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Two years after the Russian attack on Ukraine, it is clear to everyone that the European Defence Technological and Industrial Basis (EDITB) was ill-equipped to face the consequences of a large-scale, high-intensity conflict on the Old Continent. The war changed three decades of procurement policies, production and technological trends that had previously shaped (not only) Europe's approach to defence hardware.
From the 1990s onwards, the preference for fewer, precise, highly advanced weapon systems over the massive employment of low-medium tech solutions had a double effect on the EDITB. First, it led European markets to partially consolidate, and individual companies to strive for increased efficiency. This meant not investing/maintaining redundant production sites, divesting from relatively low profitable and low demand segments such as the manufacturing of artillery shells and pursuing research and development (R&D) investment in high-end products. Second, the emphasis on technological prowess also shaped the way the European Union tried to jumpstart defence cooperation and integration among member states, first and foremost through the European Defence Fund (EDF) and Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO).A shift to joint production and procurement
The war and Ukraine's boundless need for ammunition, modern equipment and NATO-standard weaponry have changed the picture. The European Union has provided more than 5.6 billion euro in military aid to Ukraine by financing transfers of equipment from member states with the European Peace Facility (EPF),[1] an off-budget fund gradually increased to 12 billion euro that was rapidly repurposed as the main instrument through which Brussels backs Ukraine's war effort (Figure 1).[2] Europe's shallow defence stocks have, however, proven insufficient to provide enough resources to support Ukraine's needs, particularly in the land domain. First and foremost, Ukraine's extensive use of artillery (both 155mm rounds and missile systems) has put a significant strain on the European and transatlantic productive capacities.[3] Recognising the risks associated with uncoordinated, national responses to the surging demand for defence items, the EU has crafted new tools to guarantee military aid to Ukraine and that the replenishment of national stockpiles does not lead to crippling competition between member states on the European market, a further decrease of systems interoperability and an overreliance on non-EU suppliers and technologies.

Figure 1 | EU defence programmes (2018 prices, billion euro)



Note: the EPF Financial Ceiling is made up of national contributions, determined by the GNI.
The EDF Budget comes from the Commission's Multiannual Financial Framework.

The first measure put forward by the EU was the so-called European Defence Industrial Reinforcement through Common Procurement Act (EDIRPA), designed to support member states in establishing joint procurement mechanisms for defence goods.[4] The earmarking of 500 million euro should have covered additional administrative and technical costs incurred when engaging in multinational procurement processes.[5] The successive political agreement axed EDIRPA's budget to a meagre 300 million euro.[6] After almost one year of discussions, the involved parties finally found a compromise on the potential eligibility of non-EU companies and actors, thus allowing for some limited exceptions for allied countries such as the US.[7] EDIRPA should be substituted in the long term by a permanent instrument, not limited to ammunition and missiles, to be included in the European Defence Investment Programme (EDIP).
EDIRPA, which should be voted on by the EU Parliament before the 2024 elections, is a package of structural measures which required extensive negotiations and is expected to have long implementation times. As such, in 2023, the Council decided to complement the Act with a so-called "three-track approach" to boost ammunition production and immediately raise the level of support for Ukraine.[8] Track 1 consists of an invitation to member states to transfer part of their ammunition stocks to Ukraine,[9] reimbursed with funds from the EPF, while Track 2 parallelly foresees the joint procurement by member states of 1 million ammunition rounds.[10] Track 3 represents the most consistent step, and has materialised through the so-called Act in Support of Ammunition Production (ASAP), which allocates 500 million euro to financially support and boost related production capacities.[11]Consequences for existing programmes and policies
It may be too soon to talk about a shift of focus from R&D projects to joint procurement and production. First of all, it is noteworthy that most of the initiatives, and certainly the majority of allocated funds, mainly pertain to the supply side of the defence markets (Table 1). By reimbursing transfers and acting on bottlenecks and production capacities, the EU essentially tries to decrease the cost of military aid to Ukraine for member states, while only a few measures actively try to shape the overall demand for military goods (such as changing the incentives that shape procurement decisions). This may turn out to be problematic if one considers that the core issue at the heart of European defence expenditure is precisely fragmented demand.[12] Even worse, current supply-side measures are short-term and do little in terms of rationalisation and aggregation of productive capacities, as little is done to streamline value chains, optimally allocate resources and foster economies of scale.[13]

Table 1 | EU measures to boost defence production after 24 February 2022



[14], [15], [16]

However, it is clear that without an increase in the EU's resources, every new instrument will require a remodulation of existing defence initiatives. To a certain extent, this has already happened: ASAP will be financed with resources previously allocated to EDIRPA and EDF (Table 2).

Table 2 | Sources of financing of appropriations under the ASAP (millions euro)



Source: European Commission, Proposal for a Regulation on Establishing the Act in Support of Ammunition Production, cit.

Implications for European defence integration
The measures launched by the EU in the wake of the war have a series of implications for the European defence integration process. The emergency measures undertaken after February 2022 are naturally aimed at a very specific task: boosting the output of artillery shells and missiles to replenish depleted stocks and provide long-term sustainable aid to Ukraine. Nevertheless, one should remember that, as mentioned, these policies are essentially aimed at the supply side of the equation and do not contribute to a long-term consolidation of demand. Moreover, ammunitions are far easier to produce than complex weapon systems. As such, a mechanism of reimbursements and targeted financing would not necessarily bring EU defence integration forward when it comes to more advanced systems.
From a demand-side perspective, measures designed to aid Ukraine and increase the production of ammunition do not necessarily help the integration of European defence, on the contrary. Only structured institutional measures that bundle and rationalise European demand for defence goods, such as the development of the European Defence Capability Consortia (EDCC) and full implementation of the recommendations included in the Coordinated Annual Review of Defence (CARD), can lead to structural optimisation of available production capacities.
From a supply-side perspective, delays in the negotiation of EDIRPA also show disagreements between individual member states on the opportunity to keep European defence markets reasonably open to companies from third countries. Indeed, given that weapons systems have, on average, long service time spans, their current acquisition often discourages the procurement of alternative goods due to the complexity of maintaining multiple logistical chains and support systems.[17] While Eastern and Northern member states discount this issue due to the urgency of rapidly rearming, as demonstrated in the European Sky Shield controversy, countries like France and Italy advocate for a long-term approach to improve the competitiveness of the EDTIB and the level of (shared) technological sovereignty over advanced systems. There should be a different approach on one hand for short-term, with short-span initiatives coping with urgent requirements, and on the other hand for long-term and permanent measures. When the latter have to be addressed, it is reasonable that EU financial incentives should benefit the EDTIB.
Squaring the circle requires a robust backing of EDF and EDIP, as they can structurally rationalise the demand side of European defence markets and move the debate beyond a simple question of market access, putting the question of synchronisation and coordination of procurement policies at the centre of European defence affairs.The limits of the intra-European market
Finally, the achievement of economies of scale also requires a comprehensive re-examination of the 2009 defence market directives,[18] which do not properly address the distortions of the European market structure. On one hand, under directive 2009/81/EC,[19] European cooperative projects are subject to the same competition rules as national or third-country products. This provision has become obsolete since the EU has decided that defence cooperation, both in procurement, research and development, is a priority in its own right. This political choice should be reflected by favouring hardware developed within EU collaborative projects in procurement processes.
On the other hand, directive 2009/43/EC[20] does not enable European defence products to become truly competitive due to heterogeneous and burdensome rules still existing on intra-European transfers, including for IP and immaterial goods. Current rules do not allow for the development of a truly European market when it comes to components, spare parts and subsystems, all of which still need to comply with customs clearings and national certification procedures, thus keeping productive capacities and supply chains fragmented along national borders. Abating such non-tariff barriers should be a priority for the near future.Michele Nones is Vice President of the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI). This commentary is a revised and updated version of a chapter written by the same author for the study Russia-Ukraine War's Strategic Implications, edited by Alessandro Marrone, Rome, IAI, February 2024.[1] Kiel Institute for the World Economy, Ukraine Support Tracker, updated on 16 February 2024, https://www.ifw-kiel.de/topics/war-against-ukraine/ukrainesupport-tracker.[2] Council of the EU website: European Peace Facility, https://europa.eu/!3jNYwR.[3] Léo Péria-Peigné, "Military Stockpiles: A Life-Insurance Policy in a High-Intensity Conflict?", in Focus stratégique, No. 113 (December 2022), https://www.ifri.org/en/node/26801.[4] European Commission website: Act in Support of Ammunition Production (ASAP), https://defence-industry-space.ec.europa.eu/node/453_en.[5] Sebastian Clapp, "European Defence Industry Reinforcement through Common Procurement Act (EDIRPA)", in EPRS Briefings, November 2023, https://www.europarl.europa.eu/thinktank/en/document/EPRS_BRI(2023)739294.[6] European Commission, European Defence Industry: Commission Welcomes Political Agreement on Support for Common Procurement Between Member States, 28 June 2023, https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_23_3554.[7] Council of the EU, EU Defence Industry: Council and European Parliament Agree on New Rules to Boost Common Procurement, 27 June 2023, https://europa.eu/!7Dr9TN.[8] Alexandra Brzozowski, "EU Proposes Three-Track Approach to Secure Ammunition for Ukraine, Support Industry", in Euractiv, 2 March 2023, https://www.euractiv.com/?p=1888130.[9] By July 2023 donations reached a total of 1 billion euro.[10] Council of the EU, Delivery and Joint Procurement of Ammunition for Ukraine, 20 March 2023, https://europa.eu/!4jfxJp.[11] European Commission, Proposal for a Regulation on Establishing the Act in Support of Ammunition Production (COM/2023/237), 3 May 2023, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/en/TXT/?uri=celex:52023PC0237.[12] See Lucas Hellemeier and Michelangelo Freyrie, "Leaving Defenselessness Behind", in International Politics and Society, 16 June 2023, https://www.ips-journal.eu/topics/european-integration/leaving-defenselessness-behind-6775.[13] Gaspard Schnitzler, "EDIRPA/EDIP: Risks and Opportunities of Future Joint Procurement Incentives for the European Defence Market", in Ares Policy Papers, No. 81 (March 2023), https://www.iris-france.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/ARES-81-Policy-paper.pdf.[14] European Commission, Defence: €500 Million and New Measures to Urgently Boost EU Defence Industry Capacities in Ammunition Production, 3 May 2023, https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_23_2569.[15] Council of the EU, Ammunition for Ukraine: Council Agrees €1 Billion Support under the European Peace Facility, 13 April 2023, https://europa.eu/!grhNB9.[16] Council of the EU, EU Joint Procurement of Ammunition and Missiles for Ukraine: Council Agrees €1 Billion Support under the European Peace Facility, 5 May 2023, https://europa.eu/!nTfjjD.[17] Michele Nones, "The Risks to European Defence of Non-coordination", in Alessandro Marrone et al., The Russia-Ukraine War, Security in Europe and European Defence, Rome, IAI, November 2022, p. 29-32, https://www.iai.it/en/node/16243.[18] For a deeper analysis, see: Alessandro Marrone and Michele Nones, "The EU Defence Market Directives: Genesis, Implementation and Way Ahead", in Documenti IAI, No. 20|18 (September 2020), https://www.iai.it/en/node/12156.[19] European Parliament and Council of the EU, Directive 2009/81/EC of 13 July 2009 on the Coordination of Procedures for the Award of Certain Works Contracts, Supply Contracts and Service Contracts by Contracting Authorities or Entities in the Fields of Defence and Security, http://data.europa.eu/eli/dir/2009/81/oj.[20] European Parliament and Council of the EU, Directive 2009/43/EC of 6 May 2009 Simplifying Terms and Conditions of Transfers of Defence-related Products within the Community, http://data.europa.eu/eli/dir/2009/43/oj.

Pierwszy globalny konflikt międzynarodowy w XX wieku doprowadził do rozbioru Turcji. Nowy układ sił usankcjonowany został wprowadzeniem systemu mandatowego będącego w rzeczywistości jedynie zawoalowaną formą kolonialnego charakteru zaboru arabskiej części tego państwa. Porozumienia między Wielką Brytanią i Francją dotyczące podziału stref wpływów na tym obszarze powierzało pieczę nad Mezopotamią władzom w Londynie. Umowa otwierała drogę do powstania na tym terytorium odrębnego państwa. Powołana przez Wielką Brytanię do życia monarchia iracka o powierzchni o 1/3 większej od obszaru dzisiejszej Polski była całkowicie sztucznym tworem politycznym, niewydzielonym tradycją historyczną konglomeratem etniczno–wyznaniowym, stanowiącym poza okręgami północnymi wykrojony z świata arabskiego fragment mający jedynie czytelną, opartą w przybliżeniu na kryterium narodowościowym granicę na wschodzie. Protektorzy i polityczni budowniczowie tego quasi–państwa, desygnując na tron króla Fajsala, ustanawiając powolne rządy i sterując procesem legislacyjnym, zapewnili tu sobie niemal nieograniczone wpływy . Nadzorowali politykę zagraniczną i obronną Iraku, a przede wszystkim tutejsze złoża ropy naftowej. Zmagania zbrojne II wojny światowej wykazały, jak bardzo ważne dla odniesienia sukcesu militarnego było zapewnienie nieograniczonego dostępu do źródeł tego surowca. Międzynarodowa ranga Iraku wyraźnie wzrosła. Zawiadywanie znajdującymi się na jego terytorium zasobami naturalnymi nabrało teraz dodatkowo zupełnie nowego, nie w pełni docenianego dotąd pozaekonomicznego wymiaru. Stały się one bowiem elementem strategicznym. Równie istotne zaczęło być samo położenie geopolityczne tego kraju. Oba te faktory, łącząc się w jedną całość, czyniły Irak niezwykle ważnym państwem bliskowschodnim. Posiadanie dominujących w nim wpływów pozwalało kształtować nie tylko rozmiary produkcji ropy ale przez długie lata ze względu na istniejącą infrastrukturę także cały prowadzony za pośrednictwem rurociągów transfer naftowy do arabskich portów Zatoki Perskiej i Morza Śródziemnego. W konsekwencji Irak pozostawał w ścisłym spektrum zainteresowania światowych mocarstw, a za takie uchodzić będą tu: Wielka Brytania, Stany Zjednoczone, Związek Radziecki oraz przez wzgląd na silne wpływy w świecie arabskim także Francja. Rezultaty agresywnej polityki tych potęg wobec Iraku, całkowicie determinujące sytuację i stan stosunków międzynarodowych w skali makroregionalnej a pośrednio globalnej, z różnych względów nie zostały jednak dotąd opracowane. Podstawowym celem badawczym pracy było zatem ustalenie wpływu, jaki wywierała w analizowanym okresie polityka mocarstw na sytuację wewnętrzną i zewnętrzną Iraku, a także ukazanie konsekwencji zajmowanego wobec tego państwa stanowiska dla stanu istniejących stosunków w obszarze Bliskiego i Środkowego Wschodu oraz globalnych relacji międzynarodowych. ; The analysis of the material confirms a wide range of political actions lead by Great Britain, the United States, and the Soviet Union towards Iraq. The main reasons for such a state of affairs were Iraq's geopolitical location, and rich and easy to develop Iraqi oil fields. It was also the infrastructure enabling transit of home stock to Mediterranean ports and, in prospect, sending oil of Saudi, Kuwaian and Irani origin forward. As a result, in the time of post-war monarchy (1945 – 1958) Iraq was completely deprived of any influence on forming its own internal situation and international position. In the first case, the existence of such a situation was clearly expressed by the court's dependence on Great Britain and personal relationships between the king's family and the members of the government, and local political establishment. A similar evidence of inability to make independent decisions was Iraqi political parties financed by British and American groups of interest. They also manipulated, through the Iraqi offices, the work of both local legislatures and, at the same time, they helped each succeeding Baghdad cabinet in every respect. An equally obvious proof of Iraqi government dependence was their consultations on home affairs with representatives of Downing Street and the White House, as well as British forces stationing in Iraq and American military presence. Much the same should be judged from the fact that the basic branches of economy were under control of companies representing former mandatories and the treaties signed at that time. The external supervision reached even the political underground, which was kept under surveilance and secretely supported by the Soviet Union. Iraq was made a centre of British influence in the region, and was given a crucial role in all preparations to accomplish projects serving to restore British influence in the Middle East, which also shows Iraq's independence in the sphere of political relations. Equally visible symptom of this phenomenon was dubious attitude of Iraqi government during Sues Crisis. It included providing with weapon and fuel for planes taking off British airports to shell Egypt, protection for oil instalation and oil pipelines, planning Syria neutralization in the case it took any offensive actions against Israel – clearly contrasting to attitude of other Arabian countries. We can give the same explanation to Iraqi membership in Baghdad Pact strictly connected with the rest of British plans to get back the domination in the Middle East. The strong influence of western powers, especially Great Britain, on Iraqi government contributed significantly to support of political tension in the Middle East. Returning attempts to accomplish the Fertile Crescent unification under rule of probritish Hashimids favouring monopolization of oil transit towards Mediterranean coast destabilized the situation in Syria, Lebanon and Jordan making even Kuwait an object of potential expansion. These attempts also met a firm counteraction of remaining powers and authorities in Kuwait and Riyadh, which were unfavorable to british-iraqi aspirations. A seroius consequence of subjecting Iraq to strong external pressure, apart from ruinous results for stabilisation, was its destructive influence on the process of political integration of the Arabian world. It efficiently hampered introduction of existing unification ideas, which lay in the interest of each power. It is also worth to pay attention to the consequences of Iraqi membership in Baghdad Pact. Through the influence of western powers it became one of the bases of antirussian military pact by breaking the existing east Arabian neutrality and making it a new front of the Cold War confrontation. The changes in external situation and international Iraq position brought about by the revolution of July 14, 1958, were not only the effect of the Soviet Union's actions. Each power applied a completely different policy towards Iraq. The division lines of existing rivalry for this country were drawn not only along the standing bipolar confrontation border between east and west but first of all within the sphere of this last pole. Great Britain and the United States cooperation was limited to a very small range of issues. Political activity of American administration during presidencies of H. Truman and D. D. Eisenhower in relation to Iraq was directed towards changing the face of things in that country and replacing British interests by American ones. It proved totally inefficient. By destroying the existing balance it contributed significantly to loss of American influence, and, unable fill the empty space, it only prepared the political ground for Soviet penetration in Iraq. The Cremlin supported Arabian aspirations favouring independence. As a result, the western powers were deprived of their previous possibilities to influence this country. The revolution raised Iraqi independence on a new quality status. During the first decade of the republican government (1958 – 1967) the world powers retained their significant influence on Iraq. They interfered into the country's affairs in two ways: through economic relations and through oppositional groups. Both forms of the pressure used turned out to be very effective and forced the local government to take into consideration interests of Great Britain and the Soviet Union when making any decisions important for the country. The strength of this reaction was reflected in both trade deals, and mass riots and demonstrations started by Kurds. As a result not only the country's international position but its internal affairs as well were defined by the policy of the world powers towards Iraq. Pains of Iraqi leaders aimed at weakening the relations which cramped the country's independence were stopped by their deaths. A.K. Kasim was murdered whereas S. A. Arif died in a mysterious plane crash, which shows the complexity of this problem. The main reason which let the world powers influence strongly the Republic of Iraq during the years of 1958 – 1967 were the huge debts of this country in the face of the eastern block, whereas its income – due to the way in which the concession treaties based on proportional share in oil sale were written – came from the western oil consortiums and depended on the level of production. It gave both sides unlimited possibilities of political manipulations. It was only the nationalization of the Iraq's biggest company– Iraq Petroleum Company - on July 1, 1972, and of some of the other oil giants – Mosul Petroleum Company, Standard Oil of New Jersey, Mobil Oil, Gulbekian and a significant part of Royal Dutch shares during the next year – together with steep crude oil price boost and introduction of embargo on its deliveries to western countries by Arabian countries that granted a unique opportunity for the then Iraqi regime to limit radically foreign influence for more than a quarter of a century. Резюме Анализ подтвердил широкий спектр политический действий, предпринимавшихся Великобританией, Соединенными Штатами и Советским Союзом в отношении Ирака. Главной причиной такой ситуации стало геополитическое положение Ирака, богатые, не представляющие трудностей при добыче нефтяные месторождения и инфраструктура, позволяющая транспортировать сырье к портам Средиземного моря, а в перспективе – пересылать нефть из Ирана, Кувейта и Саудовской Аравии. Итак, в период послевоенной монархии (1945–1958) Ирак был полностью лишен возможности оказывать влияние как на ситуацию внутри страны, так и на международное положение. В первом случае это выражалось в зависимости дворцовых кругов от Великобритании и личных связях королевской семьи и членов правительства Ирака c английским политическим истеблишментом. О невозможности самостоятельного принятия решений свидетельствует также финансирование английскими и американскими деловыми кругами иракских парламентских партий, манипуляция с их помощью деятельностью обеих законодательных палат и оказание всесторонней поддержки со стороны западных держав очередным иракским правительствам. Очевидным симптомом зависимости иракских властей были консультации с представителями Великобритании и США относительно внутриполитических проблем, размещение на своей территории английских вооруженных сил и присутствие постоянной американской военной миссии. Подобным же образом нужно, по всей видимости, расценивать и тот факт, что основная отрасль экономики оставалась под контролем компаний, представляющих интересы бывших мандатариев, а также относящееся к тому же времени заключение международных договоров. Внешний контроль простирался даже на политическое подполье, контролируемое и тайно финансируемое Советским Союзом. Значимым для подчиненного положения в сфере международных отношений было выделение Ираку роли центра английского воздействия в регионе и подготовки разнообразных проектов, имеющих целью восстановление влияния этой державы на Ближнем Востоке. Заметным симптомом названного явления стала неоднозначная позиция иракского правительства во время Суэцкого кризиса: снабжение оружием и топливом вылетающих с местных аэродромов для бомбардировки Египта британских самолетов, защита установок и нефтепроводов, планы нейтрализации Сирии в случае, если она вступит в войну против Израиля – все это ярко контрастировало с позицией остальных арабских государств. Подобным образом объясняется и проблема иракского участия в Багдадском Пакте, тесно связанная с британскими намерениями вернуть себе господство на Ближнем Востоке. Сильное влияние западных держав, особенно Великобритании, на иракское правительство способствовало поддержанию политической напряженности в ближневосточном регионе. Постоянные попытки осуществить объединение "Благодатного Полумесяца" под властью пробританской династии Хашимидов, содействовали монополизации транзита нефти к средиземноморскому побережью, дестабилизировали ситуацию в Сирии, Ливане и Иордании, превращая даже Кувейт в объект потенциальной экспансии. Одновременно попытки эти сталкивались с решительным противоборством остальных мировых держав, каирских и риядских властей, не приветствовавших британо-иракские планы. Серьезным последствием того, что Ирак подвергался сильному внешнему давлению, кроме пагубных для региональной стабилизации результатов, было сильное деструктивное влияние на процесс политической интеграции арабского мира. Оно успешно тормозило распространение объединительных концепций, что, как следует подчеркнуть, было выгодно каждой из держав. Необходимо обратить внимание и на последствия иракского участия в Багдадском Пакте: силами западных стран Ирак стал одной из опор антисоветского военного соглашения, нарушив существовавшую до сих пор нейтральность арабского востока и превратив его в новый фронт холодной войны. Перемены во внутренней ситуации и международном положении Ирака, пришедшие с революцией 14 июля 1958 года, не были результатом только лишь эффективных действий Советского Союза, что следует отметить со всей решительностью. Каждая держава осуществляла особую политику в отношении этого ближневосточного государства. Линии раздела влияния проходили не только вдоль существовавшей тогда биполярной конфронтации Восток – Запад, но, прежде всего, внутри самого последнего полюса. Великобритания и Соединенные Штаты сотрудничали только в очень ограниченной сфере вопросов. Дипломатическая деятельность американской администрации президентов Г. Трумэна и Д.Д. Эйзенхауэра по отношению к Ираку, ориентированная на осуществление "смены караула" в этой стране и замещение британских интересов своими собственными, оказалась совершенно безрезультатной. Нарушая установившееся равновесие, она в значительной степени способствовала потере британцами влияния, но, не сумев заполнить образовавшуюся пустоту, лишь приготовила политическую почву для советского проникновения в Ирак. Кремль в нужный момент поддержал стремление арабов к независимости, в результате чего западные державы оказались лишены прежних способов воздействия. Революция вывела иракскую суверенность на качественно новый уровень. В первой декаде республиканского правления (1958–1967) мировые державы продолжали оказывать значительное влияние на ситуацию в стране. Вмешательство во внутренние дела осуществлялось двумя способами: через использование экономических связей и оппозиционных группировок. Обе формы воздействия были весьма эффективны, заставляя местные власти при принятии важных для страны решений учитывать интересы Советского Союза или той же Великобритании. Силу этого воздействия отражали то торговые договора, то массовые беспорядки и демонстрации или курдские восстания. В результате не только международное положение Ирака, но и отношения внутри страны определялись позицией мировых держав. Старания иракских лидеров, направленные на ограничение связывающих самостоятельность страны факторов, обрывались с их смертью: А.К. Касем был убит, а А.С. Ариф погиб в авиакатастрофе, произошедшей при загадочных обстоятельствах, что, по сути, отражает уровень сложности проблемы. Основной причиной, позволяющей мировым державам оказывать сильное влияние на Иракскую Республику в 1958–1967 гг. были огромные задолженности государства восточному блоку, а полученные доходы, из-за формулировок концессионных договоров, опиравшихся на процентное участие в продаже нефти, шли от западных монополий и зависели от размера добычи. Это давало обеим сторонам неограниченные возможности политических манипуляций. Лишь национализация 1 июня 1972 года самого крупного на территории Ирака предприятия Иракской Нефтяной Компании, а через год и других видных представителей отрасли: Мосульской Нефтяной Компании, Standard Oil of New Jersy, Mobil Oil, Gulbelkian и значительной части капитала Royal Dutch при одновременном резком повышении цен на сырье и введении арабскими странами эмбарго на поставки в западные страны предоставило тогдашнему иракскому режиму исключительный шанс, чтобы радикально ограничить внешнее воздействие на более чем четверть века. ; Piotr Kwiatkiewicz

