Suchergebnisse

The relationship of civil society organizations (CSOs) and political parties in post-Suharto Indonesia: a women's CSO perspective This study seeks to examine the distant relationship that exists between CSOs and parties within the new Indonesian democracy because of their nature of organizations and the influence of political and social structures to their relations. The main research question in this study is: How does the distant relationship between women's CSOs and political parties affect selected gender equality issues in post-Suharto Indonesia? This is supported by two sub-questions: (1) to what extent have Indonesian women's CSOs been linked with political parties since the fall of Suharto in 1998? (2) How distant relationships between women's CSOs and parties contribute to the development of women's political representation in Indonesia? The aim of this study is to contribute to the existing theories about political parties and society that elaborate on political representation from a women's civil society organizational perspective. The results will provide capacity-building development insights for women's civil society actors and members of political parties who want to learn more about the dynamics of both these institutions and the strategies that political parties and CSOs use to establish and develop relationships in Indonesia. This study can be categorized as a single case study with a synchronic and diachronic variations This study uses a combined co-variational analysis and causal-process tracing to explore suitable inquiries from observations of two events: the policy-making process for gender issues and women's political representation roles. This dissertation broadly asserts two hypotheses. First, it hypothesizes that enabling environmental factors (internal and external) in the relationship between women's CSOs and political parties explain their contribution to political representation in democracies in general. The second hypothesis is that the informal and distant relations between women's CSOs and political parties have contributed to the development of women's political representation in the consolidated democracy of post-Suharto Indonesia. This study confirms that a distant relationship has been maintained between CSOs and political parties following the decline of the Suharto regime, due to their limited relationship in the political sphere, weak connections, and limited direct influence. Although the distant relationship between women's CSOs and parties in Indonesia appears to support a picture of weak institutionalized party and fragmented CSO, however the autonomy of each organization in terms of their political interactions needs to be balanced to succeed. Two major findings are: the first is enabling combination of environmental factors (external and internal) to shape the distance of the relationship. The second finding is that women's CSOs and party links in the law-making process and certain representation roles are informed by informal and personal relationships. These two major findings indicate a distant relationship between women's CSOs and political party interactions over certain gender equality issues. From tracing several Indonesian historical events and focusing on the late post-Suharto period, the study confirms that this distant relationship has been caused by certain post-cartelization phenomena and weak institutionalization phenomena. What are the implications of this study in terms of the development of democratization theory? First, this study has contributed to the CSO political party linkage theories. Secondly, this study also supports the claim that the role of civil society is to strengthen democratic representation. Third, this study has presented discussions of gender and political theory, particularly in relation to Pitkin (1967)'s three models of political representation: formal, descriptive, and substantive. This study therefore proposes two areas for future research. Firstly, it is suggested that democratization studies require further exploration into the role that authoritarian legacies play in political institutions. It was not possible in this study to fully explore and explain how the roots of authoritarian legacies from the history of Indonesian democracy are still embedded in society today. Such research could focus on the development of religious organizations such as NU and Muhammadiyah which have close attachment with parties and individual politicians until these days. A second rich area for future research is the development and support of empirical political involvement mechanisms for civil society. ; Das Verhältnis zwischen Zivilorganisationen und politischen Parteien in Indonesien seit 1998: Ein Blick auf zivile Frauenorganisationen Diese Studie analysiert das distanzierte Verhältnis zwischen Zivilorganisationen und Parteien in der indonesischen Demokratie und wie es von politischen und sozialen Strukturen geprägt wird. Die Forschungsfrage dieser Studie ist: Wie beeinflusst das distanzierte Verhältnis zwischen zivilen Frauenorganisationen und politischen Parteien Geschlechtergleichheit in post-Suharto Indonesien? Darüber hinaus werden zwei Unterfragen behandelt: (1) Zu welchem Ausmaß sind zivile Frauenorganisationen mit politischen Parteien seit dem Sturz Suhartos im Jahr 1998 verbunden? (2) Trägt das distanzierte Verhältnis zwischen zivilen Frauenorganisationen und Parteien zur politischen Repräsentation von Frauen in Indonesien bei? Das Ziel dieser Studie ist es, einen Beitrag zu den existierenden Theorien über politische Parteien und Gesellschaft, die sich mit politischer Repräsentation von zivilen Frauenorganisationen beschäftigen, zu leisten. Die Ergebnisse der Studie liefern nicht nur Erkenntnisse über die Dynamiken zwischen Zivilorganisationen und politischen Parteien, sondern zeigen auch Strategien auf, mit denen Kapazitätsaufbau von weiblichen Zivilakteuren und deren Verhältnis zu politischen Parteien in Indonesien gefördert werden kann. Bei der vorliegenden Untersuchung handelt es sich um eine Einzelstudie mit synchronischen und diachronischen Variationen. Es wird eine kombinierte kovariierte Analyse und kausales Process Tracing angewandt, um zwei Phänomene zu untersuchen: den Prozess von Politikgestaltung bezüglich Geschlechterfragen und die politische Repräsentation von Frauen. Diese Dissertation vertritt zwei Hypothesen. Es wird erstens behauptet, dass befähigende interne und externe Faktoren das Verhältnis zwischen zivilen Frauenorganisationen und politischen Parteien prägen, welches wiederum das Ausmaß der Repräsentation von Frauen in Demokratien im Allgemeinen erklärt. Als zweite Hypothese ist festzuhalten, dass die informellen und distanzierten Beziehungen zwischen zivilen Frauenorganisationen und politischen Parteien zur spezifischen Entwicklung der politischen Repräsentation von Frauen in der jetzigen indonesischen Demokratie beigetragen haben. Diese Studie bestätigt, dass Zivilorganisationen nur begrenzte Verbindungen zur und schwachen direkten Einfluss auf die politische Sphäre haben und sich ein distanziertes Verhältnis zwischen Zivilorganisationen und politischen Parteien nach dem Sturz des Suharto-Regimes aufrechterhält. Die zwei Hauptergebnisse dieser Arbeit sind: Erstens, dass die Kombination befähigender externer und interner Faktoren das distanzierte Verhältnis formt. Zweitens, dass Verbindungen zwischen zivilen Frauenorganisationen und Parteien im Gesetzgebungsverfahren und bei bestimmten repräsentativen Aufgaben von informellen und persönlichen Beziehungen geprägt sind. Diese beiden Hauptergebnisse bezeugen das distanzierte Verhältnis zwischen zivilen Frauenorganisationen und politischen Parteien, was auch gemeinsamen Interaktionen zu einer Verbesserung der Gleichberechtigung der Geschlechter im Weg steht. Indem verschiedenen Ereignissen der indonesischen Geschichte mit einer Fokussierung auf die Phase seit 2004, nachgegangen wird, zeigt diese Studie, dass das distanzierte Verhältnis von Kartellbildungen sowie schwacher Institutionalisierung verursacht wurde. Welche Implikationen haben diese Ergebnisse für die Weiterentwicklung von Demokratisierungstheorien? Erstens trägt diese Arbeit zu Theorien über die Verbindungen von Zivilorganisationen und politischen Parteien bei. Zweitens bestätigt diese Studie die Annahme, dass die Zivilgesellschaft demokratische Repräsentation stärken kann. Drittens diskutiert diese Studie theoretische Ansätze zu Geschlechterverhältnissen und Politik, insbesondere mit Bezugnahme auf Pitkins (1967) drei Modelle politischer Repräsentation, die formal, deskriptiv und substanziell sein kann. Für die weitere wissenschaftliche Auseinandersetzung mit dem Forschungsgegenstand der Demokratisierung sieht diese Studie zwei Aspekte als wesentlich an. Erstens wird vorgeschlagen, sich intensiver mit der Bedeutung autoritärer Erbschaften für die Entwicklung politischer Institutionen zu beschäftigen. In der vorliegenden Studie war es nicht möglich, ausführlich zu beleuchten, inwiefern autoritäre Erbschaften innerhalb der Gesellschaft des heutigen demokratischen Indonesien eingebettet sind. Eine wissenschaftliche Auseinandersetzung mit dieser Thematik könnte die Entwicklung religiöser Organisationen wie NU oder Muhammadiyah in den Blick nehmen, da diese bis heute enge Verbindungen zu politischen Parteien und einzelnen Politikern unterhalten. Ein zweiter vielversprechender Aspekt für die zukünftige Forschung liegt in der empirischen Untersuchung der Mechanismen, mit denen politische Beteiligung zur Entwicklung und Unterstützung der Zivilgesellschaft beiträgt.

