related to the European Union has yielded devastating results. Thus, when asked about the phase Croatia was in, regarding the accession process into the EU, at the moment the research was being conducted, the correct answer was given by only a third of both the young and the older examinees. The second question asked, dealt with the familiarity of certain institutions of the European Union. The young and the older examinees do not differ very much from each other regarding their knowledge of this issue: the most familiar institution to both of them is the European Parliament, followed by the European Commission, then the EU Council of Ministers, then the European Central Bank, while all the other institutions were familiar to less than two fifths of the Croatian examinees. The examined citizens of the European Union are, understandably, more familiar with each of the observed institutions. The social attributes of the young, causing the greatest differences regarding their level of information, are mostly the ones connected to their level of socio-cultural qualifications (the socio-professional status and the level of education), followed by gender, and then provenience, regional affiliation and the age of the examinees. The highest level of information and knowledge belongs to men from the oldest age cohort of youth, those born and living in large cities, the inhabitants of the most developed regions, students and the employed examinees, as well as those with a higher education degree, the non-religious and examinees preferring liberal and left-wing parties. Along with all that, it is important to stress that a better level of knowledge and information about the European Union, its policies, institutions and enlargement process, correlates to positive attitudes about the different aspects of the European Union (the image of the EU, the following of issues related to it, the support for the Croatian accession to the Union, and so on), which, most probably, means that they are mutually determined. The inter-generational comparison has, on the other hand, indicated that the older examinees are more interested in most issues appearing in the media, especially politics, and that they assess their level of information to be better than do the young examinees. To put it shortly, the results of the research on the information level and knowledge of the Croatian citizens – both young and old – about the European Union, have indicated that they are not that interested in the European Union issues, as much as their level of presence in the media and the political agenda might imply, and the examinee' s knowledge about the relationship of Croatia and the EU is at an even lower level. Henceforth, it is necessary to conduct a strong and comprehensive public campaign directed precisely at the increase of the level of information and knowledge of the citizens about the European Union and what it represents, so that when the issue comes to the agenda, the Croatian inhabitants might make an educated decision about their country' s accession to that community of European states. The research results presented above may be summarized into a number of tendencies and statements of a wider nature. The political culture of the young testifies, in a number of aspects, to an approximation to the desirable democratic standards – especially regarding the acceptance of basic liberal-democratic values and the readiness for social engagement, at lease in principle – however, their social power and social capital are at a low level. At that, the young are aware of their own social and political marginalization, and recognize an entire plethora of measures that might help them gain a certain measure of power and become active citizens, as is desirable in a democratic society, but they do not use sufficiently the channels of social and political promotion, which are at their disposal. Today' s generation of youth expresses a lower level of social sensitivity and is more oriented toward individual efforts and family resources in the realization of life goals. At that, it seems that the young are not aware of the fact that an unequal access to existing social resources of the young generation today will have generated an unequal social status when they come of age. Hence, we can expect a widening and deepening of the process of social decomposition, that should be corrected through mechanisms that are supposed to ensure the highest possible equality of chances in the access to social resources (most of all, education). What we mean to say is that human capital is what Croatia, as a small and an insufficiently developed country, should deal with very thoughtfully. This, at the same time, signifies a maximum of investment into the development of human potentials, where the young generation certainly comes first. The inter-generational differences regarding the readiness of Croatia for accession into the European Union, and the relationship toward the European integration, are not of such a type and scale that there could be any mention of a generational gap, however, they are indicative. The most visible fact is that the young have demonstrated a more liberal, tolerant and flexible disposition, that they have a higher belief in the potentials of their own generation, and that they are consistent in their pro-European orientation, where they see their own generation as one of the certain winners of the Croatian accession into a united Europe. These trends suggest that the potentials of the young are a resource to be seriously reckoned with on the Croatian road into the EU. The process of the Croatian accession into the European Union is linked to different difficulties that affect the attitudes of citizens about the importance of Croatian entrance into the EU. Through this research, we have clearly detected that, unlike the Croatian political elite, both the young and the older citizens do not consider the Croatian integration into EU, to be the most important political goal. The political priorities of the citizens seem to be quite different, and their support to the project of European integration is weakening. It is, then, realistic to expect this trend to continue if the problematic events in the European Union persist, just as the difficulties in the relationship of Croatia and the EU, as well as the unfavorable economic and social trends in Croatia itself. This is why there are two equally important political tasks facing the ruling political elite: the initiation of the development of Croatia and an well-argumented explanation to the Croatian citizens why the country' s integration in the united Europe is purposeful.