The last week of February 2024 marks the anniversary of two tragedies for Ukrainian society: the start of Russia's occupation of Crimea, in 2014, and the launch of Russia's large-scale invasion of Ukraine, in 2022. Ten years ago, in 2014, this terrible week included the massacre on the Maidan, the flight of disgraced President Yanukovych to Russia, the appointment of an interim president and government, Russia's takeover of Crimea, and the start of the Russia-backed secessionist/irridentist movements in southeastern Ukraine. Two years ago, this was the first week of the Russian full-scale invasion, marked by the bombing of cities and the precipitous departure of the first wave of refugees to Ukraine's western regions and Europe. This week two years ago also saw the start of Ukraine's ongoing resistance. Both events—despite being separated by eight years—were part of a single historical process that has had a critical impact on the lives and security of the Ukrainian people. How are things with Ukrainians after ten years of Russia's growing aggression? How do they see the current situation, and their own and the country's future? The Sociopolitical ContextIn 2022, with the start of the Russian invasion, Ukrainian leadership and society entered into a specific state of public consciousness characterized by rallying around the flag, firm solidarity on the imperative of national resistance, and an outspoken faith in victory over the aggressor. Despite the existential threat, over 75 percent of the population expressed optimism about the state of affairs in Ukraine and the country's future—an unusually high figure for Ukrainians (and for Eastern Europeans at large). But with the passage of time, and as a result of military, demographic, and political challenges, society—and its opinion—began reverting to a more rational, sober state.As happens in many societies at war, part of Ukraine's population looked for a safer life abroad. According to most recent data, over six million refugees are currently in Europe, between 1.2 million and five million Ukrainians are in Russia (many of whom were deported unwillingly or are being kept in Russia by force), and more than 400,000 Ukrainians have migrated to Canada and the United States. As well, more than 3.5 million Ukrainians have moved from dangerous areas to resettle in safer regions in central and western Ukraine. These migrations have radically changed the social structure and human geography of Ukraine. About a quarter of Ukraine's former population has left the country, and an additional 10 percent have changed their place of residence within the country. Formerly large urban centers from Kharkiv to Odesa in southeastern Ukraine are now depopulated. The regions close to the front line are inhabited by elderly people who do not want to leave their homes and by military staff. Cities and towns in the central and western regions have gained some younger people. Also, Kyiv has witnessed waves of leaving and returning citizens. Today, Ukrainian society has fewer people, skews much older than before, and has adapted to life in a state of constant war and destruction. Ukraine's political class is adapting to the war as well. The sociopolitical role of military and security leaders and institutions has grown, as has trust in them. The conflict between President Zelensky and General Zaluzhny, as well as recent changes in the army's leadership, exemplify two major political trends wrought by the ongoing war. First, the politicians and the generals have started competing with each other for the public's trust, which can potentially evolve into a political struggle. Second, the civil government controls the generals. However, a Zaluzhny faction is taking shape in parliament—at least as far as can be discerned from voting patterns—and in wider society, suggesting leadership of the ex-commander.Behind the fractious relations between Zelensky's team and supporters of Zaluzhny, there is a deeper societal cleavage. As the public controversies over the draft law on mobilization demonstrate, Ukrainians are currently divided between those families whose members are in the army for two years with an unclear prospect of returning home and those families that don't want to send their sons and brothers to fight. These two large factions are united in wanting victory over Russia but divided in their willingness to invest blood in achieving that victory.Public Opinion of Ukraine's Development and Leadership In advance of the twin anniversaries, several polling organizations, including the Sociological Group "Rating" (Rating Group), the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS), and the Razumkov Center, have published the results of surveys regarding what Ukrainians think about the current state of affairs in the country, the war, and the nation's leadership. Probably the most important result is what can be called the sobering of Ukrainian society. Both KIIS and Rating Group polls demonstrate that pessimistic assessments of Ukraine's development prevail again over the optimism of the first years of the war. Figure 1 shows the course of Ukrainian public opinion over the past ten years. Ukrainians' inherent pessimism was challenged ten years ago by the Euromaidan, the annexation of Crimea, and the start of the Donbas war, all leading to a coalescing of a strong sense of nationhood and a desire to create and own the nation's future. The optimistic sentiment increased with the electoral victory of Zelensky in 2019 and prospects of peace and nonoligarchic development. And for the next two years, levels of optimism remained high. Figure 1. In your opinion, are things in Ukraine generally going in the right or wrong direction? (Rating Group)Image CreditThe war of attrition has exhausted the populace's optimism but not the will to victory, as the same poll showed. The proportion of citizens who are absolutely confident that Ukraine will be able to win a war with Russia is 42 percent, and another 43 percent are rather sure. The proportion with greatest confidence is smaller than in October 2022 (74 percent and 22 percent, respectively), but it also demonstrates that even a "soberer" society does not experience a decrement in the will to resist. A rational explanation for this new state of public opinion emerges from the widespread understanding that Ukraine's victory is possible only if the West continues its support, an idea supported by 79 percent of respondents. The public trust in the military and security leadership grows. According to the KIIS poll, the most trustworthy leader in Ukraine is Valeriy Zaluzhny, whose trust level stands at 94 percent (5 percent distrust) and has only grown in the recent three months. Public trust has also increased in Kyrylo Budanov (chief of Defense Intelligence, 66 percent trust versus 19 percent distrust) and Oleksandr Syrsky (since February 8 the new commander in chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, 40 percent versus 35 percent). Political leaders are also among the most trusted persons, but their trust level has declined: Volodymyr Zelensky enjoys the trust of 60 percent of respondents (with a 40 percent level of distrust; a thirteen percentage point drop in his trust rating in three months) and Serhiy Prytula is trusted by 61 percent (with 33 percent distrusting; an eight percentage point drop in trust rating in three months). As figure 2 shows, the dispute between the president and Zaluzhny, and the dismissal of the popular commander without open explanation to the people, have cost Volodymyr Zelensky some public support as well as some bitterness among army personnel. (The last two columns in the figure show results of polls conducted on February 5–8 and 9–10, respectively.)Figure 2. Dynamics of trust in Volodymyr Zelensky (KIIS, February 2022 –February 2024)Image CreditDespite changes in the ratings of individual leaders, public support for government remains high. As the Razumkov Center's survey reveals, the Ukrainian government's performance receives high ratings on restoring energy facilities to working condition after missile strikes (78.5 percent of respondents gave high marks for this), ensuring the proper functioning of communal utilities, transport, and availability of food supplies despite the war (78 percent), cooperating with Western partners (68 percent), helping refugees (63 percent), and ensuring the nation's defense capability (62 percent). Mid-range marks are given to the government on fighting crime (45 percent) and helping vulnerable groups (44.5 percent). Ukrainians are dissatisfied with the government for being unable to sustain social justice (especially with respect to the draft regulations; 51 percent), a functional economy (46 percent), and restoration of the housing stock (40 percent).Support and trust levels for different governmental institutions vary. Among the most trusted are the military and security organizations (from 68 to 95 percent), the institution of the presidency (64 percent), the police service (58 percent), and Ukraine's National Bank (53 percent). But the public does not trust public officials (75 percent distrust), political parties (72 percent), the parliament (70 percent), the courts (68 percent), the cabinet (64 percent), and the anti-corruption organizations (51–52 percent).Ten years of conflict with Russia have strongly affected Ukrainians. But despite all the shocks, challenges, and ills, Ukrainian society remains rational and keeps a critical eye on its leaders and its future. It sees problems, their causes, and possible solutions. And despite these tragic anniversaries, Ukrainians are still able to envision a bright future for themselves: today, 73 percent believe that in ten years' time, Ukraine will be a peaceful and prosperous country once again. The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute

The last week of February 2024 marks the anniversary of two tragedies for Ukrainian society: the start of Russia's occupation of Crimea, in 2014, and the launch of Russia's large-scale invasion of Ukraine, in 2022. Ten years ago, in 2014, this terrible week included the massacre on the Maidan, the flight of disgraced President Yanukovych to Russia, the appointment of an interim president and government, Russia's takeover of Crimea, and the start of the Russia-backed secessionist/irridentist movements in southeastern Ukraine. Two years ago, this was the first week of the Russian full-scale invasion, marked by the bombing of cities and the precipitous departure of the first wave of refugees to Ukraine's western regions and Europe. This week two years ago also saw the start of Ukraine's ongoing resistance. Both events—despite being separated by eight years—were part of a single historical process that has had a critical impact on the lives and security of the Ukrainian people. How are things with Ukrainians after ten years of Russia's growing aggression? How do they see the current situation, and their own and the country's future? The Sociopolitical ContextIn 2022, with the start of the Russian invasion, Ukrainian leadership and society entered into a specific state of public consciousness characterized by rallying around the flag, firm solidarity on the imperative of national resistance, and an outspoken faith in victory over the aggressor. Despite the existential threat, over 75 percent of the population expressed optimism about the state of affairs in Ukraine and the country's future—an unusually high figure for Ukrainians (and for Eastern Europeans at large). But with the passage of time, and as a result of military, demographic, and political challenges, society—and its opinion—began reverting to a more rational, sober state.As happens in many societies at war, part of Ukraine's population looked for a safer life abroad. According to most recent data, over six million refugees are currently in Europe, between 1.2 million and five million Ukrainians are in Russia (many of whom were deported unwillingly or are being kept in Russia by force), and more than 400,000 Ukrainians have migrated to Canada and the United States. As well, more than 3.5 million Ukrainians have moved from dangerous areas to resettle in safer regions in central and western Ukraine. These migrations have radically changed the social structure and human geography of Ukraine. About a quarter of Ukraine's former population has left the country, and an additional 10 percent have changed their place of residence within the country. Formerly large urban centers from Kharkiv to Odesa in southeastern Ukraine are now depopulated. The regions close to the front line are inhabited by elderly people who do not want to leave their homes and by military staff. Cities and towns in the central and western regions have gained some younger people. Also, Kyiv has witnessed waves of leaving and returning citizens. Today, Ukrainian society has fewer people, skews much older than before, and has adapted to life in a state of constant war and destruction. Ukraine's political class is adapting to the war as well. The sociopolitical role of military and security leaders and institutions has grown, as has trust in them. The conflict between President Zelensky and General Zaluzhny, as well as recent changes in the army's leadership, exemplify two major political trends wrought by the ongoing war. First, the politicians and the generals have started competing with each other for the public's trust, which can potentially evolve into a political struggle. Second, the civil government controls the generals. However, a Zaluzhny faction is taking shape in parliament—at least as far as can be discerned from voting patterns—and in wider society, suggesting leadership of the ex-commander.Behind the fractious relations between Zelensky's team and supporters of Zaluzhny, there is a deeper societal cleavage. As the public controversies over the draft law on mobilization demonstrate, Ukrainians are currently divided between those families whose members are in the army for two years with an unclear prospect of returning home and those families that don't want to send their sons and brothers to fight. These two large factions are united in wanting victory over Russia but divided in their willingness to invest blood in achieving that victory.Public Opinion of Ukraine's Development and Leadership In advance of the twin anniversaries, several polling organizations, including the Sociological Group "Rating" (Rating Group), the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS), and the Razumkov Center, have published the results of surveys regarding what Ukrainians think about the current state of affairs in the country, the war, and the nation's leadership. Probably the most important result is what can be called the sobering of Ukrainian society. Both KIIS and Rating Group polls demonstrate that pessimistic assessments of Ukraine's development prevail again over the optimism of the first years of the war. Figure 1 shows the course of Ukrainian public opinion over the past ten years. Ukrainians' inherent pessimism was challenged ten years ago by the Euromaidan, the annexation of Crimea, and the start of the Donbas war, all leading to a coalescing of a strong sense of nationhood and a desire to create and own the nation's future. The optimistic sentiment increased with the electoral victory of Zelensky in 2019 and prospects of peace and nonoligarchic development. And for the next two years, levels of optimism remained high. Figure 1. In your opinion, are things in Ukraine generally going in the right or wrong direction? (Rating Group)Image CreditThe war of attrition has exhausted the populace's optimism but not the will to victory, as the same poll showed. The proportion of citizens who are absolutely confident that Ukraine will be able to win a war with Russia is 42 percent, and another 43 percent are rather sure. The proportion with greatest confidence is smaller than in October 2022 (74 percent and 22 percent, respectively), but it also demonstrates that even a "soberer" society does not experience a decrement in the will to resist. A rational explanation for this new state of public opinion emerges from the widespread understanding that Ukraine's victory is possible only if the West continues its support, an idea supported by 79 percent of respondents. The public trust in the military and security leadership grows. According to the KIIS poll, the most trustworthy leader in Ukraine is Valeriy Zaluzhny, whose trust level stands at 94 percent (5 percent distrust) and has only grown in the recent three months. Public trust has also increased in Kyrylo Budanov (chief of Defense Intelligence, 66 percent trust versus 19 percent distrust) and Oleksandr Syrsky (since February 8 the new commander in chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, 40 percent versus 35 percent). Political leaders are also among the most trusted persons, but their trust level has declined: Volodymyr Zelensky enjoys the trust of 60 percent of respondents (with a 40 percent level of distrust; a thirteen percentage point drop in his trust rating in three months) and Serhiy Prytula is trusted by 61 percent (with 33 percent distrusting; an eight percentage point drop in trust rating in three months). As figure 2 shows, the dispute between the president and Zaluzhny, and the dismissal of the popular commander without open explanation to the people, have cost Volodymyr Zelensky some public support as well as some bitterness among army personnel. (The last two columns in the figure show results of polls conducted on February 5–8 and 9–10, respectively.)Figure 2. Dynamics of trust in Volodymyr Zelensky (KIIS, February 2022 –February 2024)Image CreditDespite changes in the ratings of individual leaders, public support for government remains high. As the Razumkov Center's survey reveals, the Ukrainian government's performance receives high ratings on restoring energy facilities to working condition after missile strikes (78.5 percent of respondents gave high marks for this), ensuring the proper functioning of communal utilities, transport, and availability of food supplies despite the war (78 percent), cooperating with Western partners (68 percent), helping refugees (63 percent), and ensuring the nation's defense capability (62 percent). Mid-range marks are given to the government on fighting crime (45 percent) and helping vulnerable groups (44.5 percent). Ukrainians are dissatisfied with the government for being unable to sustain social justice (especially with respect to the draft regulations; 51 percent), a functional economy (46 percent), and restoration of the housing stock (40 percent).Support and trust levels for different governmental institutions vary. Among the most trusted are the military and security organizations (from 68 to 95 percent), the institution of the presidency (64 percent), the police service (58 percent), and Ukraine's National Bank (53 percent). But the public does not trust public officials (75 percent distrust), political parties (72 percent), the parliament (70 percent), the courts (68 percent), the cabinet (64 percent), and the anti-corruption organizations (51–52 percent).Ten years of conflict with Russia have strongly affected Ukrainians. But despite all the shocks, challenges, and ills, Ukrainian society remains rational and keeps a critical eye on its leaders and its future. It sees problems, their causes, and possible solutions. And despite these tragic anniversaries, Ukrainians are still able to envision a bright future for themselves: today, 73 percent believe that in ten years' time, Ukraine will be a peaceful and prosperous country once again. The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute

In the South China Sea (SCS), as indeed the wider Indo-Pacific, the European Union is facing a deepening strategic rivalry between China and the United States. In the SCS, China has been able to create physical realities in defiance of international law through the construction of artificial islands in the attempt to sustain its claims to the disputed Spratly and Paracel archipelagos as well as expand its military projection deep into international waters. The US is still the predominant security player in the Indo-Pacific, but its military presence has an increasingly hard time shoring up American power in the SCS. The security dilemma between the great powers is threatening rules-based multilateralism, which runs deep in the veins of the EU and to a great extent defines its international posture.
The EU has responded to this challenge through a variety of measures, insisting on the respect for international law in the SCS and calling out China more vociferously for its incursions into exclusive economic zones of littoral states in recent years. While the EU's position is still taken into account by regional players, it is not strong enough to shape policy outcomes according to its own interests.
In line with its Indo-Pacific Strategy, the EU should double down on efforts to address the issues that constrain international regimes in the SCS in a wider regional context. This would be aimed at levelling out the bipolar playing field within the extended nine-dash line (the term with which China refers to the perimeter of the portion of the SCS it lays claim to)[1] into a more multipolar space in which it could conceivably play a greater role in shaping the rules. To that end, the EU should deepen its trade and capacity-building relations with the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other regional actors through a series of economic, digital and security partnerships. This would allow both regional organisations to also widen their cooperation without getting dragged into China–US rivalry.Code of Conduct
On the diplomatic front, progress has been made by ASEAN and China towards agreeing on a Code of Conduct (CoC) for the SCS, but the process has been slow, constantly frustrated by incidents at sea that have repeatedly provoked discussions to avert open conflict and possibilities of a great power clash in South China Sea.
When assuming the 2023 ASEAN Chairmanship, Indonesia vowed to expedite negotiations but, as the year draws to a close, the parties have only agreed on the so-called "Guidelines to Accelerate Negotiations for the Code of Conduct" and completed the second reading of the negotiated CoC text.[2] The latter resulted in an agreement on the easiest parts of the text such as the preamble and some basic principles, including the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).[3] While this is not insignificant common ground, it had already been agreed in principle before 2023.
The slow progress achieved so far has prompted criticism directed against ASEAN's decision-making mechanism (i.e. consensus defined as unanimity) and led some analysts to accuse the bloc of being "outdated" and "weak" to manage conflicts.[4]
While some of the criticism may be over the top, there exists a genuine desire among ASEAN member states' to keep great power rival at bay in addressing disputes in the South China Sea.[5] Recent incidents including water canon attacks, vessels collisions, and China's newly published map are unlikely to change such a desire.[6] The Philippines, despites these incidents, emphasised that it is not at war with China. Governments in Southeast Asia still think that investments from, and the market size of, China are instrumental to their development policy priorities, particularly economic growth and industrial modernisation. But Beijing's actions in the South China Sea present a greater threat than the lure of economic development. ASEAN countries would welcome more international players to help manage the disputes, without however having to choose sides between the US and China.The potential and limits of ASEAN–EU cooperation
Given the EU's commercial interests over trade routes passing through the SCS, and thus the stability and openness of these international waters, ASEAN would do well in engaging with the European Union in a shared quest to defend international law, democracy and free enterprise in the Indo-Pacific as a wider region.
But there are limits to this inter-institutional cooperation. ASEAN has noticed increasing military presence of Europe in the region, in particular with French, German and Dutch frigates making port calls.[7] Rather than immediately relying on external hard power to alter the balance of power in the South China Sea, ASEAN member states are more interested in capacity-building efforts supported by the EU.
What is getting clearer with China's actions in the South China Sea is that military deployments and lawfare are used to show that Beijing is ready to play the long game. ASEAN and its member states may be interested to improve their capabilities to enable them to engage in the long game too, especially to complement the organisation's lack of progress in the CoC negotiation process. In this respect, regional experts have called for procuring more capable vessels and aircraft, enforcing existing maritime legal provisions or creating new ones in line with international law, enhancing economic resilience against dependencies on China exports, and building more bilateral common frameworks among ASEAN maritime states.[8]
The EU's approach to ASEAN already includes some initiatives in the realm of maritime security (e.g. CRIMARIO and IORIS), counterterrorism and cyber security. On the economic front, the EU has launched the Global Gateway initiative to promote infrastructure development, boasted partnerships with Thailand and Malaysia, and initiated free trade talks with Indonesia. The EU Fund for Sustainable Development and Team Europe initiatives may be instrumental in addressing the green and circular economy agenda in the region.
This agenda might look as having little potential impact to deal directly with China's confrontations and not in line with the EU's Indo-Pacific strategy that eventually requires more coordination with the US. However, cooperation with the EU nevertheless represents a third way – rather independent from China and US – which is much more preferred by the ASEAN countries in dealing with the contentious issues in the South China Sea. ASEAN countries need the EU as an alternative source of defence equipment supplies, fishing rights initiatives and financial assistance to build coastguard ships, coastal development, protection of marine environment and combatting human trafficking and transnational crime.
In so doing, the EU can build a South China Sea policy as a specific subset of its longer-term aspirations of becoming a significant actor in the Indo-Pacific. Having a clear South China Sea policy would allow the EU to strategically invest in cooperation with ASEAN and level up its member states capacities to counter China's long game.Andrew W. Mantong is Researcher at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Jakarta. Steven Blockmans is Research Director at the Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS), Brussels.[1] In August, the Chinese Ministry of Natural Resources published the 2023 version of China's "standard map" adding a new dash to its existing nine-dash-line to include the east of Taiwan. See Ma Zhenhuan, "2023 Edition of National Map Released", in China Daily, 28 August 2023, https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202308/28/WS64ec91c2a31035260b81ea5b.html. Chinese officials and scholars have asked people not to exaggerate the publication of the map, but the fact that the map was released with increasing incidents at sea and just before the ASEAN Summit and its related summits, including the high-level East Asia Summit – under Indonesia's chairmanship took place in Jakarta has prompted strong diplomatic responses from ASEAN member states. Run-ins between China and the Philippines have continued beyond the summit.[2] Indonesia Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ASEAN-China Agree on Guidelines to Accelerate Negotiations for the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea, 13 July 2023, https://kemlu.go.id/portal/en/read/4956/berita/asean-china-agree-on-guidelines-to-accelerate-negotiations-for-the-code-of-conduct-in-the-south-china-sea.[3] See Ian Storey, "The Code of Conduct for the South China Sea: Movement in Lieu of Progress", in Fulcrum, 20 July 2023, https://fulcrum.sg/?p=24712.[4] See, e.g., Richard Heydarian, "ASEAN's Silence amid South China Sea Confrontation Is Deafening", in Nikkei Asia, 31 August 2023, https://asia.nikkei.com/Opinion/ASEAN-s-silence-amid-South-China-Sea-confrontation-is-deafening; and Michael Vatikiotis, "ASEAN Is Quietly Coming Apart at the Seams", in Nikkei Asia, 28 August 2023, https://asia.nikkei.com/Opinion/ASEAN-is-quietly-coming-apart-at-the-seams.[5] See Zachary Paikin et al., "The South China Sea and Indo-Pacific in an Era of 'Multipolar' Competition: A More Targeted EU Response?", in JOINT Research Papers, No. 14 (February 2023), https://www.jointproject.eu/?p=1499.[6] See, e.g., Enrico Dela Cruz and Karen Lema, "Philippines Says Chinese Coastguard 'Intentionally' Collided with Its Boats", in Reuters, 23 October 2023, http://reut.rs/3QbYNES.[7] For these and other examples, see Zachary Paikin et al., "The South China Sea and Indo-Pacific in an Era of 'Multipolar' Competition", cit.[8] Andreas Aditya Salim, "China's Fluctuating South China Sea Dash Lines", in The Jakarta Post, 6 September 2023, https://www.thejakartapost.com/opinion/2023/09/06/chinas-fluctuating-south-china-sea-dash-lines.html; and Collin Koh Swee Lean, "What One More Dash in the South China Sea Tells Us about China's Game", in Channel NewsAsia, 19 September 2023, https://www.channelnewsasia.com/commentary/china-south-china-sea-map-ten-dash-line-3777486.