After the collapse of the Soviet state, during the last decades of the 21st century, Russia found itself in the system crisis in cataclysmic measures that threatened to disintegrate this once powerful state. Political and economic power was significantly displaced outside the institutions of the system in the hands of oligarchs and regional governors, which threaten to disintegrate the federal system and problems in the economic, social, demographic and military sphere shook the foundations of the Russian state. On the international stage, Russia's influence was marginalized. All the elements of its hard and soft power were reduced. Russia has lost the attributes of a superpower and the leader of the former socialist camp was reduced to the level of a regional power. With the arrival of Vladimir Putin as the President of the RF in 2000 began a new phase in the development of post-Soviet Russia. Initiated extensive internal political, economic and social reforms, as well as changes in foreign and security policy, resulted in a gradual recovery and consolidation of the Russian state and society. An essential feature of political life in Russia is the personalization of the power and the institution of the President of the RF, which largely depends on the personality of the president and his inner circle. This distinction is rooted in the political tradition and culture, and the imperial legacy. Some Western authors state that the tradition of the autocratic rule is in the heart of Russian political culture, while Russian authors believe that a strong central government, embodied in the institution of the head of state in modern Russia is a necessity in the initial phase of democratization and social transition. From the beginning, Putin has sought to pour "people from their inner circle" "into all levels of government and spheres that generate social and political power." This profiled the structure of Putin's regime, which is a very active process of permanent change of position, role and importance of individual personalities, as well as their "migration" from one sphere of government to another. In the process, the overall fluctuations of high-ranking politicians, divided into clans and influential groups (the so-called siloviki, technocrats and liberals), Putin is the "headquarters" of the entire regime. Estimates of the regime of Russian President V. Putin, his personality, as well as a trail that is left in modern history, are more polarized and controversial than estimates of many other figures of Russia, and even global politics. However, the importance that Putin has for Russia and its position and role in the XXI century is undeniable, as well as his controversial planetary authority, or his global popularity. Putin is one of the most influential politicians in the world and the authors' opinions of him are so divided, conflicting, contradictory and "ideologically colored" that any attempt of his generalization represents an endeavor foredoomed to failure. The amplitude of reactions is ranging from awe and glorification, to protest and scorn. It is undisputed that he is a charismatic, pragmatic and capable statesman. It is also an indisputable fact that the implementation of his policy has the outright support of the Russian people. Critics of Putin's regime as its main characteristic state the rigidity of the government, inflexibility, lack of transparency, bureaucratic domination of political and economic elites, instability in the sense of being based on the personality of the President and not on the balance of institutions. ; Nakon raspada sovjetske države Rusija se našla u sistemskoj krizi koja je pretila da dezintegriše nekada moćnu državu. Politička i ekonomska moć bila je u značajnoj meri izmeštena van institucija sistema, u ruke oligarha i regionalnih gubernatora. Problemi u ekonomskoj, socijalnoj, demografskoj i vojnoj sferi potresali su temelje ruske države. Na međunarodnoj sceni, uticaj Rusije bio je marginalizovan. Svi elementi njene tvrde i meke moći, bili su umanjeni. Rusija je izgubila atribute supersile i nekadašnja predvodnica socijalističkog lagera svedena je na nivo regionalne sile. Dolaskom Vladimira Putina na mesto predsednika RF 2000. godine, počela je nova faza u razvoju postsovjetske Rusije. Pokrenute su opsežne unutrašnje političke, ekonomske i socijalne reforme, kao i promene u spoljnoj i bezbednosnoj politici, što je rezultiralo postepenim oporavkom i konsolidacijom ruske države i društva. Jedna od suštinskih odlika političkog života Rusije jeste personalizacija vlasti, odnosno institucije Predsednika RF, koja u velikoj meri zavisi od ličnosti samog predsednika i njegovog najbližeg okruženja. Ova odlika ukorenjena je u političkoj tradiciji i kulturi, odnosno u imperijalnom nasleđu. Pojedini zapadni autori navode da je tradicija autokratskog vladanja u srži ruske političke kulture, dok ruski autori smatraju da snažna centralna vlast, oličena u instituciji predsednika države, u savremenoj Rusiji predstavlja nužnost u početnoj fazi demokratizacije i tranzicije društva. Putin je od početka nastojao da "ljude iz svog najbližeg okruženja "razlije" u sve nivoe vlasti i sfere koje generišu društvenu i političku moć". Time se profilisala struktura Putinovog režima u kojoj je veoma aktivan proces permanentne smene pozicija, uloga i značaja pojedinih ličnosti, kao i njihovo "seljenje" iz jedne sfere vlasti u drugu. U celokupnom tom procesu fluktacije visoko-pozicioniranih političara, svrstanih u uticajne grupe i klanove (tzv. siloviki, tehnokrate i liberali), Putin ima ulogu "stožera" celokupnog režima. Ocene o režimu ruskog predsednika V. Putina, njegovoj ličnosti, kao i tragu koji je ostavio u modernoj istoriji, polarizovanije su i kontroverznije nego ocene o mnogim drugim ličnostima ruske, pa i globalne politike. Međutim, značaj koji Putin ima za Rusiju i njenu poziciju i ulogu u XXI veku, nesporan je, kao što nisu sporni ni njegov planetarni autoritet, ni njegova globalna popularnost. Putin je jedan od najuticajnijih političara na svetu, ali su mišljenja autora u vezi sa njim toliko podeljena, oprečna, suprotstavljena i "ideološki obojena", da bi svaki pokušaj njihove generalizacije predstavljao poduhvat unapred osuđen na neuspeh. Amplitude reakcija kreću se od glorifikacije i divljenja, do osporavanja i nipodaštavanja. Nesporno je da je reč o harizmatičnom, pragmatičnom i sposobnom državniku, kao što je nesporna i činjenica da za sprovođenje svoje politike ima natpolovičnu podršku ruskog naroda. Kritičari Putinovog režima kao njegove osnovne odlike navode rigidnost vlasti, nefleksibilnost, netransparentnost, birokratizovanost, dominaciju političko- ekonomskih elita, nestabilnost u smislu zasnovanosti na ličnosti predsednika, a ne na balansu institucija.