The title of this article for the Romanian Journal of Military Medicine, is inspired from the title of an American movie from 1967, ''To Sir with love'', starring Sidney Poitier in the lead role. Maybe some of you still remember it!... It is said that once, when school did not oscillate between ""variable concepts"" and ""palpable realities"", between protocols and procedures, a hydrogeology professor, in a practical work with his students, asked them if they knew the significance of the walnuts planted near the houses of the Romanian peasants. All the students were amazed by the question and kept silence. Nobody made any gesture. The professor knew that this would be the reaction of the students - because this was the answer to the following question: ""Why does the world need teachers?"" The professor answered the questions and taught the students, as much as a professor can teach, that ''a walnut needs plenty of water to grow and the roots of the walnut are very deep, and that is why houses that have walnut trees next to them will not have problems with dampness...'' This parable, as understood by our mind, aims on one hand to draw the reader's attention to the fact that ""malpractice is defined as an improper or negligent treatment applied by a doctor to a patient, which causes the latter any kind of harm, in relation to the degree of damage of his physical and mental capacity"", according to DEX, and on the other hand to state that the ""WALNUT"" – that is, the Teacher, in the way he teaches his students will keep the ""house"" (i.e. the workplace) safe against possible future malpractice charges. And after all, malpractice can even be compared to dampness... for any professional organization. A superb allegory! I consider it a proper allegory and that is why I wanted to introduce it to you. I do not pretend to be an expert in the field of ""medical malpractice"" but being involved and exposed to it in my daily activities, I welcome some considerations on this topic, which I have found out from books, from the media, and also from journalistic practice. This article also wishes to draw attention of the medical community and to make it more aware of the responsibilities that we have when we dare to practice this noble profession. All of us – physicians, nurses, stretcher-bearers, technical staff – have civil liability (and here is the context of a possible allegation of medical malpractice), disciplinary liability (in the relationships we have as full members of our professional organizations) and criminal liability (most often as defendants, sometimes as investigated parties or as witnesses). I will present you several cases that have been the subject of disciplinary, civil and criminal investigations, all of them in the "urological filed". Case 1 A 55-year-old patient is admitted in the Surgery Department for urgent mumps and blurred urine. Diagnosis at admission: ''Urinary infection. Prostate adenoma. Hematuria." Diagnosis after three days since admission: ''Medium periurethral adenoma with urethral fistula microabs. Piohematuria. Urinary Infection."" Under antibiotic Gral (R) Prof DAN MISCHIANU Chief of Urology Clinic, Carol Davila University Central Emergency Military Hospital Faculty of General Medicine, Carol Davila University of Medicine and Pharmacy, Bucharest, Romania 6 treatment, the symptomatology improves and an open surgery is performed – with the patient's consent – practicing transvesical adenomectomy with favorable post-surgery progress. 14 days after surgery, the urinary incontinence at effort is detected, which subsequently worsens with the occurrence of episodes of urinary tract infection recorded on a posterior urethral stricture. Urethrotomy and TUR-P for remaining adenomatous tissue are performed within urological university department. The histopathological result revealed prosthetic adenocarcinoma microfocus and chronic urethritis. Unfortunately, the functional diagnosis is probative: High overall deficiency, Invalidity degree II. The patient's complaint was lodged against the surgery after which the patient was diagnosed with urinary incontinence that can only be cured by means of an artificial sphincter costing about 5,000 euros and retirement due to illness. The Superior Disciplinary Commission of the Romanian College of Physicians considered that the moment when surgery was performed and the surgical approach were inappropriate, therefore it decided to sanction the physician. [2] Case 2 The son of a patient lodges a complaint against his family physician for the unauthorized delay of the diagnosis of his father's renal carcinoma. The physician treated him for a year and six months for macroscopic hematuria and a so-called renal colic. After one year and 6 months, the patient is diagnosed with renal neoplasm, he goes through surgery and dies one year later. The Superior Discipline Commission analyzes the facts and notes the following: Hematuria is a diagnostic urgency and therefore its etiology needs to be confirmed as soon as possible by an urologist, the diagnosis of renal carcinoma is not the responsibility of the family doctor, therefore the applied sanction has remained in force. Case 3 This is a case distinct from the others due to a capital error. It involves a 74-year-old patient admitted in a Urology department and diagnosed with: prostate adenoma, complete urine retention, prostate litiation. Twenty-four hours after admission, the urologist intervenes and performs transvesic adenomyctomy. Immediate post-surgery progression is favorable with the subsequent occurrence of a third degree urinary incontinence. Two years after the surgery, the patient lodges a complaint against the doctor. The Territorial Discipline Committee ordered the action to be discontinued, but the patient filed an appeal with the Supreme Discipline Commission. The latter did not find any irregularities neither in terms of the technique used nor of the complication that has arisen, not even regarding the postsurgery treatment administered by the urologist, that is, Driptane. The lack of the informed consent from the patient's file was the only and actually the capital irregularity found, for which the physician was sanctioned. The medical deontology code in Romania is very clear: ""for any diagnostic or therapeutic medical intervention, the informed consent of the patient is necessary"". Moreover, the consent is given only after informing the patient about his/her diagnosis, prognosis, therapeutic alternatives, along with their risks and benefits. [2] Case 4 In the same spirit, there is also the case of a 39-year-old patient admitted in emergency with the diagnosis: right kidney colic. Two days after the admittance in hospital, surgery is performed: right pielolithotomy with internal drainage for calculus included in the right skin-ureteral junction and secondary uropionefrosis. The immediate post-operative progression was favorable up to the occurence of a cardio-respiratory stop during the first post-surgery night which was found to be irreversible. The cause of death was a massive pulmonary thromboembolism with probable causes either the lithotomy position, or more likely the presence of urinary sepsis. The Superior Discipline Commission decided to sanction the physician for the lack of informed consent, lack of anticoagulation therapy and poor post-surgery follow-up [2, 3] Case 5 The following is the case of a 54-year-old patient with a transient ischemic stroke, recently treated in a hospital from the country, where a Foley autostatic bladder ureter was mounted. From the patient's personal history, we mention: type II diabetes, hypertension and ischemic heart disease. Approximately 8 (eight) days after urethro-bladder probe was mounted (according to the patient's report), physicians found the presence of an irreducible paraphimosis. Upon admission to the urology clinic, glandular necrosis, lack of local sensitivity, denuded penile body, penile scar tissue and necrosis, present at the base of the penis, free cutaneous mucous suture, skin remnants, cavernous body having an indurated appearance at palpation are found. The consultation of plastic and reparative surgery is entirely consistent with the urological clinical examination Vol. CXXII • No. 3/2019 • December • Romanian Journal of Military Medicine 7 performed. Figure 1: Preoperative aspect; the devitalization of the gland and the partially necrotic areas of the tegument can be seen Figure 2: Postoperative final aspect; ureteral bladder and definitive perineal urethrostoma A surgical intervention is performed, after the patient gave his written consent, consisting of the following: noncrectomy, lavage, double drainage both by the uretro - bladder probe and by suprapubic cistostomy. After limiting the infectious process, a new surgical intervention is performed consisting of definitive perineal urethrostomy and closure of the penile arch. Post-operative evolution is surgically favorable [4] The patient contacted the media, the criminal investigation organs, the territorial discipline commission, and is in charge of the Superior Discipline Commission. CONCLUSIONS We wanted to point out, against all inconsistencies, errors, mistakes and malpractice, which perhaps appear at first sight incriminating up to the contrary proof, that the presence during the professional training of a ''Teacher'' of a "Walnut'' absorbing all ''professional dampness'' is defining for the next years of professional maturity. In relation to all the exposed cases, some of them not so relevant anymore, others still ''incendiary'' on which the public opinion and the indigenous media keep a close eye, I believe this journalistic warning should give us all something to think about. The old Romanian saying teaches us: ""The good deed speaks for itself"", but here, in Romania, there is a new saying which has been quoted for about thirty years, in my opinion without any substantial background, which says: ""No good deed remains unpunished!"" However, I have the absolute conviction that although you have performed 10,000 perfect surgeries, if you make a mistake on your last day of surgical practice, that mistake will not be forgiven!

When we think of language and culture, we often think of our ethnical background, along with the influences from our society, history, media and the people around us. However, through my years here at UCSD, I have learned that there is a different form of language and culture in Costume Design. Culture impacts how we think and language helps us communicate; both play a major part in us understanding one another. For each show that I worked on, I've had to learn a new language to speak to directors, actors, and costume technicians. The language that I am speaking of is not English, French, or Vietnamese but rather it pertains to the choice of words I use to communicate my design. For culture, as a costume designer, we are always balancing between pop culture and historical culture. Kyle Donnelly's adaptation of Taming of the Shrew(d), the play was set in a post-apocalyptic world where a group of women put of plays in exchange for food and water. Donnelly was highly influenced by her environment when she pitched this idea – requests in the department, politics, and the movie, Mad Max: Fury Road, which was very popular at the time. For the development of my design, I researched pop culture's different ideas of post-apocalyptic worlds as well as the history of American stereotypes in women's clothing and how it relates to their job (i.e. the waitress, the businesswoman, the stay-at-home mom). In my pop culture research (film & television, modern art, comics, etc.), depictions of post-apocalypse worlds are often characterized by distressed clothing, dirt, make-shift weapons and recycling, which I used in my overall design. For each individual character's look, historical culture was a major influence – the cut of a business suit jacket, the recognizable color and shape of a waitress uniform. Knowing both pop and historical culture helped me develop the language I needed to clearly convey my ideas.To gain both the director's and actors' confidence, I had to educate myself and used terms they would understand by referencing things they are exposed to in their daily lives – film, art, music. I also focused on character development – the backstory, the mental and physical state, education and more. For example, Hannah Finn's character story was that before the apocalypse, she was a high school dropout working as a waitress at a diner in a small town. She was poor, uneducated but funny and loves to make jokes. She was at work when the apocalypse took place, which explains why she's still in her work uniform. Her character also wears a chest armor made from cans and uses a large ladle that has nails through it as a weapon (to mimic a mace), which was inspired by things she would have found in the diner kitchen. Both the director and the actor loved the visual and emotional story created for the character and understood the concept that I was going for. When presenting to the costume shop, I introduced the general post-apocalyptic theme, however, instead of talking about each character's backstory, we spoke about construction, fit and function of each outfit. The language use when speaking to the shop is much more technical. I had to learn clothing and construction terminology – such as raglan sleeve, a gather, a blind stitch, etc. – to properly articulate my design. Using Finn's costume as an example again, with the technicians, we talked about the history of the style of the uniform and how it should fit, where wear and tear should be, how distressed it should look and how the can apron should be constructed to look like it was home-made. Costume vocabulary and details are very important when it comes to the construction. I was very specific when providing Finn's actions in the play and the technicians offered solutions to some clothing restrictions she was experiencing, such as adding a gusset to the underarm area of the sleeve to give her more room to stretch her arms up. Without knowing the proper language, we would have had a harder time understanding the needs of the show. Marco Barricelli's production of The Green Cockatoo was an entirely different language and culture from Shrew(d). Barricelli and the actors has little to no knowledge of the French period and culture for which this play was written. To make is easier for them to understand, I provided historical reference images, such as paintings and French fashion plates, as well as research from pop culture (the movie, Marie Antoinette) to help familiarize the look. I also focused on colors to differentiate social class, and researched the French body (i.e. how they walk, stand, sit, hold an accessory, etc.) to help the actors fully embrace the period and help create a visual realistic piece for the director. All parties would want to know why I made the choices I made and having that knowledge puts confidence in my answers and modernizing some costume pieces gave comfort to everyone, physically and mentally. For this production, I had seven corsets, two dresses and two men's coats built. The shop's focus was on how clothing was accurately constructed during this time and learning about all the understructure need to create the silhouette of the period. Together, we studied period clothing patterns, use of fabric and embellishments. My design was a mix of historical reference and self-imagination and the language of period clothing helped both the shop and I to fully realize each piece. For Claire Roberson's character, Severine, we exaggerated the width of her hips by using a larger bum roll to emphasize her status and wealth. From the cut of her dress to the intricate beaded lace, along with a wig and white face makeup, all these technical changes helped elevate her character further, while also being semi-period appropriate. A famous quote from Judith Dolan, "We don't copy the period, we use the period." The language and culture of contemporary shows, such as Go. Please. Go, and (w)holeness, in my opinion, are more intricate and challenging. We deal with choosing our own outfits, what accessories to wear and how to do our hair daily, thus it is often difficult to separate fashion from costumes. This proven to be so while working on my most recent production, Revolt. She Said. Revolt Again. The director, Sean Graney, wanted the costumes to be motivated by what the actors wear in their daily life instead of what clothes the character they were playing would wear, thus blurring the line of fashion and costume. I did a background research on all the actors to learn their style while also trying to appeal to Graney's taste in clothes. It was difficult navigating eight different types of styles, all influenced by their different cultures and the language used to speak to men verse speaking to women about clothes also came in to play. However, another important factor was missing (which led to some miscommunication) and that was the generational difference between the director and the actors. Having allowed the actors the freedom to choose their own costumes, they introduced fashion that they are currently attracted to, one being the crop top. I learned that Graney dislikes the crop top because it reminds him of the fashion he grew up with in the 90s, which he thought was tacky, therefore, in his mind, all crop tops are tacky. Neither could fully understand why the other liked or disliked the crop top and it was because of this fashion cultural difference. I learned when speaking with the actors, I talked about how their individual style adds to the show, and with the director, I spoke of the group as an ensemble and how it visually relates to the rest of the production. On the other hand, the shop technicians did not care for current or past fashion, rather we focused on detailing and visual effect. The colors of this show were red, brown and white, and the technicians helped me incorporate all three colors into each outfit without making them look too absurd or abnormal. Such an example would be in Mary-Rose Branick's costume. Branick had a red polo shirt with brown corduroy overalls. She was missing white in her outfit and so we took out her brown zipper and replaced it with a white zipper. Having everyone in a controlled color pallet and changing minor details helped to push the clothes further to looking like costumes than ordinary street clothes. The language of costume construction was key in helping to make such changes. Every show that I've worked on has provided me with a different experience and new challenges. The languages and cultures I've learned has assisted me in helping the director visualize the production, understand how it relates to the actor and the character they are playing and how to properly communicate with the team who builds these items. The language we speak and cultures we learn is used to appeal to the visual, the emotional and the technical. Therefore, costume designers must be multi-cultural and multi-lingual to be successful.

In the light of youth unemployment and increased transnational mobility practice oriented vocational education and training get more and more importance in the international cooperation in education. There is a broad consensus among educational experts, that one of the possible measures to reduce youth unemployment in the world is to provide youth skills and competences, which are needed on the labour market. The school based vocational education needs to be updated with practical skills. The fundament of each practice oriented vocational education and training system (VET) lays in the cooperation between the main actors: the enterprises and vocational schools. Dual systems in countries as Germany, Switzerland and Austria offer many good practice examples on the benefits of the engagements of both actors in the vocational education and training system but nevertheless these examples cannot be taken as "one model fits all" which can be implemented in each country. Therefore each country interested in the redesign of their own vocational education and training system needs to identify possible benefits of and challenges in their system, to be able to specify the opportunities and threat for future development. It cannot be presumed that enterprises can be forced to take apprentices and train them in their facilities. It has to be evident for every educational actor willing to cooperate with enterprises, that enterprises first strive for growth in profits upon others to be able to secure their existence and secondly they may support additional, non-economic activities; for example the vocational education and training of future employee. Although to ensuring the quality of future employees may partly be seen as their social responsibility this fact will still depend on their economic situation and their need for skilled labour. However, making profit does not collide with the idea of the engagement of enterprises in the vocational education and training. It only needs an in depth-analysis of potentials and needs of enterprises and vocational schools and an adequate planning as well as development of the educational programs and activities. The following example on the PR China delivers many interesting basic approaches on how cooperation between enterprises and vocational schools can be built up, managed and preserved. Thanks to the over thirty years of multilateral cooperation between der PR China and other European and Asian countries, the PR China already knows what is needed to modernize the vocational education and training system. Further education of teachers, redevelopment of curriculums and the redesign of the infrastructure of the vocational schools are those activities, which enriched the Chinese vocational education and training system in the last thirty years. There is still backwardness in the economically weak part of the country but within the "go-west-strategy" of the government innovative measures are offered for enterprises to foster the development of the western region; for example cut red tape or tax and duty exemptions. In the course of the bureaucracy development of the east-southeast part of the country and through the increased perception of the country in the international business the quality of labour become more relevant also for the PR China. Products with low-value-added and unskilled labour were not sufficient anymore for the competitiveness of the country in the international environment. More and more enterprises realised the shortage of qualified labour because of the rise of progressing technology and of the availability of qualified labour. The commitment to quality in the vocational education and training laid on the market orientation and therefore on the establishment of cooperation between enterprises and vocational schools. The PR China can consequently show good practice examples from cooperation in the vocational education after more than thirty years of learning from other countries. The constructive element of these cooperation was identified by the actors as the consensus about the mutual benefit of cooperative activities. Although there are many good practices in the cooperation, nevertheless, more persuasiveness is still needed for continuous fostering of quality in the vocational education and training. The cooperation is not only influenced by the interest, need and the level of cooperation between enterprises and vocational schools, but the nature of the directives of the government are crucial for the cooperation too. For example, the decentralized implementation of the directives of the government may endanger the uneven development and quality assurance in vocational training. The transfer of responsibility of the state in the hands of the provinces ensures on the one side more freedom for provinces, for instance, it allows them to adapt the vocational education and training to their specific needs and to implement it to local circumstances. This means, to offer labour market oriented vocational education and training. On the other side it needs in the context of quality assurance to archive the knowledge gained through the fragmented implementation. This implies, that already developed teaching and learning materials should not get lost but it should be used as synergies and transfer these to other provinces, schools or enterprises. One of the exemplary efforts made by good situated "model vocational schools" is their willingness to overtake a sponsorship for other less developed vocational schools that are located mostly in the western region. Previously mentioned schools support the improvement of the teaching quality of latter mentioned schools and help them especially in the initial phase of the redevelopment of their teaching and training system. More concrete, "school sponsorships" allow to share knowledge, experience or to share technical equipment. The further education of teachers, the establishment of training facilities, the adaptation of curriculum to the labour market needs leave space for the consideration of local needs on the one side, and the dynamics of market development on the other side. It is only possible to take over responsibility for less developed schools, if there is financial support through the government too. School sponsorship is mostly subject to model schools therefore there is a significant need for recognition and promotion of education activities of these model schools. The high dynamic of the labour market in developing regions may cause challenges in the cooperation between vocational schools and enterprises, especially in the time of recession. If the cooperation with a vocational school gives rise to concern because of the limited time, personal availability or financial support in the enterprises, than the support of enterprises may decrease. Therefore the model schools strive to mobilise all actors, ask for financial and material benefits during the time of economic growth to be able to implement those benefits targeted and lay a solid fundament for the performance of less developed schools. This fundament may consist of well-educated vocational teachers, well-equipped training facilities as well as practice oriented curricula. A solid basis allows vocational schools in a economically weak period to use previous investments and benefits. Additional created supplementary services, as further educational offers for enterprise employees, well-educated vocational teachers as consulters by building up of new production lines or by doing research on the effectiveness of human resources, are examples for reserves to bear itself. The redefinition of the role of vocational schools as "service providers" in a wide sense, allows setting quality standards in relation with the pedagogical requirements and economical needs in the vocational education and training. The school administration and teachers need to be equipped with additional management skills in addition to their educational and professional skills to be able to initiate, build and maintain cooperation systematically and analytically. Enterprises need to be aware of taking responsibility for future skilled labour while cooperating with vocational schools. The openness of enterprises for cooperation allows determining one's potential within vocational education and training and look for benefits for both actors. It is necessary for a successful cooperation to be a "win-win" situation, so the motivation for all parties should be maintained. Finally each cooperation needs competent teachers, well equipped training facilities also strategic planning (AIOC-strategy) in sense of analysis of initial situation and the possibilities for the implementation of practical vocational education and training, optimisation of available capacities and resources, the interdependence of responsibilities and competences of both actors, and the consolidation of pedagogical quality criteria under economic premises. The PR China has tried in the past thirty years to modernize its vocational education and training system; this happened mostly in the technical occupations. The challenge for the future will be to do the same effort for the service occupations. The reform and open-door policy of the Chinese government since the 1970s brings many opportunities not only for the economy, but also for the society. The rapid development in the technically based fields brought the anticipated economic upswing and leads the PR China from a development country to the second biggest economy in the world. Now, the current government aims more to increase the life standard of the Chinese and strengthen the domestic consumption than to focus on industry production. Through the emerging middle class the quality and necessity of services gain higher importance in the society and it is seen as an integral part of increasing their quality of life. Chinas new generation remained from the destructive revolutions of the 1960s and 1970s, which have slowed down the development in the country. It has now in hand to bring together identity of the country with its traditions and modernity not only outwardly in the perception of the world, but to strengthen it also in the Chinese society.