The thesis focuses on the little-known role of private developers in making of urban spaces in India, in the metropolitan regions of Bangalore and Chennai. The aim of this doctoral research is to observe and explain how developers contribute to the transformation of the spatial organization of cities and their landscape, but also the way of representing and designing as well as develop and govern the development. By probing the physical, symbolic and political, we explore the mechanisms that help explain the more rapid growth of some promoters to a recent moment in urban history. This then needs to take into account the promotion of the activity of specific scrutinizing the ways in which businesses access to the resources they need (land, capital and regulatory power) while taking care of the historicizing. In the context of liberalized India, we note that the growth of real estate development companies due to three aspects combined: 1) a significant demand for new construction that reflects the real estate consumer companies seeking modern premises to house their employees and a growing upper middle class; 2) a socio-relaxed regulatory environment on all important aspects of the property development business, and in particular the arrangements for access to building materials and labor, but also to urban land and capital to pre-finance development operations; 3) finally, the availability of capital from various sources (financial markets, commercial banks, private investors). In the mid 2000s, some developers have managed to develop very rapidly, while managing to maintain a strong autonomy vis-à-vis investors that underpin their development. This relative autonomy of developers, coupled with the firepower provided by the financial markets allowed them to implement a strategy to conquer real estate markets in both their original spaces and by implanting in other cities of south India. They were able to increase their production volume, multiplying projects characterized by their increasing size. Real estate developers surveyed are in strong position to articulate visions on urban development, the governance of cities and urban Indian society. These views reflected those proposed by other leading Indian business leaders and international audit firms: the Indian city should be transformed to meet a world-class city ideal, characterized by efficient urban infrastructure and services. Proponents disqualify public players because of their incompetence and their use of fraudulent compensation practices. Conversely, proponents boast of producing urban forms responding to this world-class city ideal, provide effective services in their housing complexes, demonstrate probity and professional integrity including meeting the requirements of transparency in financial communication and good governance, and more generally to work for the common good through the production of housing and office buildings adapted to the economic modernization of India. These self-legitimation discourse encourage them to dream aloud to replace public authorities in charge of the development of cities, or at least to assume even greater responsibility in their transformation ; La thèse s'intéresse à la place encore méconnue des promoteurs immobiliers privés dans la fabrication des espaces urbains en Inde, en prenant pour terrain de recherche les régions métropolitaines de Bangalore et Chennai. L'enjeu de cette recherche doctorale est d'observer et d'expliquer comment des promoteurs immobiliers contribuent à la transformation de l'organisation spatiale des villes et de leurs paysages, mais également de la manière de les représenter et de les concevoir ainsi que de les aménager et de gouverner leur développement. En sondant ces dimensions matérielles, symboliques et politiques, nous explorons les mécanismes qui aident à comprendre l'essor plus rapide de certains promoteurs à un moment récent de l'histoire urbaine. Ceci nécessite alors de prendre en compte les spécificités de l'activité de promotion en scrutant les modalités par lesquelles les entreprises accèdent aux ressources qui leur sont nécessaires (le foncier, les capitaux et le pouvoir réglementaire) tout en prenant soin de les historiciser. Dans le contexte de l'Inde libéralisée, nous remarquons que l'essor des entreprises de promotion immobilière tient à trois aspects conjugués : 1) une demande importante en nouvelles constructions qui reflète la consommation immobilière d'entreprises recherchant des locaux modernes pour héberger leurs salariés et d'une classe moyenne supérieure croissante; 2) un environnement socio-règlementaire assoupli sur tous les aspects importants pour l'activité de promotion immobilière, et en particulier les modalités d'accès aux matériaux de construction et à la main-d'œuvre, mais également au foncier urbain et aux capitaux pour préfinancer les opérations de promotion ; 3) enfin, la disponibilité de ces capitaux à partir de diverses sources (marchés financiers, banques commerciales, investisseurs particuliers). Ainsi, au milieu des années 2000, certains promoteurs sont parvenus à se développer très rapidement, tout en parvenant à conserver une autonomie forte vis-à-vis des investisseurs qui sous-tendent leur essor. Cette autonomie relative des promoteurs, doublée de la puissance de feu apportée par les marchés financiers leur a permis de mettre en œuvre une stratégie de conquête de marchés immobiliers à la fois dans leurs espaces d'origine et par l'implantation dans d'autres villes d'Inde du sud. Ils ont ainsi pu accroître leur volume de production, multipliant des projets caractérisés par leur taille croissante. Les promoteurs immobiliers étudiés se trouvent en position de force pour énoncer des visions sur le développement urbain, la gouvernance des métropoles et pour société urbaine indienne. Ces visions retrouvent celles proposées par d'autres grands entrepreneurs indiens et des cabinets d'audit internationaux : la ville indienne doit être transformée afin de répondre à un idéal de ville de classe mondiale, caractérisée notamment par des infrastructures et services urbains efficients. Les promoteurs disqualifient les acteurs publics en raison de leur incompétence et de leur recours à des pratiques de rémunération frauduleuse. A contrario, les promoteurs se targuent de produire des formes urbaines répondant à cet idéal de ville de classe mondiale, d'apporter des services efficaces au sein de leurs complexes immobiliers, de démontrer leur probité et leur intégrité professionnelles notamment en répondant aux exigences de transparence en matière de communication financière et de bonne gouvernance, et plus généralement d'œuvrer au bien commun par la production de logements et d'immeubles de bureaux adapté à la modernisation économique de l'Inde. Discours d'auto légitimation qui les incitent à rêver tout haut de se substituer aux autorités publiques en charge de l'aménagement des métropoles, ou du moins, à assumer une responsabilité plus importante encore dans leur transformation

The thesis focuses on the little-known role of private developers in making of urban spaces in India, in the metropolitan regions of Bangalore and Chennai. The aim of this doctoral research is to observe and explain how developers contribute to the transformation of the spatial organization of cities and their landscape, but also the way of representing and designing as well as develop and govern the development. By probing the physical, symbolic and political, we explore the mechanisms that help explain the more rapid growth of some promoters to a recent moment in urban history. This then needs to take into account the promotion of the activity of specific scrutinizing the ways in which businesses access to the resources they need (land, capital and regulatory power) while taking care of the historicizing. In the context of liberalized India, we note that the growth of real estate development companies due to three aspects combined: 1) a significant demand for new construction that reflects the real estate consumer companies seeking modern premises to house their employees and a growing upper middle class; 2) a socio-relaxed regulatory environment on all important aspects of the property development business, and in particular the arrangements for access to building materials and labor, but also to urban land and capital to pre-finance development operations; 3) finally, the availability of capital from various sources (financial markets, commercial banks, private investors). In the mid 2000s, some developers have managed to develop very rapidly, while managing to maintain a strong autonomy vis-à-vis investors that underpin their development. This relative autonomy of developers, coupled with the firepower provided by the financial markets allowed them to implement a strategy to conquer real estate markets in both their original spaces and by implanting in other cities of south India. They were able to increase their production volume, multiplying projects characterized by their increasing size. Real estate developers surveyed are in strong position to articulate visions on urban development, the governance of cities and urban Indian society. These views reflected those proposed by other leading Indian business leaders and international audit firms: the Indian city should be transformed to meet a world-class city ideal, characterized by efficient urban infrastructure and services. Proponents disqualify public players because of their incompetence and their use of fraudulent compensation practices. Conversely, proponents boast of producing urban forms responding to this world-class city ideal, provide effective services in their housing complexes, demonstrate probity and professional integrity including meeting the requirements of transparency in financial communication and good governance, and more generally to work for the common good through the production of housing and office buildings adapted to the economic modernization of India. These self-legitimation discourse encourage them to dream aloud to replace public authorities in charge of the development of cities, or at least to assume even greater responsibility in their transformation ; La thèse s'intéresse à la place encore méconnue des promoteurs immobiliers privés dans la fabrication des espaces urbains en Inde, en prenant pour terrain de recherche les régions métropolitaines de Bangalore et Chennai. L'enjeu