Marmara Denizi, İstanbul Boğazı ve Çanakkale Boğazı'nı kapsayan bölgeyi ifade eden Türk Boğazları, 1774 Küçük Kaynarca Antlaşması'ndan günümüze kadar, zaman zaman Türkiye'ye yöneltilen tehditlerin başlıca kaynağını oluştururken, genellikle Türkiye'nin jeopolitik ve jeostratejik önemini artırıcı bir koz olmuştur. Türklerin, 1774 Küçük Kaynarca Antlaşması ile Türk boğazları üzerinde azalmaya başlayan hakimiyeti, 24 Temmuz 1923 tarihli Lozan Barış Antlaşması ve antlaşma ile aynı tarihte yürürlüğe giren ve antlaşmanın bir parçası sayılan "Boğazların Tabi Olacağı Usule Dair Mukavelename" ile Türk boğazlarından barışta ve savaşta, denizden ve havadan geçiş ve ulaşım serbestliği ilkesi kabul edilmesi ile tamamen yok olma noktasına gelmiştir. Lozan'da kabul edilen boğazlar ile ilgili Sözleşmede boğazlardan geçiş serbestliği, ticaret ve savaş gemileri için barış zamanı, Türkiye'nin muharip ve tarafsız olduğu savaş zamanları için ayrı ayrı düzenlenmiştir. Sözleşme, kıyıdan itibaren 15-20 km.lik bir alanı kapsayacak şekilde boğazlar bölgesi ile İmralı hariç; Marmara Denizi'ndeki tüm adaları ve Boğazönü Adaları'nı (Semadirek, Limni, Gökçeada, Bozcaada ve Tavşan Adaları) gayri askeri statü kapsamına almıştır. Serbest geçiş ilkesi ve uluslararası denetim sisteminin etkisi altında hazırlanan sözleşme, boğazlara ilişkin bir kısım yetkileri akit devletlerin temsilcilerinden oluşan Boğazlar Komisyonu'na devretmiştir. Türkiye, egemenlik haklarını açıkça sınırlandırmış olan sözleşme ile savunma ve güvenliği için tedbir alma hakkından mahrum bırakılmıştır. Bu durumda Türkiye Lozan'da içine sindiremeden imzaladığı Lozan boğazlar sözleşmesinin iptali ve tekrar boğazlarda ki hakimiyetini kurmanın yollarını aramıştır. Türkiye'nin Bu arayışları sonuçsuz kalmamış ve 20 Temmuz1936 tarihli Montreux Boğazlar Sözleşmesi'nin imzalanması ile sonuçlanmıştır. Bu tarihe kadar değişik evrelerden geçerek azalmaya devam eden, ancak bu sözleşmenin imzalanmasıyla Türk boğazları ve geçiş rejimi üzerinde Türk hakimiyeti yeniden sağlanmıştır. Montreux Sözleşmesinin amacı; "boğazlardan geçişi ve gemilerin ulaşımını, Lozan Barış Antlaşması'nın 23. maddesiyle tespit edilen prensibi, Türkiye'nin güvenliği ve Karadeniz'e kıyıdaş devletlerin güvenliği çerçevesinde koruyacak biçimde düzenlemek" olarak belirlenmiştir. Akit devletlerin, 24 Temmuz 1923'te Lozan'da imzalanmış olan sözleşmenin yerine koymayı kararlaştırdıkları sözleşme, 29 madde ile dört lahika ve bir protokolden oluşmaktadır. Montreux Boğazlar Sözleşmesi, Lozan Barış Antlaşması ve eki olan Boğazların Tabi Olacağı Usule Dair Mukavelenamenin, Türkiye'nin boğazlar bölgesi üzerindeki egemenliğini kısıtlayan hükümlerini ortadan kaldırmıştır. Sözleşmenin imza tarihi olan 20 Temmuz 1936'dan itibaren geçerli olmak üzere, Türkiye'nin boğazlar bölgesini askerileştirmesi, Boğazlar Komisyonu'nun kaldırılarak yetkilerinin Türkiye'ye aktarılması öngörülmüştür. Montreux Sözleşmesi ile Boğazlardan geçiş rejimi ve gemilerin ulaşımı konuları, Türkiye'nin ve Karadeniz'e kıyıdaş devletlerin güvenliklerini koruyacak çerçevede düzenlenmiştir. Lozan Boğazlar Sözleşmesi ile Montreux sözleşmesinin arasında ki en önemli fark Türkiye'nin kendisini pek yakın bir savaş tehlikesi tehdidi karşısında sayması durumudur. Bu husus Lozan'da öngörülmeyen ve Türkiye'ye önleyici meşru müdafaa hakkına dayanarak tedbir alma imkanı veren yeni bir düzenleme olarak sözleşmede yer almıştır. Lozan'ın aksine Montreux sözleşmesi, havadan geçiş serbestliği ilkesini kabul etmemiştir. Sadece sivil uçakların boğazlar üzerinden geçişi düzenlenmiş, askeri uçakların boğazlar üzerinden geçmesine izin verip vermeme yetkisi Türk hükümetine bırakılmıştır.Barış ve Türkiye'nin tarafsız olduğu savaş zamanlarında, boğazlardan geçecek savaş gemilerinin sınıfı ve tonajı sınırlandırılmış olup, bu gemilerin geçişi ön bildirime tabi tutulmuştur. Ayrıca, Karadeniz'de bulunacak kıyıdaş olmayan devlet gemileri için süre sınırlaması da getirilmiştir. Türkiye'nin muharip olduğu savaş zamanı ile kendisini pek yakın bir savaş tehlikesi tehdidi ile karşı karşıya sayması durumlarında (21. maddede öngörülen istisna dışında) savaş gemilerinin boğazlardan geçişi konusunda Türkiye dilediği gibi davranabilecektir. Boğazları tüm savaş gemilerine kapatma veya dilediği devlet savaş gemilerini geçirme hakkı vardır.Montreux Boğazlar Sözleşmesi, geçiş nedeniyle ortaya çıkabilecek tüm hukuki durumları düzenlememektedir. Sözleşmede öngörülen açık sınırlayıcı hükümlere (örnek olarak 2. maddenin lafzına) ters düşmemek, genel uluslararası hukuk ilkelerine bağlı kalmak ve boğazlardan geçiş hakkının özüne dokunmamak koşuluyla; Türkiye'nin zabıta ve yargı yetkisi ile geçişin zararsız olmasını isteme ve geçişi düzenleme yetkileri vardır. Montreux'de saklı tutulan ve uluslararası hukukun teyit ettiği bu yetkisini kullanarak Türkiye, ulusal bir düzenleme (tüzük ) yaparak 1994 ve 1998 tarihli Tüzükleri uygulamaya koymuştur. Böylece, kıyıdaş devlet olarak, ulaştırma güvenliğini sağlama ve deniz trafiğini düzenleme yetkisini kullanmıştır.SSCB ve Yugoslavya'nın 1991 tarihinde dağılmasından sonra Montreux Boğazlar Sözleşmesi'nin akit devletleri; Gürcistan, Rusya Federasyonu, Ukrayna, Romanya, Bulgaristan, Türkiye, Yunanistan, Yugoslavya (Sırbistan-Karadağ), İtalya, Fransa ve İngiltere olmuştur. Değişen dünya konjonktürünün sonucu olarak özellikle ABD ve AB gibi küresel güç aktörlerinin girişimleri ile Türk boğazlarından geçiş rejiminin tartışmaya açılma ihtimali mevcuttur. Gerek mevcut hukuki ve siyasi düzen, gerekse Türk boğazlarından geçişle ilgili uygulamalar ışığında incelendiğinde, bazı teknik detaylara mahsus aksaklıklar dışında Montreux Boğazlar Sözleşmesi'nin feshini veya değiştirilmesini gerektirecek bir durum mevcut değildir. Sözleşmenin yenilenmesi durumunda Türkiye halen sahip olduğu avantajlara sahip olamayacak ve yeni sözleşme, halen uygulanan rejime kıyasla Türkiye'nin lehine olmayacaktır. Bu nedenle Türkiye Montreux Boğazlar Sözleşmesinin devam etmesi için çaba harcamalıdır. Turkish Straits which expresses the region covering Maramara Sea , İstanbul and Çanakkale Straits has usualy been a trump increasing geopolitic and geostrategic importance of Turkey while also being the main source of many threats against the country , time to time since Küçük Kaynarca Agreement was signed in 1774. Turkish sovereighty which began to decrease after Küçük Kaynarca Agreement signed in 1774 reached at a point to completely disappear folowing the issue of Lausanne Peace Agreement dated 24 July 1923 and 'Regulations The Straits Will Be Subject To' which was put in effect as a complemantary part of it at the same date.intoroducing the free passage and transportation principle through sea and air, in peace and war. In the agreement signed in Lausanne, free passage principle through the straits was arranged separately for commercial or war ships during peace, war time when Turkey stands neutral or is a belligerent The agreement,described all islands in Marmara Sea and Boğazönü islands covering a 15-20m area from the coastal site as non-military zones , with the exemption of the straits region and İmralı. The agreement arranged under the influence of free passage principle and international control system transfrered some authorities regarding the straits to the Straits Commission composed of representors of contracting countries. Turkey was deprived of its right of taking precautions for its safety and defence with this contract restricting its sovereignty. Under these conditions, Turkey looked for a way to dissolve of the Lausanne Straits Agreement which was signed by Turkey unwillingly and to restructure its sovereignty on the straits. These attempts of Turkey was not left answerless and finaly resulted with the arrangement of Montreux Straits Agreement. In this way, Turkish sovereighty on Turkish Straits and passage principle was re-arranged which continued to decrease, passing through different stages.The objective of Montreux Agreement was to arrange' the principles of passing through the straits , passage of ships , the principle outlined on the 23rd article of Lausanne Peace Agreement, Security of Turkey and other neighbouring countries situated coastwise of Black Sea .'The contract which was thought to be put in effect by the contracting countries to replace the agreement signed in Lausanne on 24 July 1923, consisted of 125 articles, four attachments and one protocol.Montreux Straits Agreement, Lausanne Peace Agreement and its attachment 'Regulations The Straits Will Be Subject To' cancelled the provisions restricting Turkish sovereighty on the straits region . It is stated that Turkey should militarize the straits region, The Straits Commission should be dissolved and its authorities should be transferred to Turkey starting fom the issue date of the agreement, 20 July 1936. In Montreux Agreement, subjects such as the passage prcinciple through straits and ships are arranged in a way to protect the security of Turkey and countries on Black Sea coastline. The main difference between Lausanne Straits Agreement and Montreux is the situation that Turkey considered itself quite close to a war threat .This situation was not assumed in Lausanne Agreement . A new arrangement was made enabling Turkey to take precautions for its defence. In contrary to Lausanne, Montreux Agreement does not allow airway passage principle. Only the passage of civil aircrafts are covered and the decision whether to let the passage of war ships is left to the Turkish Goverment.During peace and war time when Tukey stands neutral, the class of war ships to pass through the straits will be restricted and will require a preliminary notification. Furthermore, a time restriction is intorduced for ships of countries not located along the coastline and which was going towards Black sea.During war time when Turkey takes part as a belligerent , in case it considers itself close to a war threat ( with the exceptions outlined on the 21st article) , Turkey can act in the way it likes regarding the passage of war ships through the straits. Montreux Straits Agreement arranges all judical cases sourcing from right of passage. Provided that restricting provisions of this agreement are not violated and international law principles are fullfilled and the basic of passage right through the straits are reserved; Turley can claim the security of passage and to arrange the passage conditions.Using these authorities, Turkey put the Regulations dated 1994 and 1998 in effect as a nationl arrangement. Thus, it used its authority to arrange marine traffic and to provide the security in transportation.After Soviet Socialist Countries Union and Yugoslavia was dissolved in 1991, contracting parties of Montreux Agreement became , Georgia, Russian Federation, Ukraine, Romania, Bulgaria, Turkey, Greece , Yugoslavia ( Serbia -Karadağ) , Italy, France and England As e result of changing world conditions, especially with the attempts made by actors of the global power such as America and European Union, there exists the possibility of bringing the passage regime through straits into discussion. Examining the situation both within the frames of existing judical and political structures and applications in Turkey regarding the passage through straits, we can find no reason which requires the dissolve or an alteration on Montreux Agreement with the exemption of defects in technical details. In case the agreement is renewed, Turkey will not reserve its existing advantages and the new agreement will not be in the favor of Turkey when compared with the regime still in effect. Therefore, Turkey should struggle for the continuance of present Montreux Agreement.

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No. 1424 Arch Street PHILADELPHIA, PA, Acknowledged Headquarters for anything and everything in the way of Books for Churches, Col-leges, Families and Schools, and literature for Sunday Schools. PLEASE REMEMBER That by sending your orders to us you help build up and devel-op one of the church institutions with pecuniary advantage to yourself. Address H, S, BONER, Supt, THE GETTYSBURG JIEKCDHY The Literary Journal of Gettysburg College i Voi,. XI. GETTYSBURG, PA., OCT., 1902 No. 5 CONTENTS THE RELATION OF ABILITY TO OPPORTUNITY IN THE ATTAINMENT OF SUCCESS 146 EDWARD C. RUBY, '02. PROGRESS OF DISCOVERIES DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 149 BARRIERS TO SCIENCE 152 WM. H. W. REIMER, '02. AS TOLD BY HENRI D'ARCY, 157 HERBERT L. STIEEI,, '03. THE IDEAL AND THE REAL, 161 THE PICTURE-MONTH 165 SHAKESPEARE AS A PORTRAYER OF CHARACTER, . 168 THE NATURALIST, 173 RESOLUTIONS ON THE DEATH OF MAURICE M. MUS-SELMAN 177 EDITORIAL, 178 The Power of Concentration. EXCHANGES, . • 181 146 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. THE RELATION OF ABILITY TO OPPORTUNITY IN THE ATTAINMENT OF SUCCESS. EDWARD C. RUBY, '02. /V FAMOUS sculptor once showed a visitor the treasures ■•■■■ of his studio. In it were many mythical gods. One particularly attracted the visitor's attention. The face was con-cealed by being covered with locks of hair, and there were wings to each foot. "What is his name?" said the spectator. "Opportunity," was the reply. "Why is his face hidden?" "Because men seldom know him when he comes to them." "Why has he wings upon his feet ?" "Because he is soon gone, and once gone he cannot be overtaken." This is but an allegory, yet it is the concrete expression of a very important element in the attainment of success. The sculptor has indeed given form to the experience of many an individual. How often have we come face to face with con ditions in life when we asked ourselves the question, "What is this?" And when the reply comes that it is an opportunity for us to attain success, we wonder why it is so obscure and hard to recognize. Then we begin to doubt its reality, and while we are waiting for it to disclose its features more fully, it spreads its wings and soars far beyond our reach. This suggests to us the fact that something more than the mere presence of an opportunity is necessary to the attainment of success. There must be the readiness or ability to seize the opportunity when it comes. In fact, ability stands first, while opportunity is a secondary element. Our physical growth, our intellectual development, and our advancement in civilization are due to these two factors in exactly the order above men-tioned. The ability for such growth, development, and ad-vancement is the natural endowment of every human being to a certain degree. The ability is given first, the opportunity second. By seizing the opportunity, the ability is strengthened. As long as this ability has not had an opportunity for asserting itself we speak of it as a possibility. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 147 Then, again, what would be the state of such beings if they did not have opportunities for exercising their ability? Could we conceive of such beings? I am afraid it would be a very difficult matter. The ability for activity and the opportunity for manifesting this activity must be co-existent in order that growth, development and advancement may be possible. The primary importance of ability is further seen in the fact that we must be prepared for the opportunity when it comes. Opportunity is latent in the very foundation of human society. Opportunity is everywhere about us. But the preparation to seize upon the opportunity, and to make the most of it, is to be made by everyone for himself. President Garfield said that occasion may be the bugle call which summons an army to battle, but the blasts of the bugle call can never make soldiers nor win battles. It is a common saying to-day among employers that the young men who come to them for work are not prepared for the opportunities which arise in connection with the business in which they wish to be engaged; and if they are not prepared, then when the opportunity arises they fail to secure what might easily fall to them. To be ready for the opportunity when it comes has well been called the secret of success. There need be no question that personal success is, in kind and degree, in accordance with ability, and will always be so to a large extent. Ability, by adaptation and application, makes success of some sort possible; the will, by concentration and persistence, makes it actual, How much of success is entirely man's own will and ability, or personal to and of himself, and how much is impersonal or dependant on favoring circumstances or opportunity, it may not be possible precisely to determine. One thing is quite certain, that an individual desiring to succeed in any of life's undertakings cannot depend upon or wait for op-portunity. He must strive to succeed by the best means his ability can contrive, and then watch for opportunity, which is, indeed, the outcome, in the majority of cases, of his effort to win success. Any other way of hoping to succeed than by the 148 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. putting forth of personal energy and will-power is but waiting upon chance. There are persons who have prepared themselves for oppor-tunities which seem very slow in coming. What is to be done in such cases ? It may be that the opportunities are at hand, but they cannot be easily recognized because of the "locks of hair" which may be concealing their "faces." The Greeks used to say that one should seize "time by the forelock." We say, when opportunities do not seem to be coming as they ought, "make them." Make them, as Lincoln made his in the log cabin in the wilderness. Make them, as Henry Wilson made his during his evenings on a farm, when he read a thousand volumes while other boys of the neighborhood wasted their evenings. Make them, as George Stephenson made his, when he mastered the rules of mathematics with a bit of chalk on the sides of the coal wagons in the mines. Make them, as Douglas made his, when he learned to read from scraps of paper and posters. Make them, as Napoleon made his in a hundred important situations. Make them, as every man must who would accomplish anything worth the effort. Golden oppor-tunities are nothing to laziness, and the greatest advantage will make you ridiculous if you are not prepared for it. When a man "drops" into a good position, it is because he had climbed into such a position from which it was possible to "drop" by years of work, and not merely because he had the opportunity. Fortune always attends those who are fitted. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 149 PROGRESS OF DISCOVERIES DURING THE MIDDLE AGES. CIVILIZATION is a progressive movement. The worlp progresses because of the eternal competition involved in existence. There is a law of the "Survival of the Fittest," evidences of which we discover throughout the history of the world's progress. Our histories record the principal events of nations as well as their most prominent individuals. This competition has brought out the advanced thought, the greatest inventions, the best deeds and the lasting institutions) a history of which is simply a history of the world's progress. Wars have existed, have been carried on since time began. They have proved the "Survival of the Fittest," for God is his wisdom decrees all that happens; and he gives his decision on the side of the one he deems fittest for his purposes. War has caused the inventions of the cannon and the other instruments used in great struggles. The creative faculty, developed by this competition, designed the great engines of war that are used to-day—the monster cannon, the torpedo boat, the gun boat, the warship greater than was ever dreamed of in the days when Galileo supposed that the earth was round. The mariner's compass was an invention which revolutionized the commerce of the world and brought forth a great number of navigators and adventurers; and these, with their wild dreams of discovery, showed to the world that fabled Atlantis never seen save by Plato in the hallowed visions of Plato's in-spired poesy, and added this beautiful land of ours to the list of the great discoveries at the close of mediaeval times. Intellectual progress during the middle ages compared to the Augustan age of Rome and the suceeding age in European advancement, was very small. Learning was confined to the monastic orders. The church and the priestcraft had a mo-nopoly upon book making between the seventh and fifteenth cen-turies, and they held, through the dictation of the pope at Rome, a monopoly upon the learning as well. The progress of discoveries in the intellectual world during the era mentioned, 150 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. must necessarily therefore be a halting forward movement. It was crippled from being bound in such narrow limits. How-ever, about the commencement of the fifteenth century the liter-ary movement started again first, in Italy, then spread to Germany, to England and elsewhere. It was opened up through the discoveries made in the far East, of the civilization of the Orient, by the movement known as the crusades. The fanaticism and the chivalric spirit known as knight-errantry gave the world a turn unlooked for and unsought for at the inception of those movements, by opening up intercourse between the East and the West, and by the discovery of the old literary works of the Latins and Greeks. Another great discovery of the middle ages which had a vast influence in bringing on the Reformation and which aided in producing the Revival of Learning, was the finding out that the Church of Rome had physical arm to enforce her edicts of temporal control; and that her goverment was rotten to the core. The sale of indulgences by the Church brought on re-volt and was severely attacked and finally stopped by the efforts of Luther, the hero of the Reformation. The Church throughout the centuries from the fall of the Western Empire had undertaken to control both the spiritual and the temporal welfare of man. The natural result of the widespread supremacy of the Roman Church was that its spirit-ual aspects became more and more merged into its mere ma-chinery of external goverment. Everything that could give power and efficiency to it as an institution was carefully watched and nourished. Warfare in the Church existed between the different monastic orders. Different creeds, sects and "isms" sprung up within the Church, yet it confined itself to its troubles, and to the world became stronger and stronger as a controlling power. By the monopoly of learning and literature, it was looked upon by ruling potentates with more than reverence—. with absolute fear—and a pope's bull of excommunication was a stronger instrument against the weak and superstitious of med-iaeval times, than the thunderbolts of Jove to the ancients. But it was discovered at the beginning of the fifteenth century THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY.' I 5 I that, by reason of the temporal life assumed by the Church, the spiritual life began to die out at the center of this vast, system of ecclesiastical government. The baneful effects of such spirit-ual decay speedily began to tell throughout its borders. The perversion of ecclesiastical offices and especially the materialistic abuses of spiritual privileges, awakened Europe to its thralldom. The ignorance of those times, depicted in strong colors in the satires of Erasmus, seems almost incredible. The impetus which the friars had given the papal powers back in the thirteenth century had died out and the religious decline opened up new avenues of thought, and awakened powers before forbidden by the Church to the people. The contest between struggling humanity and prevailing and overshadowing powers brought forth all the new discoveries of the times. The printing press, the Revival of Learning, and the industrial age of English literature were its products. The industrial, political and intellectual liberty which we enjoy to-day is the fruit ot the seed sown during the latter portion of the middle ages ; and the French Revolution was the result of the tares sown during the same period. The great abuses of medi-aeval times brought their reaction in the fanatical puritanism of Cromwell and the beheading of King Charles. All these contests have been in the interests of humanity. Results have been logical and according to cosmic law. Discov-eries of all times have been the product of necessity, and a de-mand in the interests of the world's progress. Things have happened that must necessarily happen for the good of man. Discoveries are the works of genius, but the individuals that made them were endowed with this faculty, as a part of the divine plan and the divine system. 152 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY, BARRIERS TO SCIENCE. WM, H. W. REIMER, '02. C^OENCE is the foundation stone of human progress, It ^**' is a natural outgrowth of civilization. Education with-out it is null and void. Viewing it in this aspect, we must conclude that science is very old; that it is not a product of one century, but of many. The achievements of the past century are only the consum-mation of the achievements of many former centuries. Astronomy was pretty completely solved over four centuries ago, but it is being revised every year. Electricity was discovered by Franklin, but it remained for the men of our century to use it in propelling cars and in flash-ing messages across continents and oceans. All the scientists of former years who in some way aided its progress, we to-day honor and revere. But we are often forget-ful of the struggle they encountered. When some new scien-tific discovery is made, we look upon it with skeptical eyes. We are prone to criticise it harshly. We only forget that the boisterous ridicule of Columbus and Newton was turned into praise. The idea that telegraphy could be successfully oper-ated without the use of wire connection was believed impos-sible by the most skillful of our day; but now it is successfully established. It shows that mankind is reluctant to believe or accept a theory that is new. We cling to the old like parasites, and any deviation from that seems impossible. Taking a glance over the history of the past, progress ap-pears to have necessitated the surrender of the old for the new life as we pass from the old year into the new. The nations of antiquity seem to us peculiarly situated. In the childhood of intellectual development, they have only the surrounding world of obscurity out of which to carve their future. True, the children of Israel did have a supernatural revelation to guide them, but how imperfectly did it serve them. Together THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 153 with the other nations they seek after other gods to worship— gods erected by their own hands and created by their imagina-tions as representing the power that controlled the universe. It is this tendency of the growing mind that filled ancient Greece and Rome with altars and shrines. And in this manner for many years we see the nations of the earth bound down to superstition and ignorance. The early Grecian philosophers shrunk from the prevailing ignorance and sought an interpreta-tion of God from His natural revelation. The complexity of the universe puzzled them. They saw changes continually oc-curring. They think there must be a power in. the universe which pushes forth the blade of grass in the Spring. They at-tempt to resolve all things into their constituent elements. They search for the "beginning" of all things. One says water is the originative principle in the universe, because it seems common to all things. Another calls this principle of existence fire, because of its motive power. Others argue that all things in existence are only the separation and combination of infinitely small atoms. Life was only the combination of atoms, while death was the separation of the same into their original state. This beginning of all existence they recognized as God. Socrates with no supernatural revelation, but through his conscience interpreted a conception of God and heaven and the immortality of the soul. What the Greecian philosophers attempted to accomplish, the scientist of to-day is accomplishing. He lays aside all supernatural revelation. He peers under the surface of the earth to discover its history. He examines and compares the inorganic and organic creation in order to determine the pro-cesses through which they have been evolved. He proves his investigations, and submits them for our consideration. His facts are generally accepted, except when they seem to conflict with (our) supernatural revelation. At this point we hear the cry of "Halt!" Ecclesiasts say it is atheistic. They say it is contrary to the account given in Genesis. "Shall we be-lieve that man is descended from the monkey, which belief is I 54 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. not only contrary to Genesis but degrading to man?" "Shall we believe that many years passed in the creation of the earth and its creatures, when the Bible says six days transpired ?" This is the conflict of science and religion. And well is it that we see a conflict; it will strengthen both parties concerned. It will make religion reflect upon its own doctrine, and it will all the more strengthen science, for "Strength is born of struggle." Skepticism will make the scientist test thoroughly his own work, it will necessitate a tightening of all burrs on the me-chanism of science. Columbus might have failed in his attempt to prove his hy-pothesis, if resistance had not compelled him to perfect his proof and go ahead with full determination and confidence. The theory of evolution has evoked harsh criticism. But, notwithstanding, it is meeting acceptance everywhere. Our most wide-awake professors are introducing it into their schools. Preachers have tested it and proclaim it good, and are to-day reconciling their Christian doctrine with evolution as rapidly as conditions permit. Dr. Hillis is among them, and from his pen we quote the theory of evolution as he understands it: "Looking backward we find the earth in a condition that an-swers to our Sun. Slowly it cooled; slowly the granite was changed into soil, which by ice and water was made rich for the coming plants ; the plants at first very simple, became more and more complex, the small ferns giving way to the hardy forest. That daily God is causing the dry crust of the earth to move up into the herb and schrub; the schrub to ascend into the life of the animal; the animal to be lifted up into the life of man ; and man to be lifted up into the mind and life of Christ." Emerson, a preacher, poet, and philosopher, utters about the same meaning: "The gasses gather to the solid firmament; the chemic lump arrives at the plant and grows ; arrives at the quad-ruped and walks; arrives at man and thinks." This in principle is about what evolution teaches concerning THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. I 55 the origin of existing things and the processes through which they have been evolved. It is a scientific interpretation of God's natural revelation made through the material creation. While their domain is only in the material universe—in deal-ing with facts that may be brought before their immediate vision—they do not attempt a doctrine of theism. However, the nature of their reasoning often explains their idea of God. There is not one who does not recognize in the process of nature a power which is God. Emerson had the most sacred reverence for God. He saw God in all creation from the soul of man down to the blade of grass, Charles Darwin, the greatest advocate of evolution, distinctly assumed the "World Genius standing back of His wondrous earthly mechanism." If the earliest advocate of the theory did seem to eliminate God, perhaps a reason can be assigned for it, The world of new ideas which dawned upon them, so completly occupies their attention that they could not see the Maker back of them. Their conditions might have been analogous to that of the man who first sees a loom at work. "They become so entranced at the beautiful texture produced that their thought never goes back to the mind that first constructed in its imagination the result which he now sees." We can be as thorough students of evolution as was Darwin or Huxley or Tyndall or Fiske, yet we need not eliminate the Bible or God from our Christian belief. It does not debase or exalt man more to conceive him to have been created instantaneously from a clod of earth by divine fiat, than progressively through animals, so long as we conceive of him as endowed with (body and) soul, as the newest product of creation, and capable of attaining a position in life only next to the angels. No other department of science or philosophy has so greatly affected the world of thought. It has driven away superstition. It has made ignorance to be ashamed. Both man and God have been given a more exalted nature. It has purified out moral nature, and the "Survival of the Fittest" has taught man 10 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. that if he would win in the race of life, he must put under the body and elevate the mind and soul. John Fiske thinks that "Science is to help bring about a greater revival of Christianity than that which built the Cathe-drals of Europe in the fifteenth century." Romanes, the Agnostic, was led through evolution to say; "Science is moving with all the force of a tidal wave towards faith in Jesus Christ as the world's Saviour." Dr. Hillis further says: "There is no conflict between the educated ecclesiast and the educated scientist, but there is and ever will be a conflict between the ignorant ecclesiast and igno-rant scientist." Many years passed before the world received this theory of evolution. Shall we then reject its teaching as false ? Shall we denounce its advocates as atheists and agnostics and pan-theists? Does the theory debase man and elimininate God? We must let each one answer these questions for himself. But before you are able to make a decision, you must study the subject and know whereof you speak. It is pure ignor-ance to condemn a theory like evolution, and ridicule its advocates, before being fully acquainted with the subject. Ig-norance may flourish for awhile, but civilization is moving to-wards truth, and truth must in the end prevail. Then will truth look back upon the past as we look upon those who ridiculed the hypothesis of Columbus and of Newton. The barriers between science and religion are fast being re-moved, and the time is not far off when they will link hands and march onward at the sound of divine music towards the mark and prize of the high calling in Christ Jesus, THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 157 AS TOLD BY HENRI D'ARCY. HERBERT L. STIEEI, '03. ""^^ES, M'sieur, those were truly glorious days; I am an old "^ man now; my hair is white and soon I shall trouble this earth no more. I would not have had it thus. Had I my heart's desire I would have died a soldier's death long ere now. Yet truly it was no fault of mine, M'sieur, for I can show you no less than seven places on this old body of mine where some good sword has tried to reach my heart, and I carry in my left shoulder a ball, which I received while still a private in the Guard of His Eminence, the glorious Richelieu. "They are all gone now—Rochefort, De Wardes and the rest —but well do I remember them. And D'Artagnan; he was a brave man, was D'Artagnan. Ah ! he should have served the Cardinal instead of mixing with those pigs of musketeers, he should indeed, M'sieur. I remember the day his Eminence summoned him to his presence after that affair at Milady. He expected nothing less than the Bastile, and the Bastile—parbleu! give me a thousand deaths before the Bastile, I was on guard at the door of the chamber and I heard the whole interview. But D'Artagnan, he was as cool and self-possessed as if he were chatting with some of his comrades. And how he did fight during the siege of Rochelle; Mon Dieu! how he did fight. "Ah! that siege of Rochelle ! I think I was as near death that year as ever I have been, I and de Busigny. Your glass is empty, permit me, M'sieur. Yet I am rather glad that I did not die then. To die for France is glorious in any circumstance, but we gentlemen of the sword have a dread of being hanged as spies. It was in this manner—His Eminence desired infor-mation concerning the fortifications of Rochelle, and Busigny and I undertook to supply it. All went well for a time. We gained an entrance to the city, no matter how. Those Rochellais are extremely stupid, M'sieur, though they do fight hard. Now that we were in the city, how were we to find out what we wished to know ? It was easy to learn as much as i58 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. most of the citizens and soldiers knew, but the cardinal knew even more than that already. It was necessary to get some-thing from a higher source. Busigny was the man for that. I can handle a sword, but I am not much of a schemer; while Busigny—well it has been said that he was the most clever man in the whole Guard. Ah! he did scheme, and to some pur-pose, too. 1 know not to this day how he did it, but this I do know that he obtained the whole plan of defense—and such a joke, M'sieur—from the son of the governor himsell. However, it was of no avail. The entrance to the city had been easy, but the exit, that was different. "So different, in fact, that we were captured. We had no opportunity of doing away with the plans and maps on our person, and we stood revealed as spies. They took us before the governor and with little ceremony clapped us into a dun-gton. And the governor's son, he was furious, I can assure you, having been tricked as he was. Furthermore, he took pleasure in coming to taunt us and flaunt our coming execution in our faces. This angered me, though I would have died be-fore allowing him to see it, and one morning I confided my vexation to Busigny. 'DArcy, said he, T, too, have been thinking of this villain's visits, and I believe that, disagreeable as they are, we may turn them to our profit.' Imagine what joyous feelings sprung up in my breast at these words, for I knew that Busigny had a plan, and Busigny's plans, M'sieur— well, I never knew them to be other than good. 'My comrade,' continued he, 'would you prefer to die here in a hand-to-hand struggle or out there on that scaffold they are building for us ?' QX i>KAM/i£» w\j wv® vw>ux>o£>fo ooXoA/6* a/no/ us&a/v' w\> dlill fll. Selicjman, Taiio*. S Chambefsbupg St., Gettysburg, Pa. R. A. WONDERS Corner Cigar Parlors. A full line of Cigars, Tobacco, Pipes, etc. Scott's Corner, opp. Eagle Hotel GETTYSBURG, PA. Pool Parlors in Connection. GO TO^ Eckenrode's Restaurant, 8 Baltimore St., Gettysburg. Everything in Season. Oysters in all Styles- Open from 7 A. M. to 2 A. M. JOHN S. ECKENRODE, Prop. Established 1867 by Allen Walton. Allen K. Walton, Prea. and Treas. Root. J. Walton, Superintendent. Hinwlstown Brown Stone Company Q-cr_£ui*.:Ev^:Lv

Dottorato di ricerca in Storia d'Europa, società, politica, istituzioni (xix-xx) ; L'obbiettivo di questo lavoro è tracciare una storia istituzionale dell'università, inquadrandola nel più generale contesto sociale ed economico che determinò le politiche formative del paese dall'immediato dopo guerra, passando per gli anni dell'espansione economica e quelli successivi della stagnazione, giungendo fino ai primi anni ottanta. La ricerca ha seguito due direttive: da un lato l'evoluzione dell'università determinata dalla politica istituzionale e i cambiamenti della struttura universitaria, dall'altro lo stravolgimento del ruolo sociale dell'università, determinato dal passaggio dal modello liberale di università d'elitè funzionale alla formazione di una ristretta classe dirigente, a indispensabile strumento per la formazione di numerose e ampie categorie di forza lavoro in un paese avviato verso la completa industrializzazione, verso l'enorme sviluppo del settore terziario e in un contesto di profonda urbanizzazione e in generale di superamento dei rapporti sociali dei decenni precedenti alla guerra. La prima traccia di ricerca è stata sviluppata su due categorie di fonti principali: da un lato il dibattito politico-parlamentare intorno ai progetti di legge (le aperture degli accessi del '61 e specialmente del '69, le liberalizzazioni dei piani di studio dello stesso anno, i provvedimenti sulla docenza degli anni settanta), alle indagini conoscitive (quella promossa dal ministro Gonella nel '47 e quella varata da Medici e conclusa con Gui ministro tra il '63 e il '65), alle proposte di riforma (i progetti n. 2.314 del '65, n. 612 del '69, l'elaborazione della "Bozza Cervone" fra '77 e '78), alla regolazione dell'assetto giuridico ed economico del personale docente, ai piani di finanziamento e sviluppo dell'università; dall'altro attraverso lo studio del dibattito interno e fra i partiti utilizzando come fonti i periodici ad essi vicini o attenti al tema ("Riforma della Scuola" e "Rinascita" per il PCI, "Scuola e Città" e "Il Ponte" per il PSI, "La Discussione" e "Tuttoscuola" per la DC, in seguito riviste come "Universitas", ecc.), oltre che atti di convegni e pubblicazioni curate dai protagonisti dell'epoca. Nella ricerca, un ampio spazio è dato al tema della pianificazione scolastica (animato dagli studi di tecnici dell'economia e della formazione), strettamente connessa al dibattito sulla pianificazione economica sviluppatosi prevalentemente negli anni del centrosinistra. La seconda traccia di studio, quella relativa ai cambiamenti sociali e culturali causa ed effetto dell'espansione dell'utenza universitaria, è stata analizzata attraverso lo studio di fonti inconsuete per la storiografia tradizionale, come gli studi di sociologia e di scienze della formazione sviluppatisi a partire dagli anni settanta, i quali fecero largo uso delle cifre sistematizzate da ISTAT e CENSIS sistematizzate nelle tabelle statistiche che completano il presente lavoro. Analizzare l'evoluzione delle componenti sociali ha significato anche indagare le vicende legate alla docenza universitaria, al suo ruolo rispetto al dibattito politico, alle richieste portate avanti e alle funzioni assunte all'interno delle facoltà di fronte ai profondi cambiamenti descritti. Per quanto riguarda gli estremi cronologici della ricerca, la scelta di interrompere la ricerca alla prima metà degli anni '80 risponde all'analisi più complessiva che si fa di quel periodo della storia politica ed economica non soltanto italiana, le cui successive vicende di riforma dell'università rappresentano a mio avviso l'emblema del netto cambio di fase vissuto dalla politica e dalla società anche per quanto riguarda l'istruzione superiore. La suddivisione in capitoli rispecchia invece più fedelmente le fasi della politica universitaria. Nel primo capitolo si fa il punto sull'eredità dell'apparato normativo ereditato dal fascismo e sulle effettive possibilità che si aprirono o meno alle forze politiche per inaugurare una nuova fase, mettendo in luce anche le prime strategie d'intervento abbozzate dai principali partiti nel corso degli anni '50. Nel secondo capitolo sono affrontate le previsioni scolastiche e i progetti di riforma ad esse più o meno legate: dagli studi della SVIMEZ in poi (influenzati da quelli più ampi condotti dall'OCSE), la programmazione scolastica e le previsioni sullo sviluppo economico del paese assunsero un ruolo determinante per la politica di riforma di scuola e università, politica che nei primi anni sessanta si concretizzò nell'istituzione della scuola media unica (1962), nelle prime aperture dell'università ai diplomati di istituti e soprattutto nella prima vera proposta di riforma dell'università, quella di Luigi Gui del 1966, l'unica inserita in un progetto organico di riforma di tutta l'istruzione, il Piano Gui, dichiaratamente ispirato dagli studi di previsione (anche se non sempre coerente con essi). Con il terzo capitolo si affronta la lunga discussione dentro e fuori il Parlamento in merito al più ambizioso progetto di riforma del periodo, il n. 612, sostenuto dai socialisti proprio mentre l'esperienza dei governi di centrosinistra andava esaurendosi nei primi anni settanta; dello stesso periodo (1969) è l'apertura degli accessi all'università a qualsiasi tipologia di diplomato e le liberalizzazioni dei piani di studio, veri spartiacque della storia dell'università italiana. Il terzo capitolo si chiude infine con l'analisi dei "provvedimenti urgenti" del 1973, emblema di un modello di sviluppo dell'università fortemente precario, sintomo dell'incapacità di riformare e investire seriamente nella qualità dell'istruzione universitaria a vantaggio di una strategia prettamente quantitativa. Le tematiche affrontate nel quarto e ultimo capitolo sono invece determinate dall'inedita fase politica vissuta dal paese dalla metà degli anni settanta, caratterizzata dall'avvicinamento fra maggioranza e opposizione fino alla creazione dei governi di "solidarietà nazionale", nati ufficialmente per far fronte a crisi economica e terrorismo politico. Mentre l'attenzione sulla riforma universitaria andava velocemente calando (nonostante un ennesimo dibattito durato anni in Parlamento su un altro complesso progetto di riforma, la "bozza Cervone"), si verificarono gli ultimi cambiamenti sostanziali della struttura accademica attraverso l'ultimo capitolo del riformismo per decreti, tramite il quale furono istituiti i dipartimenti e le figure di ricercatore e docente associato nei primi anni ottanta. Chiude il lavoro l'Appendice Statistica in cui sono raccolte le cifre dell'università italiana (studenti, docenti, rapporti quantitativi e distribuzione, finanziamenti) dal 1946 al 1985. ; The aim of this study is tracing an istitutional history of university, by focusing in the wider social and economic context that determined the higher education policies after Second World War – spanning from the economic espansion years and the later stagnation to the early eighties. The research follows two main paths: on the one hand the university evolution and change of structure as determined by institutional factors; on the other hand the revolutionized social role of universities over the period under investigation. Indeed, the passage from a liberal model of élite universities – destined to the education of ruling classes – to a mass university – an essential instrument in training numerous labor force categories – took place in a rapidly and profoundly changing context. At that time Italy was headed towards full industrialization, was experiencing a massive development of the third sector and mass urbanization. In general, Italy was overcoming the social relations of the decades before Second world war. The First research line was developed on the basis of two main sources. On the one hand I analyzed the political-parliamentary debate on Education Bill proposals (the opening of the access of 1961 and especially of 1969, the curriculum liberalizations of the same year, the measures on univerity teaching in the seventies), on the investigations (the one proposed by Minister Gonella in 1947, launched from Minister Medici and concluded by Gui which was Education Minister from 1963 to 1965), on the various reform proposals of the analyzed decades (projects n. 2.314 of '65, n. 612 of '69, the elaboration of the "Bozza Cervone" between '77 and '78) and about the regulation of the legal and economic framework of higher education teachers and the plans of university funding and development. On the other hand, I studied the internal party debates by employing periodicals close to political parties or particularly sensitive to higher education issues ("Riforma della Scuola" and "Rinascita" for the communist party PCI, "Scuola e Città" and "Il Ponte" for the socialist party PSI, "La Discussione" and "Tuttoscuola" for the Christian democrat party DC, for more recent years periodical such as "Universitas", etcetera). Furthermore I used as sources conference proceedings and pubblications edited by the key actors of the debate. In the research I gave a significant space to the scholastic planning issue. This debate was strictly connected to the one on the economic planning of the country, developed mostly in the center-left wing years. The second part of the study, as said above, focuses on the social and cultural changes which were cause and consequences of the widening of the university students. This was analyzed through the study of source that are unusual to the tradition historiography, such as sociology or higher education studies which were developed from the 1970s and largely employed ISTAT and CENSIS data and researches. I have rationalized these studies in the statistics tables present in this thesis. The analysis of the evolution of social components regarded also university teaching activity issues, its role in relation to the political debate, and the role of teaching staffs within faculties in the profoundly changing circumstances described above. For what concerns the historical time range of this work, the choice to stop in the early eighties answers to a more general analysis of a chapter of the political and economic history that started in that eighties, not only in Italy. In my opinion, the following sequence of events regarding higher education reforms represent the symbol of the clear and abrupt phase change that politics and society experienced at that time. The thesis is organized as follows. The first chapter takes stock of the legislation inherited from the fascism and of the first debates on university in the Assemblea Costituente and in the Parliament, sheding light on the first intervention strategies of major political parties during the fifties. The second chapter addresses the forecasts on school attendendence and the consequent projects of reform. On the basis of first studies of SVIMEZ – influenced by the broader ones of OCSE – the education planning and the forecasts on the country development played a crucial role for the reform policies of schools and universities. Policies embodied in the early sisxties by the institution of the scuola media unica in 1962, by the first opening of access to professional high school graduates; and, in particolar, in 1966 by the first real proposal of university reform, the Piano Gui of Luigi Gui, the only one included in an integral reform plan of all education levels and explicitely inspired from the educational planning studies. The third chapter focuses on the long discussion – inside an outside the Parliament – concernig the most ambitiuos reform project of the period, the n. 612. The latter, while the experience of the center-left wing goverments were extinguishing, was backed by the socialists. However, the socialist were responsabile for the actual watershed in Italian university history, the opening of university accesses to any category of high school graduated students. Lastly, the third chapter ends with the analysis of 1973's "provvedimenti urgenti", emblem of a model of university development heavily based on precarious work. A synthom of the incapacity both in reforming and in seriously invest in education quality, favoring only quantitative strategies. While, in the fourth and last chapter, focuses on the second halph of the seventies a complete new political phase for the country, characterized by the approach between the parliamentary majority (hold by Christian democrat) and the communist opposition until the creation of natonal solidarity governments, ufficially borned to tackle the economic crisic and political terrorism. In the early eighties, while the attention on university reforms was rapidly decreasing, the last substantial change to the academic structure were made after those of 1969. During the last chapter of the "reformism by decrees", the departments and the roles of researcher and associate professor were established. The statistical appendix ends the thesis. Covering a time window that goes from 1946 to 1985, it reports all data on students, teachers, funding and their distribution in the ltalian