de cette recherche doctorale est d'observer et d'expliquer comment des promoteurs immobiliers contribuent à la transformation de l'organisation spatiale des villes et de leurs paysages, mais également de la manière de les représenter et de les concevoir ainsi que de les aménager et de gouverner leur développement. En sondant ces dimensions matérielles, symboliques et politiques, nous explorons les mécanismes qui aident à comprendre l'essor plus rapide de certains promoteurs à un moment récent de l'histoire urbaine. Ceci nécessite alors de prendre en compte les spécificités de l'activité de promotion en scrutant les modalités par lesquelles les entreprises accèdent aux ressources qui leur sont nécessaires (le foncier, les capitaux et le pouvoir réglementaire) tout en prenant soin de les historiciser. Dans le contexte de l'Inde libéralisée, nous remarquons que l'essor des entreprises de promotion immobilière tient à trois aspects conjugués : 1) une demande importante en nouvelles constructions qui reflète la consommation immobilière d'entreprises recherchant des locaux modernes pour héberger leurs salariés et d'une classe moyenne supérieure croissante; 2) un environnement socio-règlementaire assoupli sur tous les aspects importants pour l'activité de promotion immobilière, et en particulier les modalités d'accès aux matériaux de construction et à la main-d'œuvre, mais également au foncier urbain et aux capitaux pour préfinancer les opérations de promotion ; 3) enfin, la disponibilité de ces capitaux à partir de diverses sources (marchés financiers, banques commerciales, investisseurs particuliers). Ainsi, au milieu des années 2000, certains promoteurs sont parvenus à se développer très rapidement, tout en parvenant à conserver une autonomie forte vis-à-vis des investisseurs qui sous-tendent leur essor. Cette autonomie relative des promoteurs, doublée de la puissance de feu apportée par les marchés financiers leur a permis de mettre en œuvre une stratégie de conquête de marchés immobiliers à la fois dans leurs espaces d'origine et par l'implantation dans d'autres villes d'Inde du sud. Ils ont ainsi pu accroître leur volume de production, multipliant des projets caractérisés par leur taille croissante. Les promoteurs immobiliers étudiés se trouvent en position de force pour énoncer des visions sur le développement urbain, la gouvernance des métropoles et pour société urbaine indienne. Ces visions retrouvent celles proposées par d'autres grands entrepreneurs indiens et des cabinets d'audit internationaux : la ville indienne doit être transformée afin de répondre à un idéal de ville de classe mondiale, caractérisée notamment par des infrastructures et services urbains efficients. Les promoteurs disqualifient les acteurs publics en raison de leur incompétence et de leur recours à des pratiques de rémunération frauduleuse. A contrario, les promoteurs se targuent de produire des formes urbaines répondant à cet idéal de ville de classe mondiale, d'apporter des services efficaces au sein de leurs complexes immobiliers, de démontrer leur probité et leur intégrité professionnelles notamment en répondant aux exigences de transparence en matière de communication financière et de bonne gouvernance, et plus généralement d'œuvrer au bien commun par la production de logements et d'immeubles de bureaux adapté à la modernisation économique de l'Inde. Discours d'auto légitimation qui les incitent à rêver tout haut de se substituer aux autorités publiques en charge de l'aménagement des métropoles, ou du moins, à assumer une responsabilité plus importante encore dans leur transformation

В статье представлен анализ мемуаров и дневниковых записей представителей французской военной миссии Жюля Легра и Пьера Паскаля о событиях на Западном фронте Российской империи в годы Первой мировой войны, происходивших на территории современной Беларуси. Этот фронт был не только одним из важнейших театров военных действий, но и служил для прикрытия стратегического направления Смоленск-Москва. Даже в период революционных потрясений он продолжал существовать, и положение на нем имело первостепенное значение для исторических судеб государств, втянутых в этот конфликт. Одним из важнейших источников по данной проблематике являются дневниковые записи и мемуары французских офицеров, находившихся в России во время войны со специальной миссией. Оба автора в России оказались не впервые и не случайно. Германист и университетский преподаватель русского языка и литературы Ж. Легра еще в XIX в. путешествовал по России, являлся автором популярных во Франции в эпоху русско-французского союза книг о русской действительности и потому был отправлен пропагандистом на фронты Российской империи, задачей его было демонстрировать русским военную мощь Франции и заверить их во всяческой поддержке. Его мемуары отличает обилие военных и армейских деталей, рассуждения об устройстве руской армии и преимуществах или недостатках русского солдата, причем с точки зрения компаративистики, ведь как германист Легра был автором работ на тему уклада немецкой армии и особенностях разведывательной работы в Германии. Выпускник университета П. Паскаль был намного моложе Легра, оказался после двух ранений на фронте глубоко в российском тылу, но тоже с целью пропаганды, хотя, по его же словам, он предпочел бы чисто военную работу. Его, также неоднократно посещавшего в начале XX в. Россию, направили в составе французской военной миссии в Россию именно как специалиста, прекрасно владеющего русским языком. В отличие о Легра, он в своих мемуарах не просто стремился разобраться в текущих событиях, но и вникнуть в тонкости русской души, понять любимую им страну и ее страдающий от войны народ. Его «русский дневник» это своеобразный литературный памятник охваченной войной и революцией России, это бесценный источник по ментальной и интеллектуальной истории той эпохи, который отличает особое обаяние личного документального свидетельства. Эти эго-документы обоих авторов позволяют раскрыть новые грани, казалось бы, уже хорошо известных событий и личностей. Они содержат яркие картины повседневной жизни российской армии, в том числе Ставки Верховного главнокомандующего, характеристики военачальников, описание быта русской армии, рассуждения о деятельности корпусных штабов, о важнейших операциях русской армии и роли в них отдельных военачальников. Особый интерес представляют воспоминания членов французской военной миссии о белорусских городах, в которых проходила линия фронта. Особенно ценным в мемуарах является то, что французские офицеры записывали и анализировали происходившие события день за днем, а не восстанавливали их по прошествии времени. ; The article analyzes the memoirs and diaries of members of the French military mission Jules Legras and Pierre Pascal and provides information about the Russian Empire's Western front and about military action on the territory of modern Belarus during the first years of the World War I. This front was not only one of the most important theaters of the war, but it also defended the strategic Smolensk-Moscow line. The front continued to exist even in the period of revolutionary upheaval, and the affairs that took place there were of the highest importance and exerted the greatest influence over the historical destinies of the countries involved in this conflict. One of the most important sources on this subject are the diaries and memoirs of the French officers who served with their country's military mission in Russia during World War I. It was not for the first time and not just by chance that these writers appeared in Russia. J. Legras was a specialist in German studies and taught Russian on the university level; he had traveling all over Russia already in the 19th century. Legras was the author of popular books about the situation in Russia and this explains why he was sent as a propagandist to the front lines of the empire. His aim was to testify to France's military potential among the Russians and assure them about the depth of French support. His memoirs describe the war and military action in detail. They are full of his thoughts about the structure of Russian Army and the positive and negative characteristics of the Russian soldier. Legras compared these subjects to their German analogs, as he was the author of work on the structure and peculiarities of the German Army and its intelligence operations. P. Pascal was much younger than Legras and a university graduate. After being wounded twice, he found himself deep in the Russian rear, occupied with propaganda, despite the fact that he would have preferred to return to combat. As Pascal had already visited Russia several times at the beginning of 20th century and spoke Russian fluently, he was sent to Russia as a member of French military mission. Unlike Legras, Pascal spent time in his memoirs not only analyzing current events, but also pondering the intricacies of the Russian soul, attempting to understand a country he loved and the Russian people who were suffering in this war. His "Russian Memoirs" are a kind of literary monument to Russia, a country that was deeply convulsed by war and revolution; they are an invaluable source for the intellectual history of that epoch. The personal documents of both writers reveal new facets of seemingly well-known events and personalities. The memoirs of Legras and Pascal are an invaluable source because they reflect the attitude of French officers from inside the Russian Empire's military affairs. These memoirs contain not only detailed and unique descriptions of the Russian Empire's military leaders and discussions of the day-to-day routine at the front, but they also convey the mood of locals and soldiers, the mood of the highest military officers and descriptions of the Belarusian cities involved in the war. These French officers paid special attention to Supreme Headquarters, located in Mogilev after 1915, supplying detailed descriptions of the army leadership and the daily routine of ordinary soldiers. These memoirs also reflected upon the activity of corps headquarters in detail, particularly the main military operations of the Russian army and the role that some of the Russian leaders played in these actions. But what is most valuable about these memoirs is the fact that the French officers were recording their observations and analysis concerning military affairs at the time the events were unfolding, rather than retrospectively.

Real estate management consists of making decisions and performing actions to maintain a real estate property in an unimpaired condition according to its designation and at reasonable investment in this real property. These activities cover diverse aspects of real estate acquisition and use and are oriented, among others, towards increasing the capital of real estate owners. Value-based management is both a management philosophy and a practice requiring full coordination of all actions carried out in this complex process. It should be noted that a special role is played in the process by real estate appraisal, whose methodology has a centuries-old history. It is rooted in discussions devoted to the category of value and the principles of its measurement. It turns out that historically-formed appraisal methodologies do not stand the test of time. They undergo continuous evolution, with the trends of changes of both an exogenous and endogenous character. Moreover, there are many unsolved problems related to real estate value determination, which can be an inspiration for both theoreticians and practitioners to seek new solutions, taking into account both proper market imitation and the requirements of real estate owners and users. The appropriate real estate property appraisal method is selected by a real estate appraiser, taking into account, among others, the purpose of the appraisal, the type, function and location of the real estate property, its condition and the available market information. The profit method is used in many cases for real estate appraisal, especially for untypical real estate properties, which are rarely the object of transactions in the market. To illustrate the problems which occur during the application of this method, the study presents two examples of appraisals, which concern a gas station and a real estate property developed with a building in which a hotel and a restaurant operate. The process of value-based real estate management should take into account the specificity of the real estate property related to its function, its utility or intangible values. The thesis can be proposed that efficient real estate property management, especially for a historic real estate property, requires the knowledge of the market value expressed as a value range. This requires the indication of such a method for historic real estate value determination which takes into account both the strengths and weaknesses resulting from the possession and use of this specific national treasure because it is economically necessary today to treat a historic building also as an object of investment and a business venture. This approach will help to save cultural and historical values and may allow a satisfactory rate of return on the capital invested to be obtained by the investor. The theoretical analyses presented in this study were verified based on a palace and castle complex currently in use and under development. The residual method was first applied to determine the value and a sensitivity analysis of the development project was then performed. At the same time, the advantages and threats were indicated which could result from the application of the residual method and sensitivity analysis, both for the determined real estate property value and for financially efficient real estate property management based on the determined value. Appraisal of the market value of commercial real-estates is most commonly performed based on the relation between the income obtained from the real estate and its market value. Building a model which includes the largest possible amount of factors affecting the real estate value is a difficult and very complex task. The final verification of the statistical model does not take place at the time of its development or testing but as a result of the comparison of the prognoses' results with actual transactions made after the implementation of the model. The most difficult moment in the creation of a model is to establish the number of significant independent variables that are being used. An insufficient number of variables makes an adequate description of the occurrence impossible, whereas an excessive number of variables decreases the credibility of the model and makes it "too sensitive". In this study, the "dominant variable" is defined and its impact on the local commercial real estate market is shown. The study also has a practical dimension, since the results of the research apply to the deliberations concerning the "Recommendation J" and may also provide a comprehensive source of information for the local authorities and national government by showing the results of planning decisions in a simple and clear manner. Real estate value determination requires the acquisition of a proper store of information, including spatial and market information. Because of the intensive real estate market development in Poland, the issue has emerged of the availability of this information and software which allows its proper processing. Information systems intended for real estate appraisers, realtors, real estate managers or banks are currently functioning. With the development of this software, GIS functionality has become a part of this system. Spatial information systems allow many advanced spatial analyses to be performed, which are necessary, among others, in the real estate value determination process. This study presents and compares the functionality of selected existing spatial information systems. Their basic functions and the preferences of their users are presented as an analysis result, which can contribute to further development of systems supporting both real estate appraisal and management. The real estate market is extremely complex, which makes it difficult to develop an objective method of price and value modeling or evaluation of the effect of individual attributes on their formation. Statistical methods and models allowing the analysis of regularities concerning relationships in time and space can be extremely useful in this case. One of the methods, which may find broad application for real estate market analysis, is discriminatory analysis, which enables the selection of attributes for market division into relatively homogeneous groups. The experimental application of discriminatory and classification methods which is presented in this paper allows, among others, the verification of the correct selection of a real estate using a database of real estate properties similar to the one being appraised. The advantage of the method is the possibility of verification and classification, at the selected probability level, of every real estate property into a precisely-defined group. Contemporary problems of appraisal and value-based real estate management should be considered in a broad international context, especially in today's world, in which the mobility of entities and capital is less and less limited by political, economic or administrative barriers. ; Edward Preweda

__Nederlandse Samenvatting__ De markt is bij uitstek de plek waar het individu vrij kan zijn. Dat is ook het standaardbeeld van het gedachtegoed van de Oostenrijkse School van de Economie. In zijn dissertatie 'The Viennese students of Civilization: Humility, Culture and Economics in Interwar Vienna and Beyond' betoogt Erwin Dekker dat die school, bekend van onder andere Friedrich Hayek, Joseph Schumpeter en Carl Menger, vrijheid niet ziet als het ontbreken van beperkingen, maar als een culturele verworvenheid. Individuen kunnen alleen vrij zijn, zo betogen de Oostenrijkers, doordat er gedeelde normen en instituties zijn die de vrijheid mogelijk maken. De verzameling van normen en instituties is voor hen de beschaving. Die beschaving en haar instituties zoals markten kunnen alleen floreren als ze worden ondersteund door een bredere cultuur. Die steun brokkelt echter snel af gedurende het interbellum. De Weense studenten van de beschaving analyseren die 'revolte' tegen de beschaving, gevoed door het socialisme en het fascisme. Socialisten zijn er ten onrechte van overtuigd dat de economie te plannen, en de maatschappij maakbaar is. Aan de rechterzijde wordt er juist betoogd dat het juk van de beschaving te groot is en het individu beperkt. Daartegen ontwikkelen de Oostenrijkers hun visie van vrijheid en markten als culturele verworvenheden. Die verworvenheden zijn niet natuurlijk, noch te plannen, ze zijn de min of meer onbewuste uitkomst van menselijke interactie. Die visie ontstaat binnen de rijke Weense cultuur van het interbellum, die vooral plaatsheeft in de intellectuele kringen. In die levendige gesprekscultuur worden de Weense economen uitgedaagd om een betrokken en brede analyse te ontwikkelen. Wat dat betreft staan ze ver af van de moderne economen gericht op theoretische marktmodellen die vooral in gesprek zijn met andere academici. Zo bezien kan de Weense traditie ons nog veel leren, zeker in een tijd waarin de acceptatie van veel van onze culturele instituties verre van vanzelfsprekend is. ; In this dissertation it is argued that the scholars who are usually known under the banner Austrian Economists are better understood as the Viennese students of Civilization. By understanding the group of scholars, consisting of Carl Menger, Friedrich von Wieser, Joseph Schumpeter, Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek among others, as Viennese students of Civilization we are better able to understand their unique contribution. Contrary to many economists - both then and now - the Viennese students of civilization consider the economy not as a self-regulating natural order, or a system which can be planned, but as cultural process. Just like language and law, markets emerge and develop from human interaction. When the Viennese conceive of the market as a cultural process it means for them that the market has important cultural effects and is sustained by what we could call a market culture. In this dissertation the cultural effects of the market are explored especially as they relate to restraint; the central element of civilization for the Viennese scholars. It is argued that restraint is considered the central feature of civilization by a wider group of Central European scholars including Freud, Malinowski and Elias. The Viennese students of civilization, especially Wieser, Mises and Hayek argue that they live in a particularly unrestrained age. This has fueled opposition to market and other cultural processes which are not rationally constructed. The acceptance and cultivation of the market comes at a cost they argue; this cost they call the 'strain of civilization'. That cost is primarily the restraint of our innate instincts. Civilization requires the acceptance of certain norms, of individual responsibility, the acceptance of differences and inequality. This price to be paid is termed 'the strain of civilization'. This price however is no longer accepted by social scientists who preach unrestrained rationalism. And it is no longer accepted by mass political movements such as socialism and fascism which promise they can relieve the people of this strain. Particularly during the interwar period the Viennese students of civilization feel that their civilization is in acute danger. They analyze this revolt, and their own role in this process. Initially their response is largely passive and accepting. This attitude is characteristic of a Viennese cultural trait known as 'therapeutic nihilism'. The social scientist, or rather student, can study the large cultural processes, but they are outside his or her control. Stronger yet, the Viennese students believe that many of their contemporaries are under the illusion that they could predict the course of society, and ultimately of history. This outsider-perspective, however, is seriously challenged during the Interwar period, especially during the rise of fascism. The Viennese intellectuals increasingly realize that they bear a responsibility toward their culture, and they might even possibly have some influence on its fate. This puts them in an awkward position. Their work is becoming more political and idealistic, features which they had criticized in the work of others. Especially Hayek's 'The Road to Serfdom' and Popper's 'The Open Society and its Enemies' are examples of this tension; the tension between the realization of the limited power of the scholar, and the desire to defend a civilization under pressure. In their work they apologize to their colleagues for the political nature of their work, but they feel obliged to write this work, which they consider 'their war effort'. Ultimately, although reluctantly, they engage in an attempt to draw up ideals and plans for the future. They regain some hope, in part because they no longer write for a Continental but for an Anglo-Saxon audience. It is also in this sense that Hayek and Popper are engaged in a new kind of liberalism, one that is resistant to mass political movements and the desire to throw off cultural restraints. This dissertation draws heavily on the cultural histories of fin-de-siècle and interwar Vienna. It shows similarities in the problems faced by artists, novelists, scientists and politicians in Vienna. Such similarities sometimes were sometimes incidental, but they also arose out of the interactions in the Viennese circles. In the partly overlapping circles broad intellectual conversations were stimulated and this greatly contributed to the creativity of the contributions emerging out of Vienna, especially during the interwar period. It is argued that the prominence of these circles partly accounts for the fact that the Viennese students of civilization crossed many interdisciplinary boundaries, and that their intellectual concerns were as much driven by social and political issues as it was by scientific concerns.

История возникновения Крымского ханства все еще слабо изучена. Также мало известно о молодых годах первого крымского хана Хаджи Гирея, предки которого правили в Крыму и Золотой Орде. Великий князь литовский Витовт активно вмешивался в дела Крыма в 20-х гг. XV века, пытаясь установить свой суверенитет в г. Каффа и в Золотой Орде, где старался посадить зависимых от себя ханов. Но в конце своего правления он уже не мог оказать серьезного военного давления, поскольку вплоть до смерти он был занят своей коронацией. Границы Крымского тумена простирались от р. Днестр на Западе до Волги на Востоке, от среднего течения р. Днепр и Южный Буг на Севере до приморских городов Крымского полуострова на Юге. В причерноморских степях в первой половине XV в. еще сохранились многие стационарные поселения татар. Таким образом, тумен занимал большую территорию. Но, обладая большим военным потенциалом, правители Крыма не отделяли Крымский улус от Золотой Орды, а использовали полуостров как плацдарм для захвата власти в столице государства г. Сарае. Татарская знать на Крымском полуострове тоже искала возможность поставить ханов в зависимость от себя. Одним из самых сильных ее представителей был Тегене-бей, который имел резиденцию в г. Солхат. Он уговорил Витовта дать им ханом Улуг-Мухаммеда. В ответ хан сделал Тегене-бея своим наместником в Крыму. Через несколько лет Улуг-Мухаммед поссорился с Тегене-беем и литовским правителем Свидрыгайло. Великий князь литовский помог хану Сеид-Ахмету расколоть Золотую Орду и захватить власть на Правобережье Днепра в 1433 г. По мнению многих исследователей, в 1434 г. Хаджи Гирей захватил власть в Крыму и разбил военный отряд генуэзцев. Но это не подтверждается письменными источниками и нумизматическими данными. Предположение некоторых историков, что Хаджи получил власть в Крыму с помощью великого князя литовского Жигимонта Кейстутовича, также не имеет подтверждения. До 1441 г. Крымским полуостровом владел хан Улуг-Мухаммед, а потом, короткое время, хан Сеид-Ахмет. Где в 30-е гг. пребывал Хаджи Гирей, точно неизвестно, но в начале 40-х гг. он был в Литве. Весной 1442 г. Тегене-бей с посольством крымской знати опять приехал в Литву и уговорил нового литовского правителя Казимира дать согласие, чтобы ханом Крыма стал Хаджи. Возможно, что действия великого князя литовского по отношению к Крыму были согласованы с его старшим братом королем Польши и Венгрии Владиславом III. От имени Владислава III летом 1442 г. к Хаджи Гирею ездил посол Т. Буцацкий, который вернулся в Венгрию с послом татарского хана. Анализ источников позволяет сделать вывод, что Хаджи Гирей стал ханом в марте-апреле 1442 г. Хаджи Гирей пребывал под покровительством Великого княжества Литовского. Это подтверждают мирные договора, заключенные в феврале-июне 1442 г. между великим князем литовским Казимиром и правителем Молдавии Ильей. ; The history of the Crimean Khanate's foundation still remains poorly studied. Also, little is known about the early years of the first Crimean khan Haci I Giray whose ancestors ruled in the Crimea and the Golden Horde. In the 20s of the 15 th century the Grand Duke of Lithuania Vytautas actively intervened in the affairs of the Crimea and the Golden Horde trying to establish his sovereignty in the city of Caffa, where he strove to nominate subordinated Khans. However, at the end of his reign, he could not exert a serious military pressure because until the death he was occupied with his coronation. The boundaries of the Crimean tumen extended from the river Dniester in the West to the Volga River in the East, from the mean flow of the Dnieper and Southern Bug River in the North to the coastal cities of the Crimean Peninsula in the South. In the first half of 15 th century there were many stationary settlements of Tatars in the Black Sea steppes. Thus, the tumen occupied a large territory. Having a great military power, the Crimean rulers did not separate the Crimean Ulus from the Golden Horde, but used the peninsula as a staging area for the seizure of power in the state capital city of Sarai. The Tatar nobility also sought to enthrone those Khans that would be dependent on them. One of their strongest representatives was Tehene-bey who had a residence in Solkhat on the Crimean peninsula. He persuaded Vytautas to give them Ulugh Muhammad as a Khan. In response, the Khan nominated Tehene-bey as his deputy in the Crimea. Few years later, Ulugh Muhammad quarreled both with Tehene-bey and the Lithuanian ruler Švitrigaila. In 1433 the Grand Duke of Lithuania helped Khan Sayid Ahmad II both to split the Golden Horde and to seize power on the right bank of the Dnieper. According to many historians, Haci Giray seized power in the Crimea and defeated Genoese military detachment in 1434, but this statement is not confirmed by the written sources and numismatic data. The assumption of some historians that Haci Giray took power with the help of the Lithuanian Grand Duke Sigismund Keystutovich, has no confirmation. Crimean peninsula had been owned by Ulugh Muhammad Khan before 1441, and thereafter by Sayid Ahmad II for a short time. It is not known exactly where Haci I Giray had been staying in the 30s, but in the early 40''s he resided in Lithuania. In the spring of 1442 Tehene-bey arrived to Lithuania with the Embassy of the Crimean nobles and convinced the new Lithuanian ruler Casimir to allow that Haci Giray to become the Khan of Crimea. The analysis of sources leads to the conclusion that Haci Giray appeared as a Khan in March-April 1442. Possibly the actions of the Lithuanian Grand Duke in relation to Crimea were agreed with his elder brother Władysław III, King of Poland and Hungary. The Ambassador T. Buczacki visited Haci Giray in the summer of 1442 on behalf of Władysław III. He returned to Hungary together with the Ambassador of the Tatar khan. Haci I Giray remained under the patronage of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. This is confirmed by the peace agreements signed in February and June 1442 between the Grand Duke of Lithuania Casimir and ruler of Moldavia Iliaş I. Using the patronage of the Lithuanian ruler, Haci Giray quickly established his authority on the Crimean peninsula.

La presente tesis aborda el análisis del modelo de atribución de responsabilidad penal de las personas jurídica en el ordenamiento jurídico español, establecido mediante LO 5/2010 de Reforma del Código Penal. Además de unas breves notas sobre la evolución legislativa, histórica y de derecho comparado, se estudian los problemas mas relevantes de la responsabilidad penal corporativa, como la incapacidad de acción y culpabilidad de la persona jurídica, aspectos diferenciadores entre el derecho administrativo sancionador y el derecho penal, sistemas de prevención a través de compliance program, la cuestiones de orden procesal y la jurisprudencia más relevante en la materia. De manera independiente, se entra en el debate sobre si esta responsabilidad penal, como sostienen algunos autores, implica no solo el nacimiento de un nuevo sujeto para esta rama del derecho, sino si éste sujeto, en la era postindustrial, ha desplazado a la persona física como verdadero protagonista de las relaciones sociales y jurídicas (teoría deshumanizante). PALABRAS CLAVE: Responsabilidad penal, persona jurídica, empresa, antijuridicidad, culpabilidad, compliance program, administrativo sancionador, acción comunicativa, proceso penal. METODOLOGÍA: Estudio de bibliografía jurídica, revistas especializadas y base jurisprudencial, nacional y extranjera. Asistencia y participación en cursos y proyectos de investigación sobre la responsabilidad penal de las personas jurídicas. CONCLUSIONES: 1.- La instauración de la responsabilidad penal de la persona jurídica se debe solo a razones de política criminal. No existe fundamento jurídico, ni filosófico, que sustente la pretendida capacidad de la persona jurídica para ser sujeto activo en derecho penal. 2.- Los diversos modelos de responsabilidad de las personas jurídicas se han visto multiplicados en derecho comparado, si bien su incremento no lo es uniformemente en cuanto a su naturaleza penal. En la historia más reciente fue precisamente el derecho administrativo sancionador el que incluyó (creándola) la responsabilidad de la persona jurídica. 3.- La responsabilidad penal de las personas jurídicas desnaturaliza el derecho penal. La persona jurídica no tiene capacidad de acción ni capacidad de culpabilidad. Es solo un fin patrimonial. 4.-. Ninguna de las teorías construidas por la doctrina para justificar la responsabilidad penal de las personas jurídicas (espíritu normativo, funcional, carácter de la empresa, defecto de organización, cultura empresarial constructivista, etc.) se ajustan al principio de legalidad a la hora de conectar hecho y culpabilidad. 5- La ambigüedad conceptual del artículo 31 bis va a permitir a la jurisprudencia perfilar y definir con absoluta libertad el modelo de responsabilidad penal de la persona jurídica, vulnerándose principios como el de legalidad y taxatividad Penal, seguridad jurídica, o el de prohibición de interpretación extensiva de la norma penal. 6.- Artículo 31 bis. Establece un modelo de responsabilidad por transferencia, combinando un sistema de identificación y un sistema vicarial. No cabe individualizar en ningún caso responsabilidad por hecho propio. todo queda circunscrito a un hecho objetivo del que solo puede derivar una responsabilidad objetiva. Aceptar una idea de culpabilidad corporativa entraña admitir una pura visión teórica y extremadamente especulativa. 7.- Se acepta, como no puede ser de otro modo, que las personas jurídicas intervienen en el tráfico jurídico-económico, llegando a participar en acciones delictivas. Sin embargo, esta participación, que es puramente instrumental, no puede ser objeto directo, sino indirecto, del Derecho Penal. 8.