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Acknowledged Headquarters for anything and everything in the way of Books for Churches, Col-leges, Families and Schools, and literature for Sunday Schools. PLEASE REMEMBER That by sending your orders to us you help build up and devel-op one of the church institutions with pecuniary advantage to yourself. Address H. S. BONER, Supt., . THE GETTYSBURG JJEEGURY The Literary Journal of Gettysburg College VOL. XL GETTYSBURG, PA., JUNE, 1902 No. 4 CONTENTS GENERAL READING : ITS USE AND ABUSE . . . no EDWARD C. RUBY, '02. THE INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY ON THE ROMAN LAW 114 WILLIAM M. ROBENOLT, '02. THE SUB-CONSCIOUS SELF 119 FRED. A. HIGHTMAN, '02. A ROMANCE OF THE REBELLION . . . . ' . 126 STANLEY G. FOWLER, '04. . NATURE IN EMERSON'S POETRY 132 . J. F. NEWMAN, '02. EDITORIALS 138 Adieu, 1902—The Spectrum—The End of Work. EXCHANGES . . 140 BOOK REVIEW . 142 I IO THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. GENERAL READING: ITS ABUSE VS. ITS PROPER USE. EDWARD C. RUBY. (First Prize Gies Contest.) . 1 ^kjEVER in the history of the' world were good books so ■* ^ plentiful and so cheap as they are at the present time. If in the time of Solomon, when the printing press was not yet in - • existence, there was reason for saying that of the making of books there is no end, what would he say concerning the vast amount of reading matter produced to-day ? Every year there are about twenty-five thousand books published Every town of any considerable size issues one or more newspapers. Maga-zines can be counted by the hundreds. It is utterly impossible to read all that is offered to us. Even the wise saying, "Read everything of something and something of everything," must be followed within the limitations of reason. Every course of reading which our friends may prescribe for us is somewhat like an encyclopedia; it usually takes in every-thing. Now, any person who thinks that he can take in every-thing in the scope of his general reading will be likely to be "taken in" himself. The mass of accumulated knowledge as it now exists is so great that it is scarcely possible for the well educated to get even a cursory view of it. To know something of everything is, day by day, becoming a more difficult task; but to know almost everything about something is more nearly within everybody's reach. There are individuals who are so imprudent, not to say reck-less, in their reading as to peruse all the new books that time allows them to examine. Let us for a moment follow the career of one of these persons. He buys a morning paper. He is not looking for the price of stocks, nor at the religious column, nor at the proceedings of his country's Congress, nor on the editorial page. No, he sees none of these till he has read the publisher's notices. He knows, by reputation, all the publishers in the land. With some of them he is personally acquainted, as well as with a few authors. He knows the history of the THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. I I 1 most important journals as well as of the magazines that have arisen in his day To say that he is insane enough to buy all the new publications, would be injustice; but not, therefore, does he fail to read them. Fortunately for his taste, he has the friendship of a neighboring editor, whose desk is always bur-dened with the latest productions. In this sanctum our busy reader spends his happiest hours. Ask his judgment upon a late romance, and he can tell you to which one of the author's previous works it bears the closest resemblance, its marks of improvement or retrogression in our literature, and in what respect it is most worthy of attention. But notice that he never says of any new book that it is perfectly useless, for that would be a confession of lost time and labor. In conversation, he makes frequent use of foreign phrases and is always rambling and superficial. He values his author friends highest, but they are not the most attentive to his caprice and convenience. Only once has he played the author, having collected some of his critical notices into a volume which received from the public the contempt of silence. He is now growing infirm, less by age than excitement. His life draws to a close; and with the last new romance in his attenuated hands, he grows bewildered, then sinks into the sleep of death. There he lies, the victim of a strange intoxication. Faithful friends convey him to his last resting place. Deep on the slab that covers him let these words ' be traced—"Gifted with a noble mind, it was ill-directed by des-ultory and shallow reading. His death was induced by the vain attempt to keep pace with the current literature. Traveler, let this life be a warning to you." This man was a professional reader of new books. I do not mean to say, however, that there are so many liter-ary cormorants to the extent that this man was; but the name is legion of those persons of every class, age, profession and trade, who make the same effort to know something of every product of the press. They sew and knit; they work in the factory; they plow the fields; they measure the muslin; they plead in the Courts; they sit in the legislative chamber; they are too often found in the pulpit. Single out these persons of I 12 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. your acquaintance and look at them. By no means are they the most profitable company. You will learn less during a day in their society than in the half hour of twilight spent with the next door shoemaker who sits upon his step and moralizes upon man and his duty to God. Reading should never be aimless or superficial; but always with some good purpose in view. Much of a professional man's reading is, of necessity, along the lines prescribed by his pro-fession; but even he, to be eminently successful in life, must give some time to what we call desultory reading. He should engage in this kind of reading, however, with no other purpose in view than to amuse himself. The mind can not be "keyed up" to the highest pitch all the time. It needs rest and relax-ation. An amusing anecdote or story is as necessary as sleep, and may be far more salutary than a dose of medicine. Still the chief motive in reading should not be amusement or recrea-tion. Nor should it, indeed, be merely the acquirement of knowledge. It is very desirable that a man should be well informed and able to give an intelligent opinion on matters of vital importance to himself and others. Yet he should be something more than a walking encyclopedia. The chief purpose of reading should be the development of a pure and noble character. It should touch all the springs of life and take hold of every fibre of our being. Character is one of the greatest things in the world, and good reading is as essential to its growth as sunlight is to the development of plants. Culture is not to be despised, and refinement of taste is not to be depreciated, but both must be attended by the awakening of man's nobler aspirations and broader sympathies, in order to justify the time given to reading. Our reading should make us dissatisfied with our present knowledge and attainments, and beget within us a worthy ambition to be and do our very best. As soon as the taste for reading is formed, that taste begins to improve, and its improvement should be sedulously culti-vated. Every man who has read a great deal will tell you that he has left far behind him the books which he admired when THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. .• I I 3 he began. What he admired at twenty is far inferior to what he admired at thirty or forty. He is constantly going up a literature ladder. It is the act of climbing which is beneficial, not the elevation attained. • A book should never be read be-cause it is bold, curious, or new; for then it may leave no ini provement in the mind. In all our reading we need such works as will educate our entire being—not merely let in the light, but draw out native gold. We want to learn lessons in our reading, trace God's hand in history, read his glory on the scroll of science. By so doing we shall become richer by our books, have a healthier religious life, and secure an increase of intellectual strength. "THE WORLD'S NEED." THE world don't need your theory, However grand or great; It needs no long diversions On "irony of fate." The world needs men who do things With zest and power and might, Who place no price on virtue, "In the contest for the right. The world needs cheerful-hearted men— That optimistic class Who meet the world's repining By bringing things to pass. The world needs men of talent, And preparation, too, Who in the fiercest conflict Can plan, and then can do. The world has many thousand needs; But foremost of the van, And chiefest of the. thousands Is, a good, industrious man. —A. E. BURCH, in Wm. Jewell Student, 114 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. THE INFLUENCE OF CHRISTIANITY ON THE ROMAN LAW. WlUIAM M. KOBBNOLT, '02. (Second Prize Cies Contest.) ^T^7"HATEVER be the religion of any nation it has a ^ " greater or less influence upon the habits, customs and rules by which its citizens are governed. The laws and re-ligion of a country are inseparably connected. That connec-tion may be indirect and have a slow, practically unnoticeable tendency towards identifying their principles and precepts, or it may at once be extremely binding, the one upon the other —either the law subordinate to the church or the church to the state, as is found in some tribes and nations of antiquity. The progress of Christianity encountered a great many ob-stacles, but, by slow persistent endeavor, wielded ah influence which has had an ameliorating tendency wherever it has been proclaimed. At its inception the Romans were rulers of the then known world, and, of course, it could not spread without pervading their territory. Its progress in Rome was slow, gaining a few converts here and there, but from the time of Paul's imprisonment in their city and his epistle to their people, it was gradually gaining more of a foothold. Amid the varied interests of the universal 'empire, with its ever changing masters and the pomp and state of the imperial palace, the business conducted with all parts of the world, and the public games with their demoralizing tendencies, Christian-ity was ever drawing some from the different ranks, even from among the slaves, and lifting them from an abyss of ignorance and superstition to a dignified plane of humane sympathies, pointing the soul to a sense of immortality. Not until the conversion of Constantine to the Christian faith, however, did it have any effect on the Roman juris-prudence. By his liberality to and sympathy with its teachings it gained converts from among the magistrates who brought their new views to bear upon the legislative enactments of the time. By creating a community of interests and sympathies THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 115 among all classes, there resulted a tendency to make uniform all the rights and privileges of these classes. It at last brought about a complete moral, social, and, in a certain sense, political revolution. Its new converts gradually working into the legis-lative bodies instituted a new order of things. Perhaps the great gateway or channel through which Chris-tianity has conducted its precepts, to be exerted on the sea of humanity at large, was the Roman law. To use this law as a factor in spreading its teachings, the influence upon it, to say the least, must have been far reaching. Its connection with the Roman law can be described best by considering its effects in three directions, viz.: upon persons, property, and crime. In order to understand its effects upon these different subjects we must have a knowledge of their status before the introduction of Christianity. In the ordinary meaning, the word "person" signified any human being irrespective of his condition. There was such a distinction made in the legal capacity of different persons, how-ever, that a legal person was one vested with a civil capacity, and in Rome many persons were deprived of this capacity to a certain degree, so that all persons were not equal in this respect. They were divided into three classes as regards civil position: libettas, whether a freeman or a slave; civitas, whether a citizen or a foreigner; and familia, whether independent of parental authority or dependent upon it. Although the later Romans did not agree with the early Greek philosophers in saying that slavery was consistent with nature, yet they accepted it as a custom handed down from their ancestors. They divided persons into three classes as re-gards freedom servi, or slaves; libertini, or freedmen; and in-genui, or freeborn persons. The servus, or slave, was not con-sidered as a person in the law. He could not contract civil marriage; he could not hold property; he could not form a legal contract; nor did he possess any legal rights as against his master. The libertini were divided into three classes ac-cording to the extent of their freedom. There was no uniform-ity in the rights and privileges secured to them. u6 THE GETTYSBUR6 MERCURY. Now with the advent of Christianity and its gradual but marked progress until the time of Justinian we see practically a new order of affairs. The word libcttas was becoming ob-solete, at least in its practical application. The common re-lations between master and slave, which had been inaugurated by the humane spirit of Christianity, tended to equalize and identify the rights of these two classes. The old idea that they were by nature slaves was fading away, and their inborn rights were now respected. Manumission was encouraged and the slave was protected from those cruelties to which, in former times, he was as much subject as an irrational creature. To unjustly treat a slave would incriminate the master as much as though he were dealing with a person of his own rank. To indulge in practices characteristics of former times would make the master culpable, and he could not escape with impunity. Manumission was not only encouraged but more simple methods were introduced, and when once free, the barriers which had made a distinction as to the extent of their freedom were removed. The libertini now shared equal rights, so that when once free all legal restraints were removed. As Justinian declared, "full citizenship was involved in the gift of liberty." The civil condition of the libertini was now made uniform. As regards the ingenui little effect was brought to bear upon them except that their attitude towards all classes and conditions of mankind was mollified and their views were liberalized. The civitas was more easily extended to foreigners. There was a tendency to bring all classes to a greater degree of uni-formity in all respects. Having seen the effects upon the legal status of the different classes, our attention is naturally turned to the domestic rela-tions. How far the paternal authority extended over the son first commands attention. This authority was designated by the term patria potestas and "involved the power of life and death on the part of the father." It seems hardly credible to us that the father could be so cruel as to kill his child, expose it or sell it into slavery, and it seems the more incredible that the law ot the land should allow it and even sanction it. Not until THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. u; Christianity introduced its elevating principles into the rules of jurisprudence was there any final action taken by magistrates to mitigate the severity on the part of the father. By inculcating a more humane idea as to the relation between parent and child such laws were enacted as protected and gave privileges to the child very similar to those of to-day. The parent was finally brought to substitute affection for atrocity. Together with this reforming tendency in the patria potestas came better legislation concerning the status of women. Her rights with respect to her children, her property and her varied interests were made nearly equal to those of men, and were equally worthy of recognition and protection by the law. Christianity had a great effect on the law regulating all the family relations, for it worked on the family as a unit of society in extending its influence. When its precepts were once in-culcated in the family they would as a result be adopted by the legislative bodies. The idea of marriage was greatly exalted and was transformed from a civil contract into a religious sacra-ment. Marriage was also to a certain extent restricted to non-relationship of the parties. With this greater sanctity added to the marriage relation came enactments by which restraints were placed upon divorce. Matrimony was considered as "the union of man and woman, constraining them to an inseparable co-habitation." Divorce was granted for a few reasons only, very similar to those of the present day. In its effect upon the laws of property Christianity came in only in an indirect manner. With the evolution which it brought about concerning persons and civil society, it also ex-erted a gradual effect upon the enactments concerning propri-etary rights, so that they came to be exercised to the best in-terests of those concerned. A new order of succession to the estate of the deceased was introduced. Legislation concerning crime was not so much affected by the introduction of Christianity. The laws with regard to crime and punishment, except those which distinguished the freedman from the slave, were moderately humane. This distinction be-tween, and the cruel nature of, the laws of the condition of the u8 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. slave as over against that of the master have been discussed above. The abhorrence which Christianity had for unlawful indul-gences caused the passage of laws for the prohibition of these indulgences and imposed penalties upon persons addicted to them. The modes of punishment were, however, made more humane. Crucifixion, for instance, was abolished. A greater amount of testimony was required to convict a person con-demned with crime. Better enactments were instituted concern-ing prisons and the treatment of their inmates. Legislation, in general, as affected by Christianity, was char-acterized by a more humane spirit and more liberal views to-wards the amelioration of man's condition. We may say that the ultimate result of Christianity upon the Roman law was to bring about; such adaptations of jurisprudence, in its varied ap-plications, as should best serve and attain moral ends. -^^-"^ SAMAR. A TRENCH dug in the sand, a sun-charred place, Outside the village whence the foe have fled; A shape in brown, blood-stained and some hours dead With unshut eyes and blue unshaven face. A type, a hero ! say you? he who lays His life down freely as the rain is shed, Whom high devotion from his home has led The stars and stripes in triumph to upraise. Such are the deaths of heroes—but do they In such unrighteous warfare loot and slay? Is not their blood more honorably spilt? Crown not his fame with undeserved praise: He hath partaken of his country's guilt And bears the crimson stain of her disgrace. —J. B. EDWARDS, in Western Md. College Monthly. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 119 THE SUB-CONSCIOUS SELF. FRED. A. HIGHTMAN, '02. *T*HERE lies beneath the threshold of the consciousness a. self "*" not the less real because so little known and recognized: indeed it is, for that very reason, all the more potent in its action and aggressive in directing the thoughts and deeds of men. When the sphere of its influence and the potency of its action come to be more fully recognized, and its existence as one of the chief constituents of the soul's energy is admitted as a fact in the philosophy of life and the psychology of mind, another jewel will be added to the rich store of knowledge now in possession of man. The little knowledge already gained of this, the real background and foundation of the soul's energy and character, offers to man the means of escaping the evils of hereditary taint and brings him to a better understanding of his true relations with God and the world. A correct understanding of this deep background of the con-scious life will do more for humanity than any possible cure for nervousness, insanity, and other failings of the brain; it will suggest the means of elevating man to a higher plane than ever before in the field of culture and morality. That the soul is continually undergoing a change not only in the moral realm but in all its intellectual activities as well, needs no proof; but when we find that, in her composite make-up, there is a constituent over which the intellect and will cannot always exercise their power, and that the sphere of its influence extends not only through the hours of slumber but through all the activities of life, we come to recognize in it a force far too significant to be ignored. We know that consciousness is a steady stream of thoughts, feelings and volitions, ever flowing through the mind in all its varied activities, and that the content is mainly received from without. The stream flows on over the horizon and seems to disappear. But it is never wholly lost; ever and anon is it re-called by memory, or is made to serve the power of imagina-tion. 120 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. It is to this realm of consciousness, this deep into which the stream pours, that we give the name of the sub conscious or the sub-limenal. It embraces the things that are recalled by voluntary or involuntary memory and all that cannot be so re-called. Out of its deep recesses come forth the issues of life. The past life thus emerges into the present and goes far in de-ciding for character and disposition. The conscious self and the sub conscious together form a dual relationship as complete and abiding as do the emotional and intellectual. There can be no thought without feeling; neither can there be any conscious effort without being in-fluenced more or less by the impressions absorbed and recorded in the sub conscious self during the past life. It is hard for a man, who is brought up in the midst of evil and cruelty, to free himself entirely from such influence, in his daily thought and action. These impressions are lasting and telling in the form-ation of character. He can never wholly escape from the influence of his early environment. And, what is more, they enter unawares and form a body of impressions and tendencies capable at any time of being transferred over to the realm of knowledge and thought. Such impulses to action often sur-prise us, and we wonder why the son is so like his father, especially in his faults. Too often do we attribute it to heredity, when it is merely a result of close companionship; the boy may have learned it by conscious observation and imitation, but he may just as likely have "followed suit," while unconscious of ever having received such an impression from his father, prob-ably at a very early age. Then, too, hereditary tendencies must be attended with similarity in the modification of brain and nerve cells in father and son, and when no such similarity exists at birth, there must be some conditions of environment to en-sure tendencies so often ascribed to heredity. Make a change of home for the boy before the age of puberty, while his char-acter is not yet fully formed, and he will be quick to change in temperament and adapt himself to the new environment. Even a perceptible bias may be overcome, and, under the stimulus of proper conditions, aided by a true appreciation of the enor- THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 121 mity and heinousness of an evil to which he is particularly liable, he may be able to free himself entirely from its power. So unobtrusive are these forces of the sub conscious, and yet so potent in their influence over man, that his character and disposition are apt to change without his being aware of it. A student will have a close friend and may associate with him freely, but will invariably fail to see that his companion is all the time exerting a powerful influence over his soul, either re-tarding or developing the growth of his good habits. He enters his friend's room and finds him busily engaged as usual, caus ing the very atmosphere about him to seem charged with activ-ity and purpose. The visitor glances around the room only to see the same harmony of decency and order in the arrange-ment of papers and books. He may not take special note of it, for he has come on an errand and is directing his conscious energy upon the matter of conversation in hand, but at the same time there enters into his sub conscious self a correct im-pression of all about him, and with it comes an appeal to his aesthetic nature. He has been greatly benefitted thereby. If he is inclined to slothful habits, there will rise up in his breast a feeling of disgust for himself, followed perhaps by new resolu-tions. These new motives will cause him to improve his sur-roundings and arouse in him a desire to do better work. Thus will he be elevated in character and self-respect, and at the same time, the ties of friendship between him and his friend may be greatly strengthened, though he may be wholly oblivious as to whom he owes the credit of the transformation. These sub conscious influences are as potent in their power over the other faculties of mind. The condition and the power of adaptation to the work at hand will decide the competency of.the workman. In the deepest mental work—that of thought or reason—the effective work is accomplished by the will only under favorable circumstances, when there are no outside or in-trusive impressions to hinder or retard the working of the thought powers. A man put to work amid new and strange surroundings soon finds himself unable to work with his former celerity and accuracy; his mind is being disturbed, the while 122 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. endeavoring to readjust itself to the new surroundings, and the energy of the sub-conscious self, instead of assisting the intellect, now requires a portion of the soul's energy which the intellect is wont to make use of; so that if he attempt by mere force of will to recall or produce a thought, he may be wholly unable to do so. But when the mind is at home the thought will come to him with comparative ease. There are, however, conditions with which it is hardly pos-sible to become accustomed in the pursuance of intellectual activity—at least to the degree of non impressibility. A student, for instance, may be of a nervous temperament—a condition probably brought about by his early environment in the home or elsewhere, who, in the preparation of the lesson, may be annoyed continually by some low but constant sound, or by the continual intrusion of a thought caused by an un-worthy desire to make "good marks." He is endeavoring to concentrate his attention upon the study, but the sub-conscious impressions time and again thrust themselves up into the con-scious thought and claim his undivided attention, so often it may be, that they sometimes cause him to despair of success in his work. The recitation follows and even though he has had comparative success in his study he may not be able to re-cite, because of the absence of the conditions and impressions he had during the study hour, whether they were of conscious effort—as the constant thought of possible failure, or impres-sions received ^ub-consciously from the varied surroundings. An instance may be cited analogous to this in which a student had determined to make a good recitation, but was unfortunate in trying to prepare the lesson while taking a walk along a quiet path. The unusual mental effort, at a time when a part of that portion of the soul's energy generally required by the intellect was being appropriated by the senses to record within the sub-conscious self the impressions received from the new surround-ings of nature, caused him to make a complete failure in recita-tion. Such manner of study may indeed be of no benefit what-ever to the future life. The power of complete concentration of thought—the power THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 123 to use at will all or nearly all of the soul's energy at command should be one of the first lessons in the life of the student. If the youth has been fortunate in spending his early life in the country, where there is every chance of developing his power of concentration by the soothing effect of the contemplation of nature and the quiet hour of rest after a day of hard toil, he will be a fine subject for the higher education, or a promising youth to fill a position requiring the service of a skillful and trusty financier. It is a noteworthy fact that the boys of the country are the successful men in the city. Were it not for the addition of the wholesome lives which the country boys make to the city life, it would soon become lifeless and collapse. The city life, with its excitement and bustle, is not a fit school for the early development of the boy; there is too much hurry and diversity of purpose to permit a normal development of the conscious self, and too many uncertain and harmful impressions upon the sub-conscious self. It generally produces an abnormal development of the susceptibility and is apt to cause a nervous condition of the organism. When this occurs the power of con-centration is weak and the boy can no longer control his thoughts or, it may be, even his temper; neither can he tell when he will have feelings of satisfaction or discontent, for the sub-conscious self, which has grown out of proportion, is continu-ally asserting its authority and influence over the conscious self. The growing youth or young man can, by selecting and choosing his environment, modify the force of these sub-con-scious impressions, and thus change his whole life. If he is conscious of any change of feeling that he cannot account for, he would do well to look about him for the cause. There is probably near him some sound or motion which has awakened within his sub-conscious self a like impression, which in turn has revived the mood or feeling he had at the time of such impres-. sion and may even cause the suggestion of some former thought. Impressions thus received sub-consciously may have been stored away since early childhood. The reading of the funeral service at the burial of some friend, or even some peculiarity in the 124 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. attitude or personality of the pastor may be awakened for the first time after many years, bringing with it the feeling of sad-ness experienced at that time. The environment of the youth, then, and the manner of his education is of the utmost importance. If the teacher of the child is cross and inactive, even though there are opposite in-fluences at work, the impressions received of the manner and the tone of voice will be far more effective upon the life of the child than the conscious effort of the child to master the lesson. The kind word of the mother in the time of need and trouble, or the assistance of a little friend, will tell greatly in the forma-tion of its character. Why, then, should we not expect the child to be like the parent? Is it not learning only by experi-ence and observation ? And is not the very foundation of all its future intellectual activities and moral attainments being grounded and formulated by these early impressions and thoughts? In the very choice of the furniture and adornments about the house—the carpet, the color of the wall—the parent shows his or her taste and likes or dislikes, and these become as much a part of the child as are the peculiarities in its mode of expression or even in its physical structure. The little prayer at mother's knee, though at the time it may not have had much meaning to the little one, other than that of obedience to mother, will in after Irfe be to him as a guiding star through the dark clouds of fear and doubt. The humble trustful attitude of the mother and the earnestness of those tender loving words ad-dressed to the infinite Father somewhere above, will not only awaken in the little breast implicit trust and faith but will go far in molding a character and disposition of like temperament that will not easily be lost in the face of adverse conditions. The religious life almost invariably has its root in and is dependent for constancy upon these early impressions received often un-consciously and at a period of life when all must be taken as a matter of course, and be considered as conformable to the nat-ural order. Nor is it of small concern to the growing youth what kind of literature he shall read or with what class of companions he may THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 125 associate. The noble character in the good book, which is read thoughtfully and earnestly, will affect his soul and character as much as his living associates. All the time he will be pictur-ing to his mind's eye their various traits and dispositions, and these conscious efforts, whether of the imagination or not, will pre-pare his mind more surely to receive like impressions from all other sources. The mind always tends to act in the same way it has done in the past. And so, when the youth comes into contact with a friend, he will unconsciously seek out and find in him, if it be there, that same good quality or virtue the desire for which has already been implanted in his own breast. And the result will be that a living embodiment of the ideal in the book is being presented to him, which will become more and more precious as he grows older. Can we wonder then why the child is so like the parent, or why the intimate friend has influenced so profoundly the character of his fellow? K^y ON READING THE CEDIPUS OF SOPHOCLES. WE read the tale of CEdipus, the king, That lofty, frenzied soul, who shuddering fled From crime to crime, till all the sky flamed red, And glorious earth became a loathsome thing ; Then plucked he tortured eyeballs from his head, And staggered on through doom and God's deep hate, 'Mid whirling darkness of the winds of fate, Led by his daughters' love to join the dead. The tale was done, and homeward trod we late, The village street, antithesis of strife, But low the eyeless clouds with ambush rife, Their silence dumb and dread maintained, And in our hushed and sobered spirits reigned The old night-shrouded mysteries of life. —Williams Lit. 126 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. A ROMANCE OF THE REBELLION. STANLEY G. FOWLER, '04. ^\NE Spring morning, in my Sophomore year at Pennsyl- ^-, vania College, Gettysburg, my fancy drifted to scenes of war, and, being at leisure, I began an aimless stroll over the field, whose victory saved our Union. Unconsciously, though probably led by the grandeur of the scene, I slowly made my way to a wooded elevation—Culp's Hill—whereon our boys were stationed in '63, and where un-ceasingly, for one whole day, the Rebels sought to dislodge them. I had reached the summit and while debating mentally whether or no I would mount the government observatory built there, my eye caught the form of an elderly gentleman, seated upon a huge boulder half-way down the rear of the hill. Immediately my plan was laid, for, driven by natural im-pulses that ever make man crave for society, I determined to join him. I knew a number of New York veterans to be out on the field this morning, and surmising this man to be of that band I slowly approached him, for rudeness seldom gains its point; still, were my surmise correct, I had fully intended drawing from him some tales of the deeds, brought vividly to mind on one's view-ing again the scenes of their enactment. The old man had heard me approaching and now looked up calmly and with a good-natured smile addressed me. "Good morning, my boy, out strolling too?" "Yes, sir," I replied, and remembering my purpose added, "'tis ever a pleasure to me to wander over a field so dear to us all." "Ah!" said he quickly, "it almost repays one to hear young America talk that way," (He was a veteran and here was my opportunity) Quickly following up my advantage, I ventured, "Were you stationed here during that "second day?" The old man smiled—-as though discovered—and answered, "Yes, my boy; at one time during that day I wasn't far from this very spot." THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 127 I looked about me. To be here during "that day !" Imme-diately I recalled how we had studied of the noble charges the Rebels made all through "that day," and as I thought, it flashed upon me that here, this very line, was where our boys lay and so gallantly held the hill. Yes I was correct, for to both right and left stretched a line of regimentel monuments, plainly mark-ing the position ; but even better proof met my earnest gaze, for I awoke to the fact as I looked, that the very boulder we sat upon was the center of a trench, a low, now thickly grown wall of earth that stretched to the right and left, clear 'round the base of the hill. But for one to sit there and look down, down fifty feet or more, over the wildest, rockiest, roughest hillside that even a fertile imagination could conceive of; down over an area, well nigh impassable with trees, rocks and undergrowth, and to think then of the charges and repulses made, why Culp's Hill at once assumed a new beauty to me. I looked at the man, half doubting that ever human being could come out from such a hell as this; to calmly view it now with not so much as a look of wonder. The rock upon which we were seated had split from a main and larger body and lay directly in line with the low earthern wall; for say five feet on the sides of it were spaces. Low stone walls joined the rock to the earthern works on either side, and thus the protection stretched unbroken, save in height. Directly in front of our boulder, on an angle not quite as steep as the hillside, stretched the moss-covered face of the enormous main body (from which our resting place had split), forming a perfect plaza fully fifty feet square, clear up to the breastworks; and, over this vast boulder's lower ledge, up upon its smooth face, charged the Rebels, for history records their once reaching the trench. The spot we occupied was—could a decision be given—the wildest spot on the line. Turning, I saw the monument, some distance in our rear, to be the I22d N. Y. I now knew the old man's regiment, but was not carrying out my purpose. 128 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. "It must have taken true courage for a man ever to reach this line, and none but Americans could ever have held the po-sition," I remarked. "Yes," he said, "they were brave boys to reach us. It was hard to shoot them down when they did get here. Hard for more reasons than one." "But how did you ever get out of this place uninjured?" I persisted. "Well, my boy, I didn't exactly. Down in that opening there"—and he pointed to the crack between the main boulder and the one upon which we sat—"down in there I lost pretty nearly all the life I had with me at the time." I looked at the fissure he designated, an aperture about four feet across, extending the one dimension of the rock and filled out with earth and underbrush 'till it was no deeper than about three feet. I now had visions of hearing a miracle. How could a man fall wounded there and ever be found ? I became desperate in my anxiety to hear, and arising, I bluntly exclaimed, "Sir, will you kindly tell me of that day?" Patiently, but eagerly, I awaited the result of this advance. The old man's face gradually lost its look of surprise, and over blankness there crept a genial expression of new-born friend-ship. "Well," said he, "sit down, my boy, and I'll tell you of scenes now dulled by forty years." "To begin with, memory takes me back to Savannah, Ga., where lay, nestled in her spacious campus, my old Alma Mater." "It may seem strange that one from America's metropolis could wander so far to a college, but I was ever eager to forsake, for growing years at any rate, that thought destroying din of city life." "My class of '61 had reached its Senior year. For three whole years had I reveled in Southern romance and nature. Far from my native State my erstwhile fancy had all but turned to love for a clime that, three years before, was strange to me." THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 129 "During my course, I had indeed made friends, as only col-lege associations can create, and, above all, by far the brightest spot in the memory of those days was the friendship, yes love, that had unconsciously possessed me, for one of Georgia's maids, a girl whose acquaintance I'd made at my first Fraternity dance. "From the day of my coming it was looked upon as strange, for even then was brewing that strife so soon upon us. "There were four in the class from my State, and dimly I could notice national pride struggling against the brotherly friendship my classmates held for us. At every visit made at the home of this maid, I could clearly see the feeling, while not strong enough in her to conquer her love, still full strong enough in her parents to curtail my stay. But I was not alone in the struggle for this maid's affections. A native Georgian, a dark-haired, handsome youth, a classmate of mine had, long 'ere my arrival, in vain sought her hand, and now, as I slowly but clearly gained the preference, his rivalry grew intense. "But to hasten on, one evening, as a score of us sat about the grate fire in my study, rather heatedly discussing secession, news reached us of Lincoln's election. Our discussion came to an abrupt end. Mightily were the passions of patriotism and friendship at strife within us, and slowly and in silence we separated. "When all had gone, realizing that were I a man, my stay in G. must cease, as my place was in the ranks of the Union, I hastily gathered some few valuables and stealthily leaving the dormitory, made my way to the home of my sweetheart. There, at the gate, I met her weeping She too had heard the news that must forever shatter fond dreams. "I can't tell of that parting".—here the old man's frame trembled, tears came to his eyes, but with an effort he sup-pressed all, and, looking up, continued: "Enough to say that our lives were pledged to promises of future bliss. "We parted as secretly as we had met, and continuing away, I so fixed my clothing, etc., as to present the appearance of a 130 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. rustic. Thus disguised I made my way to the wharf and as a stowaway reached New York. "At the first call I enlisted, together with my brother, in the regiment commanded by my father, the 122nd New York. Home ties were not a straw for we were blessed with a mother whose patriotism excelled our own, and whose farewell instilled that courage such as only can win a struggle. "Well, our regiment saw considerable active service from the war's very outbreak, and on the second day of this grand fight, had this stone wall to hold. "Opposed to us was the flower of the Southern army, and the regiment sent to take this position of our stronghold was the Seventh Georgia, raised and recruited from the ranks of my old college. "You have often heard this war typified as the 'strife of brothers,' and so it was. Here I was to shoot down the boys I had learned almost to love, but duty was plain before me and mine was the righteous cause. "Well, they charged us twice, and twice were they sent back. During the second charge they had almost reached us; some had scaled the ledge of that great rock right in front here and were face to face with us. In desperation, leaping upon this low stone wall, I stood almost touching my old Georgia rival, who led his men. I didn't have the heart to fire, but he did, and I dropped here in this opening between the rocks. "There I lay unnoticed, while my life slowly ebbed. Dark-ness was now upon us, and as I lay there fast reviewing scenes of old, I felt a hand upon my throat. " 'Well, here you are, eh, haven't moved a bit,' sneered a voice close to my face. 'I reckoned to have finished you an hour ago. Roy, it comes hard for one to fall by the hand of a friend, but you know that Mary waits for one of us to return. I intend to be that one!' And as he spoke the hand tightened upon my throat. I merely groaned; that's all I could do, when, as though from heaven, a figure fell across my body. Then the hand left my throat. That is all I remembered that THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 131 night. When I awoke I lay in the hospital tent swathed in bandages. "Slowly I recovered and soon was out. It was my own brother in search of me, who had saved me, but my Georgia 'friend' had escaped back to his ranks. "This was my last fight. After the war, seeking betterment to my broken health, I journeyed South. There, once more fond memory prompting, the old flame burned, and journeying on to my old college town, quietly I sought fulfilment of that hastily made promise. "I found Mary, but alas, no longer free. My rival, thinking full well my end had come, returning brought such as fact, and I, poor, foolish man, was beaten. "That's all, my boy, I can't mention this rivals's name, for he's now prominent in the politics of the Union he once op-posed. Often we meet in open debate, for I represented my State in the same assemblage. 'Tis there only that my re-venge, if any, is granted, but God knows he won a prize far beyond my power to gain. "Alone I have lived since, and you are the first and probably the last to hear this, one incident of an awful strife, a remembrance of this low stone wall." The old man drew out his watch and observing that it was high time to be moving, he arose to go. Not wanting to pre-sume, for I saw him to be deeply affected by a story, the romance of his life, I, insisting, thanked him sincerely, and he left me alone, absorbed in a new-born thought. HABAKKUK. Silence and night—black night: A striving all in vain to reach the light, A rugged watch tower lifts its massive height. Darkness and clouds—despair: And on the lonely watch tower wrestling there, A strong man waits an answer to his prayer. Starlight and peace—deep peace : Upon the tower the awful conflicts cease; The kneeling man through faith has found release. —E. A. P., in The Lesbian Herald. I 32 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. NATURE IN EMERSON'S POETRY.* (Honorable Mention Graeff Prize Essay). J. F. NEWMAN, '02. KALPH W. EMERSON, born in Boston, May 25, 1803, was the son of a minister. His mother, Ruth Haskins, a lady of great dignity, sweetness and piety, although left a widow with five small children, managed to give four of them academic education. After the completion of his course at Harvard Ralph aided in the support of the family by teach-ing for some years, and finally decided to enter the ministry, graduating from Harvard Divinity School in 1826. His ministerial career, however, has little bearing on our sub-ject. Glancing briefly at his early boyhood, when his mind was in its formative state, we find that he frequently visited at the home of the Rev. Dr. Ripley, the "Old Manse," at Concord. In the fields and woods along the Concord River he came into close touch with Nature, and formed the foundation and back-ground of many of his literary productions. Doubtless we may attribute to these visits much of that intense love of Na-ture, which, when disappointment and distress entered his life, caused him instinctively to turn to her, "Who will be all things to all men," for consolation; and probably to the same cause may be attributed his right to be styled a true nature poet. The greatest requisite of any poet is ability to appreciate correctly the two great sources from which his materials must come—man and the external universe. Only a person who is deeply in love with Nature can with propriety sing as Emerson does in "The Park." "Enchanters! Enchantresses! Your gold makes you seem wise ; The morning mist within your grounds More proudly rolls, more softly lies." * Facts relative to Emerson's life are from Edw. W. Emerson's sketch of his life. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 133 "Yet spake you purple mountain, Yet said you ancient wood, That Night or Day, that Love or Crime, Leads all souls to the Good." Or, from his delightful description, how beautiful must a snow storm have seemed to him. "Announced by all the trumpets of the sky Arrives the snow, and, driving o'er the fields Seems nowhere to alight; the whited air Hides hills and woods, the river, and the heaven, And veils the farmhouse at the garden's end—" ****** "Out from an unseen quarry evermore Furnished with tile, the fierce artificer Curves his white bastions with projected roof Round every windward stake, or tree, or door." Surely it may truthfully be said that Emerson lived close to Nature's heart and was an appreciative observer of all her manifold phenomena. With equal truth it might also be said that he had genuine pity for those who cannot receive pleasure from Nature for he must have held such in mind when he wrote: "The brook sings on, but sings in vain Wanting an echo in my brain." That his productions may be true nature poetry, the poet must not only be appreciative of Nature, but must also possess the happy facility of describing her vividly and tenderly. As we read these lines from "My Garden"— "In my plot no tulips blow— Snow-loving pines and oaks instead And rank the savage maples grow From Spring's faint flush to Autumn's red." "My garden is a forest ledge Which older forests bound; The banks slope down to the blue lake-edge Then plunge to depths profound''— ! a delightful picture, which shows the delicate and loving touch I 36 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. of a master-spirit, rises in fancy and we see our poet sit in his forest-garden, enjoying its sweet odors and gazing meditatingly to the blue lake beyond. It is almost impossible to select representative descriptions from such poems as "The Adirondacks," "Musketaquid," "Sea-shore" and "May Day," each of which seems to be a portrayal of a different portion of Nature's marvels. "The Adirondacks," is a description of a journey in the mountains, of such vividness that the reader and not the author appears to be the actual participant. How beautiful and realistic is the following homely quotation: "Ten scholars, wonted to lie warm and soft In well-hung chambers daintily bestowed, Lie here in hemlock boughs, like Sacs and Sioux, And greet unanimous the joyful change." ******** "Our foaming ale we drank from hunters' pans, Ale, and a sup of wine. Our steward gave Venison and trout, potatoes, beans, wheat-bread ; All ate like abbots, and, if any missed Their wonted convenance, cheerily hid the loss With hunters' appetite and peals of mirth." Musketaquid deals primarily with the farm in the New England valley. The rural description, however, is illustrated with happy word pictures which make this poem one of Emer-son's sweetest, as: "Sparrows far off, and nearer April's bird, Blue-coated—flying from tree to tree, Courageous sing a delicate overture To lead the tardy concert of the year. Onward and nearer rides the sun of May; And wide around, the marriage of the plants Is sweetly solemnized. There flows amain The surge of Summer's beauty; dell and crag, Hollow and lake, hillside and pine arcade, Are touched with genius." Frequently persons intensely fond of woodland beauty receive little pleasure from the ocean; but Emerson appears to have THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 135 had equal adoration for each portion of Nature's handiwork and could sing of the ocean's beauty as sweetly as of his own dear walks and retreats. The following extract is from Seashore: "Behold the sea, The opaline, the plentiful and strong, Yet beautiful as is a rose in June, Fresh as a trickling rainbow of July." May-day is a brightly colored picture of the awakening of slumbering Nature. The dormant faces are represented as springing into life when "Coy Spring, With sudden passion languishing, Teaching barren moors to smile, Painting pictures mile on mile, Holds a cup with cowslips wreaths, Whence a smokeless incense breathes." Does he describe Nature? He does more. He transfers living Nature from the external world to his pages without losing the scent of the flowers, the flutter of birds' wings or the tone of the waterfalls. She was real to him and he has given her to us in her reality. But the living universe was more to Emerson than an enter-tainer of the imagination. She was a teacher of noble truths. A boy he discovered her mysteries; later in life he carried his problems to her for solution. It was with a certainty of his correctness, determined by experience, that he wrote "Chide me not, laborious band, For the idle flowers I bought; Every aster in my hand Goes home loaded with a thought." "There was never mystery But 'tis figured in the flowers; Was never secret history But birds tell it in the bowers." —(The Apology). In his philosophical quest Emerson represents "The Sphinx" as advising him as follows: 136 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. ' 'So take thy quest through nature, It through thousand natures ply : Ask on, thou clothed eternity ; Time is the false reply." "Through a thousand voices Spoke the universal dame; Who telleth one of my meanings, Is master of all I am." However obscure and unsatisfactory his conclusions may have been, we know positively that he believed in some power back of Nature, controlling both her and him. When asked "whence is the Rhodora," he wrote Rhodora ! if the sages ask thee why This charm is wasted on the earth and sky, Tell them, dear, that if eyes were made for seeing, Then beauty is its own excuse for being ; Why wert thou there, O rival of the rose ! I never thought to ask, I never knew ; But, in my simple ignorance, suppose The self-same Power that brought me there brought you. Emerson's life, we must think, sorrow and his disagreement on ably a not very happy one. Yet ings in fact—there is no trace of piest spirit everywhere exhibited that his loved mistress (Nature) His poem. "Good-bye," seems to thought with its varying shadows of religious questions, was prob-in his poetry—in all his writ-bitterness, but only the hap- May we not, therefore, say lent contentment to his life? be impregnated with this one "And when I am stretched beneath the pines, Where the evening stars so holy shine, I laugh at the love and the pride of man, At the sophist schools and the learned clan ; For what are they all, in their high conceit, When man in the bush with God may meet?" Perhaps the most beautiful feature of our poet's work is the fact that he deals lovingly with every item of Nature's creation, overlooking nothing; and yet it is not in single detail that he THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 137 admires her, but as a connected whole. "Each and all," from which we have chosen some leaves, shows this best. "I thought the sparrow's note from heaven, Singing at dawn on the cedar bough ; I brought him home, in his nest, at even ; He sings the song, but it cheers not now, For I did not bring home the river and sky— He sang to my ear—they sang'to my eye." Milton says that poetry must possess three qualities' if its author would deserve to b$ designated poet—must be simple, sensuous, passionate. Measured by this standard, we believe Emerson deserves the title. His poetry, as a rule, is simple; in some the theme is difficult; but by careful application any person can understand him, and having found the real flavor, will follow it passionately. Enough has already been said to show that it is sensuous. His own passion for Nature is transferred to his pages that we may enjoy her as he did. It was the consciousness of having given something to the world that caused Emerson to enjoy his poetry and send it to us with this mission: "Go speed the stars of thought On to their shining goals— The sower scatters broad his seeds, The wheat thou strew'st be souls." VOICES IN THE QUAD. Happy days have slowly dwindled And we're parting lads, at last; College scenes and college mem'ries Are but dreamings of the past Still our hearts are closely clinging And our thoughts are ever winging To the voices that are singing. Ah ! the voices in the quad. Songs we love and songs we cherish Of the days that never perish, Sing the voices in the quad. -DAN DEVLIN, '02, in the Georgetown College Journal THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY Entered at the Postofflce at Gettysburg' as second-class matter Vol. XI GETTYSBURG, PA., JUNE, 1902 No. 4 Editor-in-chief Assistant Editors Exchange Editor H. S. LEWARS, '03 Miss MARY WILSON, '04 SAM. P. WEAVER, '04 LYMAN A. GUSS, '04 Business Manager E. CARL MUMFORD, '03 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D. Asst. Business Manager PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. FRED. MASTERS, '04 PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D.D. Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance; single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Busi-ness Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS. The Commencement season is at hand. ADIEU, 1902. ~, " . . , . , r . 1 he benior in his cap and gown is a familiar sight. Examinations are over, a few more finishing touches on the oration and all will be done. This is a season both of joy and sadness. Joy because of the happy years gone by. Sad because they will never be reciprocated; sad at the thought to leave one's alma mater and beloved classmates. Friendships ships and acquaintances have been formed, which shall be lasting. There is a peculiar relation existing between classmates. All have one end in view, and that makes work enjoyable; we should be thankful that it is so. All the unpleasant things, all the hard asks will be forgotten, the memory will not take note of them, THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 139 they are so small and it will have so many happy experiences to recall. "When the act of reflection takes place in the mind, when we look at ourselves in the light of thought, we discover that our life is embosomed in beauty." You look back over from now and they seem pleasant. Years after you will think of them as the happiest period in life. It's a good thing* for men to work shoulder to shoulder, and one of the happy recol-lections shall be of united labors in some college department. Much of the four years' work has been enjoyable; some tasks, too. have been distasteful, but they will be forgotten. Emerson has rightly said, "Behind us, as we go, all things as-sume pleasing forms as clouds do far off." He said that when he was well on in years and knew life, "The soul will know neither deformity or pain," and we should rejoice. The older you grow the more precious will these years seem. Such must be your thoughts, O, Seniors, as you bid us adieu. The alumni and friends of the college will no doubt be glad to know that the Spectrum for this year is in circulation. It is a different publication from any other in the college, and is expository in character. Rob-ert Burns once expressed a heartfelt wish, "O, wad some power the giftie gie us To see oursel's as others see us." When he said that he had no idea that it would ever be ful-filled. He did not know of the Spectrum. If a man wants to see himself from the standpoint of his fellow let him seek that knowl-edge in this publication. The Editor is by no means respon-sible for your bad feelings; he is merely a student of public opinion, and publishes what he sees and hears. It has truth for its foundation, and the members of the staff have a scien-tific mania for fact. Self-knowledge and progress is its aim. Its very existence was caused by a wish such as Burns'. But the managers determined to do what Scotland's Shakes-peare could not or did not, and the Spectrum came forth a new 140 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. creation. Every succeeding class has followed this example and has believed that "It {Spectrum) wad frae monie a blunder free us and foolish notions." It has reached its aim. But, too, it chronicles deeds of bravery and does not waste all its time trying to pull the mote out of its brother's eye. Nineteen three believes in self-knowl-edge, and has carefully arranged all matters pertaining to the institution in their true light. There is no knowledge without light, so get a Spectrum and see. THE END OF WORK. There is a faithful saying—"The end crowns the work," which has been held precious by the laborer since time immemorial. True—but when there is a limit to it, the coronation comes whether you have worked or not. But, oh, what a coronation! The end of our year's work is here, but the kind of end depends on the work during the year. Why this end should be the special delight of so many is hard to understand. Work is surely not such a drudge that we are glad to leave it. Work is a pleasure—it is healthy. The end of one task should only incite to greater conquest. There is no end of work. The man who is looking towards He who looks towards the end The ability to work to-morrow is according to your ability to work to-day. No man has ever become strong or great who has not worked patiently and in-defatigably. The great are the hardest workers and the hum-blest servants. Men are strong because they have worked. Idleness is weakness. Do you wish to know the true man ? See him at work. Then you can measure his power, then you have an insight into his real nature. The fisherman at the shore is made a teacher of men, Elisha at the plow is made the prophet, Saul, the persecutor, is made Paul the Apostle. There is no room for the idle man, only the laborer is promoted. Work is power. There is German saying, ''Arbeit iiber-wiindet alles" Labor only is the key to success. If happiness the end is himself an idler, will never do much work THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 141 is the great good to man he will find it only in work. And, having found his work, let him concentrate his energy and do it and not seek the end. EXCHANGES. A number of our exchanges are somewhat late in making their appearance this month. Most of those that have arrived, however, show an improvement over last month's issue, es-pecially in their exchange columns. Some, nevertheless, fail to recognize the real purpose of this department, and fill the space with general notes of the college world. This evidently is not the purpose of the exchange column, and several editors could greatly improve their journals by giving this department a thorough remodeling. We are very sorry that no exchange column appeared in last month's issue. For it the exchange editor has no apology to offer. The exchanges were reviewed and written up as usual, but, owing to a seemingly unavoidable circumstance, were cast into the printer's waste-basket. We hope, however, that this will not occur again. We are glad to add the Theilensian to our exchange list. The article "The Decline in Candidates for the Ministry" is very good. The exchange column, however, could be greatly improved by using it for the review and criticism of their ex-changes. THE HEART'S LONGING. There's a warm, warm wind comes from the South, With a promise and a song, A song that wells from a rose-lipped mouth In cadence full and strong. It whispers, whispers through the day To the hearts of longing men, That the time is coming down the way When the woods turn green again. —R. B., Free Lance. 142 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. Tlie Juniata Echo for May contains an excellent article on "Juniata—Tradition and Spirit." Among other things the writer says: "College spirit is that undefinable, but none the less real fact of enthusiastic devotion, which unconsciously takes hold of the ideal student in course of his growth into and with an institution, and causes him to rejoice over every mark of its superiority." For the High School exchanges of last month we have nothing but praise. Each editor seems to have made a special effort to send out a good paper. Among these the K. H. 5 Myth is the best. The essay "Character is Power" is very fine. It also contains some splendid cuts. The others most worthy of mention are The Argus, The X Ray and The Delphic News. The first issue of the Phoenix for May is not very well bal-anced. Most of the space is taken up with athletic and local news, much to the detriment of the literary department, which does not contain an article worthy of perusal. The May number of the Forum was one of the best ex-changes received during month. It contains an excellent ar-ticle on "The Study of Philosophy-" The editorial on the "Grind" and college sport is very well written. We agree that they are not true college men. Among the other exchanges the best are the Lesbian Herald, The Buff and Blue, The Amulet, The Midland and The Ursinus College Journal. The lamps I light along life's way May throw their rays on meagre space ; The flowers I scatter day by day May brighten but a little space. Yet, if I light to a higher goal One who the upward path would gain, Or cheer some sorrowing, starving soul, I cannot count my labor vain. —E. C. D., The Midland. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 143 BOOK REVIEW. An American at Oxford, By JOHN CORBIN. Boston: Hough-ton, Mifflin & Co., #1.50. In the educational world there is no more widely discussed subject to-day than Oxford University, its methods and life. For many years Americans were not attracted to Oxford and Oxford gave no inducements to Americans. Most graduate students went to Germany. The Oxford scholarships provided for Americans by the will of the late Cecil Rhodes have drawn special attention to this historic school. Strange to say, as Mr. Corbin mentions in his preface, his book, "An American at Oxford," went into press on the day of the publication of Mr. Rhodes' will. The book is therefore specially interesting. We have heard enough of Ox ford from the English, but to get an account of the University from an American, who judges it from an American standpoint, is wholesome. Ask an Englishman why Oxford has the best system of in-struction and he'll do anything but answer your question. Mr. Corbin's book, however, treats of Oxford in all its phazes and in a manner very charming. The social life of the University is first discussed, which is quite different from other universities of Europe, and the author does not fail to call attention to the contrast. The part of the book that will interest college men is Oxford Out of Doors. The author gives detailed accounts of Track and Field Athletics and at the end, of course, contrasts Ameri-can and English sportsmanship. The English student engages in sport of some kind, which the author thinks is very salutary. Alas, in some of our American Universities time is barely given for exercise ! True to Oxford spirit one part of the book is de-voted to the History of the University. The Problems of the American University are ably discussed. The author is not derogatory of other universities in his con-trast between them and Oxford, and has made the book both interesting and instructive. 144 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. As/c you r bookseller to showyou th ese books. Published by Hinds £r» AIobley New York. Songs of All the Colleges - $1.50 Songs of the Eastern Colleges - - 1.26 Songs of the Western Colleges - - 1.25 New Songs for Glee Clubs - .60 3 Minute Declamations for College Men 1.00 8 Minute IteadingB for College Girls - 1.00 New Pieces for Prize Speaking - - 1.26 Proa and Cons (Complete Debates) - 1.60 Commencament Parts,( Orations, Essays, etc) 1.60 Established 1867 by Allen Walton. Allen K. Walton, Pres. and Treas. Robt. J. Walton, Superintendent. 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Lebanon's main Islamist party has undergone a profound transformation over the past four decades. Once associated with suicide bombings and hostage-taking, Hezbollah has steadily evolved from an underground movement in 1982 to the dominant political player in Lebanon in 2022. Yet even though Hezbollah is strong militarily and politically, it also faces greater challenges than ever before. They range from the party's massive expansion since 2006 to the domestic discontent over its refusal to abandon its weapons and the growing disenchantment within its Shiite base.Hezbollah's role in the region has been particularly controversial. The most powerful regional militia, Hezbollah used its vast arsenal to fight Israel for thirty-four days in 2006. The conflict was Israel's longest Middle East war and left no clear winner, although Hezbollah chief Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah emerged afterwards at the top of popularity polls across the region. But its armed intervention in Syria, beginning in 2012, on behalf of President Bashar al-Assad deeply tarnished its image among Sunnis across the region as a champion of anti-Israel resistance. After 2006, the party's expansion in manpower, military capabilities and funding also loosened internal control and made it more susceptible to corruption and penetration by Israel.Image CreditThe movement, created under Iran's auspices and aid after Israel's 1982 invasion, reflects the dynamic Shiite dimension of Islamist politics in the Arab world. Hezbollah was inspired by the teachings of Iranian revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. It subscribes to a doctrine known as the velayat-e faqih—or, in Arabic, the wali al-faqih—Khomeini's theory of Islamic governance, which bestows guardianship of government on a senior religious scholar. Iran remains Hezbollah's chief ideological, financial, and military supporter. Syria is also a close ally.Hezbollah's core ideological goals are resisting Israel, establishing an Islamic state in Lebanon, and offering obedience to Iran's supreme leader. But Hezbollah has developed a keen sense of realpolitik that helped shape its political agenda and allowed it to sidestep challenges to its armed status. It long ago accepted, for example, that an Islamic state is not appropriate for Lebanon, and it has considered alternative systems of government, while not relinquishing its ideological preference for an Islamic state.Hezbollah has deepened its involvement in Lebanese politics over the years, but it did so largely in response to potential threats to its armed status, what it calls its "resistance priority". Ideally, the party would prefer to avoid the pitfalls of Lebanon's political quagmire, believing that it complicates the more pressing goal of confronting Israel."We have never sought to be in government ministries," Nasrallah said after the collapse of then government of Prime Minister Saad Hariri in 2011. "All we have been saying to successive governments—and we still say it today—is the following: Brothers, we are a resistance movement.… We do not seek to run the government. Our hearts and minds are elsewhere. When people go to sleep, we conduct [military] training and prepare ourselves."Over four decades, Hezbollah's deepening political engagement also transformed the movement into the main representative of Lebanon's Shiites, the largest of the country's seventeen recognized sects. In turn, the movement now needs continued support of the community to ensure its own survival. Yet the interests of its constituents do not always correspond to the agenda of Iran's leaders, to whom Hezbollah is ideologically beholden. Balancing these rival obligations is a paradox that Hezbollah is finding ever more difficult to reconcile.The BeginningHezbollah emerged in the wake of Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon, but its genesis lay in the Shiite religious seminaries of Najaf in southern Iraq. In the 1960s and 1970s, Lebanese clerical students were influenced by leading Shiite ideologues such as Mohammed Baqr al Sadr and Ruhollah Khomeini. Sadr, a founder of the Party of the Islamic Call, or Hizb al Dawa al Islamiyya, promoted Islamic values as a counterweight to secularism and the leftist ideologies then attracting Arab youth. Khomeini achieved prominence with his doctrine of velayat-e faqih.Lebanese students and teachers in Iraqi seminaries were forced to return home after President Saddam Hussein cracked down on the Shiite clerics in the late 1970s. Some then began to preach the ideas of Khomeini and Sadr to a domestic audience. By the end of the 1970s, three developments helped create fertile ground for the eventual emergence of Hezbollah. One factor was the creation of Amal, the first strong Shiite movement. Amal's founder was Musa Sadr, a charismatic Iranian-born cleric who tapped into rising anger among Shiites over their repression by other Lebanese sects, particularly Christians and Sunni Muslims. But in 1978, Sadr vanished during a trip to Libya. After his disappearance, Amal drifted in a more secular direction under new leadership, to the dismay of the movement's Islamists.Hezbollah's flagImage CreditThe second event was Israel's first invasion of Lebanon in 1978 in a bid to expel the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) from south Lebanon. Israel installed a security cordon along the border inside Lebanon, which was controlled by an Israeli-backed militia. It was the first time many southern Lebanese lived under occupation.The third crucial event was the Iranian Revolution in 1979, when the first modern theocracy replaced the dynastic rule that had prevailed in Iran for more than 2,500 years. The revolution had an electrifying effect on Lebanese Shiites in general and on the clerical followers of Khomeini in particular. Iranian leaders and Lebanese clerics held lengthy discussions about importing the revolution to Lebanon and building an armed anti-Israel movement. Among the Lebanese clerics were Sheikh Sobhi Tufayli, who later became Hezbollah's first secretary-general, and Abbas Musawi, a preacher from the Bekaa Valley village of Nabi Sheet. The idea was delayed by an Iranian power struggle and the beginning of the eight-year war between Iran and Iraq in 1980.Then Israel invaded Lebanon in June 1982to drive the PLO out of Lebanon. Iran immediately offered assistance, dispatching 5,000 Revolutionary Guards to Syria for deployment in Lebanon. But the main fighting soon ended, and most of the Iranians returned home. With Syrian approval, a smaller contingent of Iranians moved into the northern Bekaa Valley to begin mobilizing and recruiting Shiites into a new anti-Israel force that was the basis of what became Hezbollah.By 1983, the nascent Hezbollah's influence was seeping from the Bekaa Valley into Beirut's Shiite suburbs and from there further south toward the front line of the Israeli occupation. By 1985, Israel, exhausted by the intensifying resistance campaign, withdrew to a security belt along the Lebanon-Israel border. Hezbollah—along with Amal and secular local resistance groups, which played smaller roles—had more success in pressuring Israel in two years than had the PLO in a decade. Hezbollah won additional support by providing social welfare services to the Shiite community.In 1985, Hezbollah formally declared its existence in its "Open Letter," a manifesto outlining its identity and agenda. The goals included driving Israeli forces from south Lebanon as a precursor to the destruction of the Jewish state and the liberation of Jerusalem. Hezbollah confirmed that it abided by the orders of "a single wise and just command" represented by Ayatollah Khomeini, the "rightly guided imam."Hezbollah also rejected Lebanon's sectarian political system and instead advocated creation of an Islamic state. At the same time, the party was careful to emphasize that it did not wish to impose Islam as a religion on anyone and that other Lebanese should be free to pick their preferred system of governance.In formally declaring its existence and goals, Hezbollah emerged from the shadows and demonstrated that it was not a fleeting aberration of the civil war but a force determined to endure.First Phase: UndergroundHezbollah's evolution falls into six distinct phases. The first was from 1982 to 1990 and coincided with the chaotic 1975–90 civil war, during which the Lebanese state had little control. Lebanon was instead carved into competing fiefdoms dominated by militias and occupying armies. These were Hezbollah's wild days, when it could do as it pleased under Iran's guidance and Syria's guarded tolerance.The movement became synonymous with extremist attacks, including two on U.S. embassies in 1983 and 1984. Its deadliest attacks were the simultaneous truck bombings of the U.S. Marine barracks and the nearby French Paratroop headquarters, which killed 241 American servicemen and sixty-eight French soldiers. From 1984, more than 100 foreigners in Lebanon were kidnapped. Hezbollah denied responsibility, although some of its members were later linked with the attacks.After 1986, Hezbollah began to dominate the resistance against Israel's occupation in south Lebanon. But the party's growing influence in the south also brought it into conflict with the rival Amal movement. In 1988, the two factions fought the first in a series of bloody internecine battles that over the next two years resulted in thousands of dead and generated an animosity that continued to linger more than three decades later.Second Phase: Running for ParliamentThe second phase was from 1991 to 2000, following the end of Lebanon's civil war in 1990. The restoration of state control sparked a debate within Hezbollah over its future course of action. Hardliners, represented by Sheikh Tufayli, argued that Hezbollah should not compromise its ideological agenda regardless of the nation's changed circumstances. Others countered that Hezbollah had to adapt to the new situation to protect its "resistance priority"—the right to confront Israel's continued occupation of the south.The debate played out over whether Hezbollah should run in the 1992 parliamentary election, the first in twenty years. Joining parliament would strengthen Hezbollah's standing in Lebanon, but it would also flout its 1985 manifesto that rejected a sectarian political system. Pragmatists won after receiving the blessing of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran's supreme leader, to participate in the elections. Hezbollah won eight parliamentary seats.Hezbollah also went through a leadership change. A few months before the 1992 election, Hezbollah secretary-general Sayyed Abbas Musawi was assassinated in an Israeli helicopter ambush. He was replaced by his protégé, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, a 32-year-old cleric.Under Nasrallah, Hezbollah reorganized, adding new bodies to handle its military, political, and social work. It expanded its social welfare activities nationwide to sustain its popular support within the Shiite community. It also launched a television station, Al-Manar, as the flagship of its propaganda arm, and opened a media relations office. Hezbollah even began a dialogue with other factions and religious representatives, including Christians.Hezbollah's newfound pragmatism did not represent an ideological softening or a decision to exchange Islamic militancy for a share of Lebanon's political space. Hezbollah was instead adapting to postwar circumstances to safeguard the resistance. Shortly after the 1992 election, Nasrallah explained, "Our participation in the elections and entry into [parliament] do not alter the fact that we are a resistance party."Hezbollah's resistance efforts intensified after 1992. Other militias were disbanded under Syrian fiat, but Hezbollah was permitted to keep its armed status as resistance against the Israeli occupation. Its hit-and-run guerrilla tactics claimed ever-higher Israeli casualties during the decade. In 1993 and 1996, Israel responded with air and artillery blitzes against Lebanon in failed attempts to dent Hezbollah's campaign.The late 1990s were, in retrospect, Hezbollah's "golden years." Hezbollah's military exploits won it admirers across the Arab and Islamic worlds and earned the respect of all Lebanese, even those inclined to view the Shiite party with suspicion. Under growing pressure from Hezbollah, Israel finally ended its occupation in May 2000, the first time that the Jewish state had ceded occupied territory through force of Arab arms.Third Phase: ConfrontationThe third phase was from 2000 to 2005. With Israel's withdrawal, Hezbollah's reputation had never been higher. But its victory risked being Pyrrhic. A growing number of Lebanese began questioning why Hezbollah needed to keep its arms after Israel pulled out of Lebanon. Hezbollah countered by citing minor territorial disputes along the border and a number of Lebanese still detained in Israeli prisons. It claimed its weapons were a vital part of Lebanon's defense—in case the Israelis returned. Many Lebanese accused Hezbollah of serving an Iranian—rather than a Lebanese—agenda. But Hezbollah still enjoyed the political cover afforded by Syria, which continued to endorse the party's armed status. Beginning in September 2000, Hezbollah mounted a small-scale campaign against Israeli troops occupying Shebaa Farms, a mountainside area along Lebanon's south-east border. Shebaa Farms was claimed by Lebanon, but recognized as Syrian territory by the United Nations and occupied by Israel since 1967. The sporadic campaign of mortar and rocket attacks every two or three months helped sustain resistance against Israel.In February 2005, Rafik Hariri, a former prime minister of Lebanon, was assassinated in a truck bomb explosion. Many Lebanese blamed Damascus; more than a million people--one quarter of the population--turned out in protests against Syria. Syria pulled its troops out of Lebanon in April, two months after Hariri's murder, ending three decades of military occupation.The sudden loss of Syrian cover compelled Hezbollah to step deeper into Lebanese politics to defend its "resistance priority." It allied with Amal, its longtime predominantly Shiite rival, for the June 2005 parliamentary elections. After the election, Hezbollah joined the cabinet for the first time to defend its interests. In early 2006, Hezbollah signed a memorandum of understanding with the Free Patriotic Movement, then the main representative of the Christian community led by retired General Michel Aoun. Yet Hezbollah's political participation did not defuse the core military issue. Hezbollah rejected demands, by the United Nations as well as rival parties, to disarm. Lebanese politics grew increasingly rancorous over Hezbollah's arms. It became the single most divisive national issue.Fourth Phase: War and RebuildingThe fourth phase ran from 2006 to 2012. It featured Hezbollah's biggest military gamble. On July 12, 2006, its militia abducted two Israeli soldiers along the border to bargain for release of Lebanese detainees in Israel. The audacious kidnapping triggered a month-long war with Israel, which sought to disarm Hezbollah and demilitarize the borders. The war ended in a military stalemate—and at a high cost. More than 1,100 Lebanese died; damage was in the billions of dollars. Hezbollah nevertheless declared a "divine victory" simply for preventing an Israeli victory in its longest war since 1948.Facing intense political criticism for the deaths and destruction, Hezbollah walked out of the Lebanese government in November 2006. A month later, it mobilized a mass protest to force the government to resign. The government stood its ground, but Lebanon was gripped by political paralysis.Tensions between Hezbollah and the central government escalated. In 2008, the government of Prime Minister Fouad Siniora announced it intended to shut down Hezbollah's private telecommunications network. Hezbollah reacted by staging a brief takeover of west Beirut, triggering a week of clashes that killed more than 100 people and took the country to the edge of civil war. The crisis ended with the formation of a new government and the long-delayed election of a new president, Michel Suleiman.In 2009, Lebanon faced a new crisis when a U.N. investigation obtained evidence implicating Hezbollah in the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri four years earlier. Hezbollah denied the allegations and claimed that the Dutch-based tribunal was serving the political interests of the United States and Israel.
The government of Prime Minister Saad Hariri (the son of Rafik Hariri) refused to abandon its support for the tribunal. In January 2011, as the tribunal was preparing to issue its first set of indictments, Hezbollah and its political allies forced a vote of no confidence in the government. The new government was composed of Hezbollah and its allies; it was led by Prime Minister Najib Mikati, a billionaire businessman and political moderate.Fifth Phase: The Syria InterventionThe fifth phase began in response to turmoil in Syria. In March 2011, a popular uprising was launched against the regime of Bashar al Assad as the Arab Spring rippled across the Middle East. Hezbollah initially expected it to blow over quickly. But by the end of 2011, the uprising had morphed into a civil war. Within months, Hezbollah began covertly dispatching fighters to assist the Syrian army against nascent rebel groups.In May 2013, Nasrallah admitted that Hezbollah was fully engaged in Syria's civil war. He argued that the Syrian opposition was composed of radical Sunnis who would take the war to Lebanon after defeating Assad. He also warned that the Assad regime was the "backbone of resistance" against Israel and that its defeat would lead to the victory of Israel and the end of the Palestinian cause. Many Lebanese were dismayed at Hezbollah's military intervention in Syria. It breached the Baabda Declaration of 2012, when Lebanese leaders agreed to immunize Lebanon from the conflict tearing apart its larger neighbor. The intervention also eroded Arab and Muslim support. Once hailed for ending the Israeli occupation in 2000 and humiliating the Israeli army in 2006, Hezbollah was now vilified as a ruthless tool of Iranian power projection across the Middle East.Syria's civil war spilled into Lebanon, deepening political and sectarian tensions.
In 2013 and 2014, Sunni militants carried out more than a dozen car bombings in Shiite areas of Lebanon. Almost 100 people were killed, 900 wounded. The emergence of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and other radical Sunni militias dampened criticism of Hezbollah. Shiites and other Lebanese minorities viewed the party as a protector against Sunni extremists. But Hezbollah casualties were higher than in any of its battles with Israel over the previous three decades. Discontent rumbled within its Shiite base. President Suleiman's six-year term ended in May 2014. In Lebanon, presidents are elected by parliament. Hezbollah endorsed its Christian ally, Michel Aoun, for the presidency and refused to attend successive sessions of parliament to vote until it could guarantee Aoun would win. The stalemate lasted two and a half years, during which the caretaker government lacked the power to pass legislation. The economy steadily declined. In October 2016, Hezbollah's opponents gave up. Aoun was elected in a deal in which Hariri returned as prime minister. Hezbollah became the paramount kingmaker in Lebanese politics, a paradox given its ideological rejection of Lebanon's confessional political system.Sixth Phase: The Collapse of LebanonFor three years, President Aoun and Prime Minister Hariri worked together in an uneasy partnership. It ended abruptly in October 2019 when the cash-starved government slapped a tax on the popular WhatsApp messaging portal, an action that symbolized a broader economic crisis over soaring prices, high unemployment, rampant corruption and poor public services. The largest protests in more than a decade erupted in Beirut and brought out members of all Lebanon's rival sects. Banks closed and prevented customers from accessing their U.S. dollar accounts. The value of the lira plummeted as the scope of Lebanon's financial disaster became apparent. The protests morphed into a nationwide anti-government movement amid anger at three decades of mismanagement by a political elite rarely held unaccountable. Hariri resigned and was replaced by Hassan Diab.In early 2020, the protests grew more violent, and security forces clamped down more rigorously. Hezbollah supporters stormed the protests--beating demonstrators with fists and sticks--on several occasions. Hezbollah, the self-described champion of the "oppressed" and "downtrodden," emerged as the Praetorian Guard for the corrupt and sclerotic status quo.The onset of the Covid-19 pandemic and subsequent lockdowns effectively killed off the protests even as a political opposition began to coalesce on the sidelines. In August 2020, a massive explosion at the Beirut port, caused by hundreds of tons of poorly stored ammonium nitrate, killed more than 200 people and badly damaged a swathe of east Beirut. Hezbollah challenged the official investigation its political allies were indicted. Its opposition fueled suspicions that the party may have had a connection to the ammonium nitrate.Hezbollah's deployment in Syria gradually decreased as the Assad regime regained a tenuous control over much of the country. But Hezbollah remained active in other regional theaters. Since 2014, it had dispatched cadres to Iraq to fight the Islamic State. In 2015, it sent fighters and trainers to Yemen to help the Houthi rebels against a Saudi-led military coalition.In May 2022, Lebanon held the first parliamentary election since the economic crisis. Hezbollah and its allies narrowly lost their parliamentary majority. Shiite turnout was low in what was interpreted as a protest against the two main Shiite parties--Hezbollah and Amal.In October 2022, Aoun's term comes to an end and the race will begin on a successor. Hezbollah has remained the paramount political force in the country. But a series of challenges between 2019 and 2022 dented its popularity as it struggled to balance domestic interests with its obligations to Iran.Key PositionsHezbollah has remained faithful to the core ideological pillars in its 1985 manifesto: the confrontation against Israel, the observance of the wilayet al-faqih leadership doctrine, and the preference to live in an Islamic state.But the party has adjusted its public discourse and operational behavior over the years to suit the unfolding political and social environment in Lebanon. Its survival strategy was evident in the 2009 "Political Document," a long-awaited update to the original "Open Letter." Much of the fiery rhetoric of the earlier manifesto was replaced with nuanced deliberations on a future Lebanese state and the most suitable form of democracy.Islam and DemocracyIn the 1985 "Open Letter," Hezbollah stated, "We do not wish to impose Islam on anybody, and we hate to see others impose on us their convictions and their systems. We do not want Islam to rule in Lebanon by force.… But we stress that we are convinced of Islam as a faith, system, thought, and rule, and we urge all to recognize it and resort to its law."Nearly four decades later, Hezbollah still prefers an Islamic state. As a jihadist Islamist organization, it would be anathema for Hezbollah to renounce the idea of living in a state run under Islamic Sharia law. But its leadership long ago accepted that Lebanon's multi-sectarian and pluralist environment are not suited to the establishment of an Islamic state. Instead, Hezbollah has debated acceptable alternatives.In its 2009 "Political Document," Hezbollah repeated its long-standing rejection of Lebanon's sectarian political system, which it considered "a strong constraint to the achievement of true democracy under which an elected majority may govern and an elected minority may oppose." Until political sectarianism is abolished, Hezbollah argued that "consensual democracy will remain the fundamental basis of governance in Lebanon."Hezbollah explained: "The consensual democracy constitutes an appropriate political formula to guarantee true partnership and contributes in opening the doors for everyone to enter the phase of building the reassuring state that makes all its citizens feel that it is founded for their sake."Women and Personal FreedomsHezbollah has had a more open attitude toward women's role in society than do many other Islamist organizations. Women play important roles within Hezbollah's social-welfare, media, and administrative departments. In the 2009 "Political Document," Hezbollah said that it sought a state "that works to consolidate the role of women at all levels in the framework of benefiting from their characteristics [and] influence while respecting their status."Hezbollah does not aggressively interfere in the lifestyles of its Shiite constituents. Certain taboos are observed. For example, Hezbollah bans the sale of alcohol and tries to stamp out drug use in areas under its control—but Hezbollah is generally uninterested in antagonizing its supporters by imposing a strict moral regimen.Other ReligionsHezbollah recognizes Lebanon's diverse religious landscape and has open channels of dialogue with all other sects. Hezbollah champions unity between the Shiite and Sunni sects on grounds that resistance against Israel takes precedence over doctrinal differences. Hezbollah counts Sunni Islamists among its allies, despite sporadic Shiite-Sunni tensions and the strains caused by its military intervention in Syria's civil war. Hezbollah opened a dialogue with the Maronite church for the first time in 1992, and a party representative regularly meets with religious leaders of various Christian denominations.The United States and the WestIn the 1985 "Open Letter," Hezbollah described the United States as the "first root of vice" and "the reason for all our catastrophes and the source of all malice." By 2022, that view had not changed. The 2009 "Political Document" railed against U.S. global hegemony, accusing it of being the "origin of every aspect of terrorism" and, under the administration of President George W. Bush, "a danger that threatens the whole world in every level and field."The 2009 "Political Document" also stated:"The unlimited U.S. support for Israel and its cover for the Israeli occupation of Arab lands in addition to the American domination of international institutions and dualism in issuing and implementing international resolutions, the policy of interfering in other states' affairs, militarizing the world and adopting the principle of circulating wars in international conflicts, evoking disorder and turbulence all over the world put the American administration in a position hostile to our nation and peoples and hold it essentially responsible of causing chaos in the international political system."In the 1980s, Hezbollah listed France, Israel, and the United States as its main enemies. In the past two decades, however, Hezbollah officials often meet with European representatives, and the party's attitude toward Europe is more reproachful than hostile. European policies, Hezbollah said, "fluctuate between incapability and inefficiency on one hand and unjustified subjugation to U.S. policies on the other."IsraelIn the 1985 "Open Letter," Hezbollah explicitly said that Israel "is a usurping enemy that must be fought until the usurped right [i.e., Palestine] is returned to its owners.… Our struggle with usurping Israel emanates from an ideological and historical awareness that this Zionist entity is aggressive in its origins and structure and is built on usurped land and at the expense of the rights of a Muslim people. Therefore, our confrontation of this entity must end with its obliteration from existence."In the 2009 "Political Document," Hezbollah cited its hostility toward Israel to justify keeping its arms and a military wing:"The role of the Resistance is a national necessity as long as Israeli threats and ambitions to seize our lands and waters continue, in the absence of the capable strong state and the strategic imbalance between the state and the enemy."Chief AlliesIran is Hezbollah's main financial, military, and logistical supplier, and Iran's supreme leader is the party's ultimate source of authority. Under the late President Hafez al Assad, Syria was Hezbollah's protector and supervisor. Since Assad's son Bashar al Assad took over in 2000, Syria became an even closer strategic ally. Syria was the vital geostrategic linchpin connecting Iran to Hezbollah. It provided strategic depth and a conduit for the transfer of arms, which explained the heavy effort by Iran and Hezbollah to preserve Assad's regime.The Palestinian Hamas movement and Palestinian Islamic Jihad have been allies of Hezbollah since the early 1990s. Both groups benefited from Iranian financial and material patronage. But Hamas, a Sunni movement, did not share the Shiite ideology of Iran and Hezbollah, making Hamas and Hezbollah sometimes uncomfortable bedfellows beyond a shared hostility toward Israel.Amal and the Free Patriotic Movement, both secular Lebanese political entities, have been allied with Hezbollah since 2005 and 2006, respectively. These relations, however, are tactical, political and interest-based rather than strategic and ideological. Hezbollah also maintains alliances with smaller pro-Syrian factions and individuals, Islamist groups, and Palestinian groups.The FutureAs of mid-2022, Hezbollah remained the most powerful political force in Lebanon through the implicit force majeure of its armed wing. It was also the most formidable non-state military actor in the Middle East—and arguably in the world. Yet Hezbollah also faced grave challenges from its dual roles as Iran's surrogate and, at the same time, chief representative of Lebanon's Shiites. Iran has helped transform Hezbollah into a robust and unique military force that serves as part of Iran's deterrence against efforts by Israel and the West to contain it. Hezbollah's military involvement in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen has made it the largest force enabler to help to project its influence across the Middle East.Hezbollah is also, however, answerable to the economic needs and political interests of its domestic constituency. By 2022, Hezbollah's standing had declined since the heady days after it emerged from the underground and ran for parliament in the 1990s. Its refusal to disarm was at the heart of Lebanon's festering political divide. Since 2005, Hezbollah has been sucked ever deeper into Lebanon's political swamp—forging complex alliances and deals with unreliable and capricious politicians—in order to defend its "culture of resistance."Sustaining the "culture of resistance" within the Shiite base has grown harder with the passage of time and direct military engagement with Israel. Israel ended its 22-year occupation in 2000; the last major conflict was the 2006 war. Since then, Hezbollah has had only a handful of limited skirmishes with Israel. Lebanon's demographics have also changed. Since 2000, a new generation of Shiites has grown up without the memory of the hardships and misery during Israel's occupation. Their interests have shifted to securing employment or – as the economic crisis accelerated – emigrating from Lebanon rather than joining any "resistance" against an increasingly nebulous enemy.Internally, Hezbollah has also struggled to grapple with the insidious corruption. Since 2006, Hezbollah has grown extensively--militarily, financially, and politically. Its sprawling bureaucracy has looser internal controls compared to its early days decades ago, opening the door to embezzlement and theft within the party. It has also become more vulnerable to penetration by Israeli intelligence agencies. By 2022, the leadership's inability to curb corrupt practices represented the single gravest danger to Hezbollah long-term.So Hezbollah is likely to remain a powerful political player in Lebanon for the foreseeable future. But it faces the challenge of balancing the ideological and logistical obligations to Iran against its political and social duties to Lebanon's Shiite community--a paradox that may only grow more difficult in the years ahead.Nicholas Blanford is a Beirut-based nonresident senior fellow with the Atlantic Council's Middle East programs. He is the author of Killing Mr. Lebanon: The Assassination of Rafik Hariri and Its Impact on the Middle East (2006) and Warriors of God: Inside Hezbollah's Thirty-Year Struggle against Israel (2011).