- Desde perspectivas procesales entiendo que el legislador ha improvisado el estatuto procesal de la persona jurídica. ABSTRACT: This dissertation approaches the analysis of legal persons' appointment of criminal responsibility model in the Spanish legal system, established by the organic law LO 5/2010 from the Criminal Code Reform. As well as some brief review about the legislative, historic and comparative law evolution, the most important problems of corporate criminal responsibility are studied. Some of the latter are incapacity of action and legal person's guilt, some distinguishing aspects between disciplinary administrative law and criminal law, prevention systems through a compliance program, procedural matters and the case-law more relevant on the subject. In an independent way, it is brought up for discussion if criminal responsibility, as maintained by some authors, implies not only the birth of a new subject for this branch of law, but also if this subject, in the post-industrial age, has replaced the natural person as the real main character of social and legal relationships (dehumanized theory). KEY WORDS: Criminal responsibility, legal person, company, anti-juridicity, guilt, compliance program, disciplinary administrative, communicative action, criminal proceeding. METHODOLOGY: Domestic and foreign study of legal bibliography, technical journals and jurisprudence basis; Attendance and participation in courses and research projects on the criminal liability of legal persons. CONCLUSIONS: 1. - Criminal responsibility establishment of legal person is only due to criminal policy reasons. There is no legal or philosophical fundamental which maintains the supposed legal person's ability to be an active subject in criminal law. 2. - Legal persons' responsibility different models have been increased in comparative law, although this growth is not uniform in terms of its criminal nature. In the most recent history it was precisely the disciplinary administrative law the one which contained (by creating it) the liability of the legal person. 3. - Criminal responsibility of legal person distorts the criminal law. The legal person has not the ability of action or guilt. It is only an assets purpose. 4. - None of the theories built by the doctrine in order to justify the criminal responsibility of legal persons (normative spirit, practical, company personality, organization defect, constructivist corporate culture, etc. . .) is adjusted to the principle of legality when connecting fact and guilt. 5 - The conceptual ambiguity of Article 31 bis allows the case-law to shape and define with absolute freedom the legal person's criminal liability model. That fact infringes principles such as legality and taxativity of criminal law, legal certainty or prohibition of an over interpretation of criminal rule. 6. - Article 31a sets a responsibility model by transfer, combining identification and a vicarious liability system. It is not possible to pick out liability from the fact itself. So that, everything is confined to an objective fact which can only cause an objective liability. Accepting the idea of corporate guilt involves also the acceptance of a simple theoretical and extremely speculative point of view. 7. - It has been accepted , as it could not be any other way, that legal persons take part in the legal –economic traffic, and they even get to participate in criminal activities . However, that involvement, which is purely instrumental, cannot be a direct but indirect object of Criminal Law. 8. - From procedural perspectives I understand that legislator improvises the legal person procedural statute.

Acknowledgements. We thank the referee Eric Emsellem for his detailed comments which helped to improve the content and presentation of the article. We thank the director of CEFCA, Dr. M. Moles, for his sincere support to this project. We thank the Viabilidad, Diseno, Acceso y Mejora funding program, ICTS-2009-10, and the Plan Nacional de Investigación y Desarrollo funding program, AYA2010-22111-C03-03, of the Spanish Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovacion, for the support given to this project. I.M. and J.M. acknowledge financial support from the Spanish grant AYA2010-15169 and Junta de Andalucía TIC114 and Excellence Project P08-TIC-03531. C.K., as a Humboldt Fellow, acknowledges support from the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation, Germany. B. Jungwiert acknowledges support by the grants AV0Z10030501 (Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic) and LC06014 (Center for Theoretical Astrophysics, Czech Ministry of Education). T. Bartáková acknowledges support by the grants No. 205/08/H005 (Czech Science Foundation) and MUNI/A/0968/2009 (Masaryk University in Brno). Polychronis Papaderos is supported by a Ciencia 2008 contract, funded by FCT/MCTES (Portugal) and POPH/FSE (EC). This paper makes use of the Sloan Digital Sky Survey data. Funding for the SDSS and SDSS-II has been provided by the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, the Participating Institutions, the National Science Foundation, the U.S. Department of Energy, the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, the Japanese Monbukagakusho, the Max Planck Society, and the Higher Education Funding Council for England. The SDSS Web Site is http://www.sdss.org/. The SDSS is managed by the Astrophysical Research Consortium for the Participating Institutions. The Participating Institutions are the American Museum of Natural History, Astrophysical Institute Potsdam, University of Basel, University of Cambridge, Case Western Reserve University, University of Chicago, Drexel University, Fermilab, the Institute for Advanced Study, the Japan Participation Group, Johns Hopkins University, the Joint Institute for Nuclear Astrophysics, the Kavli Institute for Particle Astrophysics and Cosmology, the Korean Scientist Group, the Chinese Academy of Sciences (LAMOST), Los Alamos National Laboratory, the Max-PlanckInstitute for Astronomy (MPIA), the Max-Planck-Institute for Astrophysics (MPA), New Mexico State University, Ohio State University, University of Pittsburgh, University of Portsmouth, Princeton University, the United States Naval Observatory, and the University of Washington. ; The final product of galaxy evolution through cosmic time is the population of galaxies in the local universe. These galaxies are also those that can be studied in most detail, thus providing a stringent benchmark for our understanding of galaxy evolution. Through the huge success of spectroscopic single-fiber, statistical surveys of the Local Universe in the last decade, it has become clear, however, that an authoritative observational description of galaxies will involve measuring their spatially resolved properties over their full optical extent for a statistically significant sample. We present here the Calar Alto Legacy Integral Field Area (CALIFA) survey, which has been designed to provide a first step in this direction. We summarize the survey goals and design, including sample selection and observational strategy. We also showcase the data taken during the first observing runs (June/July 2010) and outline the reduction pipeline, quality control schemes and general characteristics of the reduced data. This survey is obtaining spatially resolved spectroscopic information of a diameter selected sample of ~600 galaxies in the Local Universe (0.005 < z < 0.03). CALIFA has been designed to allow the building of two-dimensional maps of the following quantities: (a) stellar populations: ages and metallicities; (b) ionized gas: distribution, excitation mechanism and chemical abundances; and (c) kinematic properties: both from stellar and ionized gas components. CALIFA uses the PPAK integral field unit (IFU), with a hexagonal field-of-view of ~1.3⎕′, with a 100% covering factor by adopting a three-pointing dithering scheme. The optical wavelength range is covered from 3700 to 7000 Å, using two overlapping setups (V500 and V1200), with different resolutions: R ~ 850 and R ~ 1650, respectively. CALIFA is a legacy survey, intended for the community. The reduced data will be released, once the quality has been guaranteed. The analyzed data fulfillthe expectations of the original observing proposal, on the basis of a set of quality checks and exploratory analysis: (i) the final datacubes reach a 3σ limiting surface brightness depth of ~23.0 mag/arcsec2 for the V500 grating data (~22.8 mag/arcsec2 for V1200); (ii) about ~70% of the covered field-of-view is above this 3σ limit; (iii) the data have a blue-to-red relative flux calibration within a few percent in most of the wavelength range; (iv) the absolute flux calibration is accurate within ~8%with respect to SDSS; (v) the measured spectral resolution is ~85 km s-1 for V1200 (~150 km s-1 for V500); (vi) the estimated accuracy of the wavelength calibration is ~5 km s-1 for the V1200 data (~10 km s-1 for the V500 data); (vii) the aperture matched CALIFA and SDSS spectra are qualitatively and quantitatively similar. Finally, we show that we are able to carry out all measurements indicated above, recovering the properties of the stellar populations, the ionized gas andthe kinematics of both components. The associated maps illustrate the spatial variation of these parameters across the field, reemphasizing the redshift dependence of single aperture spectroscopic measurements. We conclude from this first look at the data that CALIFA will be an important resource for archaeological studies of galaxies in the Local Universe. ; CEFCA ; Viabilidad, Diseno, Acceso y Mejora ICTS-2009-10 ; Instituto de Salud Carlos III Spanish Government AYA2010-22111-C03-03 ; Spanish grant AYA2010-15169 ; Junta de Andalucia TIC114 ; Excellence Project P08-TIC-03531 ; Alexander von Humboldt Foundation ; Czech Academy of Sciences AV0Z10030501 ; Center for Theoretical Astrophysics, Czech Ministry of Education LC06014 ; Grant Agency of the Czech Republic 205/08/H005 ; Masaryk University in Brno MUNI/A/0968/2009 ; Ciencia 2008 contract ; Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology ; European Commission Joint Research Centre ; European Social Fund (ESF) ; Alfred P. Sloan Foundation ; National Science Foundation (NSF) ; United States Department of Energy (DOE) ; National Aeronautics & Space Administration (NASA) ; Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT) ; Max Planck Society Foundation CELLEX ; Higher Education Funding Council for England ; Science & Technology Facilities Council (STFC) ST/H00243X/1 ST/J001538/1 ST/H004912/1

In 1995 Stephen Carter made his first newspaper painting; a one-to-one scale painting representing, with black rectangles and white gutters, the structured layout of information on the page of a daily newspaper. This was to be the first work in a series which would occupy Carter's practice for the next 5 years. Whilst the early paintings present the different incarnations of the systematic graphic structure favoured by newspaper editors, they stop short of revealing the conceptual play between types of information and limit themselves to the purely spatial typologies of print upon the pages. By the end of the 1990s Carter had introduced the 5-colour palette by which his paintings around the turn of the millennium may be characterized. Following the same structural system as the earlier works, a colour code was now implemented: white to represent areas of editorial text, blue for editorial images, red for areas of advertising and yellow for what Carter calls narcissism (a self-referential editorial-cum-advertising which it was not possible to classify as either advertising or editorial), gutters between information fields were painted grey. The choice of these colours hints at one of Carter's ongoing conceits – a feud between high and low culture. Displaying the colour palate of De Stijl, the paintings seem to advocate the austerity of a purely aesthetic endeavor, however each work represents a snap-shot of a cheap and disposable product of mass-culture which might be said to be a snap-shot, albeit fragmentary, of the culture itself at a given moment. Culture is not a static or even sedentary prey; it perpetually alters its shape and at best can be grasped in the form of trends or patterns which can be predicted, created and then documented, all of which activities take place through the communications industries including the media and the arts, but at what point the boundaries of the one activity bleed into another is a matter of ethical concern with regards to who is being served and who is being manipulated. Design in the mass media is tool put to many uses although its deeper function is to deliver, in a particular way, a particular segment of content. Whilst designers also attempt to influence content, in the mass-media it is more common for content to arrive pre-formed upon the designer's desk for him to arrange. There is a clear duality, that of the signifier and the signified, between the concept and the form of its dispersal. Begun around the turn of the millennium, Carter's series, known as the word paintings, revel in exactly this duality. In short the process of production is as follows: Carter enters a newsagent's shop or stands before a news-stand and either takes note of every word he can see printed upon the front covers of the publications there displayed, or photographs the news stand to carry out the process at leisure in his studio. These words are then compiled and laid-out upon the surface of a single painting. These paintings could again be described as a record of a moment in cultural history as displayed by the headlining words, designed to be most visible, across a fairly broad sample of mass-culture products available on a given day. However, they also cut through the sample and, in the manner of Burroughs' cut-up novels, reveal a subtle system at work in the arranging together of separate items of information in the field of vision (the suspicion that Carter had in fact discovered a system and was putting it to dastardly effect caused the painter to be detained on suspicion of being a spy during an outing in the late nineties to a news-stand to collect his source material in the manner described above). It is clear that the arrangement of information, both within a single source and between sources, be it arbitrary or deeply controlled, is vital to the way in which we, as readers, interpret meaning from the available content. Should a news-stand shelf-stacker casually place his copies of The Times in front of his copies of The Daily Star it is probable that only tiny fragments of information from the cover behind will penetrate the mind of a disinterested viewer, and his arrangement of publications will surely be self-interested in terms of his shelf-space and a product's profitability as well as being subject to his individual process of classification and a certain level of chance. A dichotomy which could be said to be the essence of human society is the struggle between ideology and its application. The process which Plato termed praxis refers to the compromise implicit in the varied interferences which arise during the actions that are necessary to turn theory into practice. Big ideas cannot always find their way into the main stream of daily life as they are simply not compatible with the pragmatic self-interested concerns of individual free citizens. For example - plans for a new wind-power station, which would power millions of homes with clean energy for decades may be overthrown due to the media-savvy protest of a handful of outraged local business owners – this type of event colours every aspect of our society. By 2004, almost a decade after beginning the newspaper paintings, Carter, realizing the wide implications of his method, turned away from the media and turned both his theoretical attention and his artistic practice to another grand monument to mankind's industry – the fabric of the city. The urban planner, or on a smaller scale the architect, is tasked with the role of constructing the built environment that our civilization demands, reconciling the top-down concerns of governmental strategies for funding and regulation with the practical demands of users on the ground. Carter's architectural paintings of the last decade return to the processes he began in the early nineties. Humbly reducing the elements in his field of vision to their constituent shapes and arrangements, Carter is engaged once again in a process of stripping back the surface noise in order to classify the structure beneath, so that over time when the noise is carefully replaced, we are better able to comprehend that upon which it hangs.

Many critics consider Richard Serra the leading sculptor of the 20th century. He is famous not only for inventing something new in sculpture (abstract sculpture compositions existed before him, having been opened by constructivist vanguard of the beginning of the 20th century). Material selections by Vladimir Tatlin and sculptures by Osip Tsadkin, as well as compositions by Henry Moor appeared before Serra. Serra is famous for transferring his works' accent from the works as they are, which could be installed in any place, to their environment. That is he saw in the sculpture a key to understanding the urban space. His crude metal sheets and profiles, rectangular and curvilinear, exceeding regular scale of sculpture, come closer to architecture. Richard Serra places them near architectural constructions as checkpoints of intermediate scale category of space located between so-called «street furniture» – lamp posts, stalls, fountains and benches – and buildings, especially huge modern ones.But the matter is not only in the scale. Serra's sculptures are not only abstract compositions that harmoniously add to the space with their spacious scale. They have some mystery, some implicit sense appearing before a pedestrian as an enigma. Their mystique opposes both street furniture and architecture. But first of all it opposes the historical sculpture with its enigma always overshadowed by historical or biographical topic. Krylov's sculpture in the Summer Garden or Minin and Pozharsky's monument on the Red Square do not strike us, because we know that those monuments are erected IN COMMEMORATION of prominent people, as fellow citizens' tribute to their great contribution to the national history. But the crude metal sheets welded at different angles – what are they for? Who needs them?As an art critic, Edward Goldman, said, fame came to Richard Serra in 1989, when the sculpture composition Tilted Arc erected eight years before it was demolished by request of the public, that did not understand its sense and was exasperated with the obvious absence of this sense. However, Serra sees his sculpture's sense not only in its filling a scale gap in the environment, but also in its instigating a man to think and to concern the environment and the space as a problem, linking this problem with a problem of human's being. Is there any other way to explain the public's indignation? Serra's sculpture compositions do not obstruct pedestrian flow and do not offend anyone's dignity or memory, do they? They act as Zen koans, as if mutely asking a spectator about the sense. Not knowing the answer, the citizen gets exasperated – not with his inability to answer, but with the sculptor (or city government), imposing this enigma to him. Only children are always happy to get an enigma. They like to train their mind in determining the sense, because they believe in the sense of being and consider themselves successors of this sense. A grown-up member of the state, both of a totalitarian one and of one with a market economy, loses this ability, believing neither in God nor in devil, neither in state officers nor in heroes. He only gets annoyed