After two weeks of drama and excitement, the Democratic and the Republican National Conventions have drawn to an end, and an exhausted American public will now have to focus on the home stretch of the presidential campaign. There is general agreement that both candidates achieved their most important convention objectives. Obama re-introduced himself to America as an ordinary man, a down-to-earth candidate who understands their problems and proposes solutions, while McCain moved away from George W. Bush and re-emerged as his party's maverick: the independent, likable and trustworthy reformer that puts "the country first". In spite of the truncated schedule of the Republican National Convention due to the hurricane that hit the Gulf Coast, McCain's surprise announcement of his running mate, and his acknowledgement of his own party's mistakes in the last eight years, appear to have taken some of the wind from under Obama's wings.The most recent Gallup poll has Obama leading 44% to 40 % in voters' approval ratings, while a CBS poll has them at 40% each. It is clear that the race is now in a dead heat and that McCain has been on the rebound, narrowing down the eight percent margin that Obama had before the Conventions. Taking into account that Obama has already had his post-convention bounce, the direction of this change favoring McCain will continue. Historically, after Labor Day and the end of the two conventions, poll numbers appear to hold pretty steadily all the way up to the election, which means that, barring an "October surprise", the outcome of this election will again be too close to predict.This is an enormous accomplishment for McCain, whose candidacy was given up for dead by pundits mid-way trough the primary last year. Americans love survivors, and both his life story and his political narrative fit this characterization perfectly. Credit is given of course to the candidate himself, but also to his campaign director Rick Davis, who had the audacity to take a 180-degree turn and recast him as the candidate of change. How he did it will be a textbook example for campaign strategists in years to come.First, McCain came into the Republican Primary as too independent, too secular and too much of a critic of George W. Bush, to be chosen as the Grand Old Party's nominee. In the course of the primary campaign, he moved closer to the President, repeatedly reminding voters that in the Senate, he had voted in favor of the President's initiatives 90% of the time. A clip of this acknowledgement is being used by the Obama campaign with glee in a TV commercial that plays several times an hour in the network stations. After a terrible start, and after firing several top advisers and restructuring his whole campaign plan, he regained the confidence of the Republican voters, mainly because he was the most credible, experienced and likable of the Republican presidential candidates. These may be the same attributes that put him today in a dead heat with Obama, in spite of the lowest numbers of approval ever for the Republican Party he represents.Second, serious campaign strategic thinking went into in his choice of Vice-president and in planning the timing of this announcement. Sources close to the campaign have confirmed that, to counterbalance the perfectly choreographed Democratic Convention, the choice of Joe Biden for Vice- presidential candidate, and Obama's acceptance speech, McCain wanted to recast himself as the bipartisan candidate that reaches across the isle, and regardless of the disapproval of Republican Party stalwarts, pick Democrat Joe Lieberman, his very close friend, as his running mate. It took some serious coaxing by his staff for him to pick Sarah Palin, the little-known governor of Alaska, instead. This has so far proved to have been a very shrewd decision. With the announcement made on the next morning after Obama's acceptance speech, McCain's campaign was able to take away the momentum and the headlines from the Democrats. It was all about the Republican ticket from then on, with the Obama campaign having been unable so far, to regain the initiative. Palin's speech on the convention floor was watched by almost as many people as Obama's. She came out swinging and directly attacked Obama for his lack of experience. Her delivery was flawless, she was relaxed and funny, and the public loved her. She electrified the Republican base and injected new imagery into the Republican tableau: that of a young working mother with a family of five that enamored the pro-life voters by having knowingly had a baby with Down syndrome. The case for family values was somewhat blurred twenty-four hours later when her campaign confirmed rumors that her seventeen-year old daughter was pregnant. But Palin was able to turn this in her favor by presenting herself as a no-exceptions pro-life candidate, and thus pre-empted the avalanche of criticism that would have surely come her way from all sides. Asked for his reaction, a circumspect Obama said that the candidates' private lives should not be a topic for the presidential race and asked reporters to "back off". Finally, there was John McCain's acceptance speech that rounded up what turned out to be a positive, yet odd, week for the Republican Convention. This was the first time that an incumbent President did not attend his party's convention since Lyndon B. Johnson skipped the violence-ridden 1968 Democratic Convention in Chicago. Indeed, George W Bush made only a short appearance via satellite on the second day of the convention. His parents were there the first two days, but were conspicuously absent during McCain's speech. Vice-president Cheney was also absent throughout the three days. Senator McCain is a good communicator for smaller, town hall settings where he can speak directly to supporters, but strongly dislikes reading prepared speeches from the teleprompter to big audiences. The Convention hall was thus rearranged for his speech, to give the impression of a smaller venue, with the Republican delegates closer to him. But it was a fifty-minute long speech so he did have to read it. Although not a magnificent speaker, he came across as sincere and credible. Some have acclaimed it as the best Republican speech since Reagan's at the 1984 Convention. It drew the strongest interest of all speeches so far this election year: it was watched by 38.9 million people, more than Obama's (38.4 million) and Palin's (37 million). It was well-structured and aimed at delivering a convincing yet circumvoluted message of change. It started with a long narrative of his life experiences as a Navy pilot and prisoner of war, then went on to offer a candid confession of his party's long list of mistakes in the last eight years, and culminated with his re-introduction to the American public as the bipartisan candidate that can find solutions, bring about change and lead the country into a more secure and prosperous future. He presented in detail a forceful narrative of his life: the son and grandson of admirals and an Annapolis graduate, he became a fighter pilot and fell prisoner of war in Vietnam. He survived the "Hanoi-Hilton", was rescued, married an Arizona heiress and became Senator for that state for thirty years. Even if nothing new, this biographical portrait reminded the audience of his patriotism, his commitment to the country, his all-American upbringing and his strength, all of which makes him a fully vetted, trustworthy, and, by implication, a better candidate than his counterpart.What surprised many observers was what an NBC analyst called his "Declaration of Independence" and later "McCain's divorce" from the Republican Party and from George Bush. The latter was mentioned only once during the speech, and even then not directly by name, when McCain thanked "the president" for his leadership after the September 11 attacks. After that came a litany of mistakes the Republicans have made in the last few years, delivered in a contrite tone and followed by very weak applause by the audience. ("We were elected to change Washington and we let Washington change us. We lost the trust of the American people when some Republicans gave in to temptations of corruption."). It was as if he had directly responded to the beckoning of the British journal The Economist who had him on its cover a week ago with the title: "Bring the Real McCain back", an allusion to the fact that during the Primary season, many of his economic and national security policies looked like another term of George Bush. The Economist preferred an earlier version of McCain that was much more independent and acceptable to their point of view. In acknowledging the errors and missed opportunities of the previous years, the "real" McCain, the maverick, was back. He recognized the corruption and the hubris of his party, and, taking a page from the Democrats' platform, promised to govern for the American people and not for private interests or lobbies: "And let me just offer an advance warning to the old, big-spending, do-nothing, me-first, country-second crowd: change is coming… to Washington."McCain had a tactical tightrope to walk: during the whole primary season, his campaign had been aggressively courting the support of the conservative, Evangelical Republican base. Having cemented that support with the choice of ultra-religious Palin, he used the opportunity of his acceptance speech to appeal to a broader audience. He broke free of the Bush legacy of budget deficits and a failed foreign policy, recast himself as the candidate of change and made his pitch for the center of the political spectrum, the independent voters and disgruntled Reagan Democrats. In the most arousing part of his address, he presented himself as the Republican leader that will bring the Grand Old Party back to its original path and restore its unity, its pride and its principles. He also stressed his bipartisanship and delivered a strong blow to Obama's claim to that same mantel, by saying," Again and again I have worked with members of both parties to fix problems…and I have the record, and the scars, to prove it. Senator Obama does not." He ended by stressing his national security experience and courage to confront enemies: "We face many dangerous threats but I am not afraid.I am prepared for them."This speech may not have been the most dynamic of the Republican Convention (Sarah Palin took the kudos for that), and it was by no means a policy speech. Instead, its greatest value was the tone in which it was delivered and the level of comfort McCain awakened in the voting public. He focused on patriotism and on reforming Washington's bad habits; he communicated a sense of confidence, credibility and competence that may have reassured many undecided voters and that made him look almost Reaganesque. While Barack Obama insists that this election will be decided based on the issues (the economy, the unpopular war), McCain contends it will be decided on which candidate has the better judgment to move the country forward. In the fifty-some days left before the election, both campaigns will focus on the "battleground states" (Ohio, Virginia, Pennsylvania and Michigan), so their messages will be narrowly tailored to those constituencies. But all voters will have another chance to take a new look at the candidates side by side on three upcoming debates, and then decide on who is better suited to lead the country in such difficult times. They will vote based on their pocketbooks and on gut feelings, on rational interests and on irrational emotions. Considering the closeness of the race, the complexity that the Electoral College injects into the process, and the fact that all political thinking is biased toward the thinker's own wishes and emotions, it is only fair for this writer to abstain from predicting the outcome. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia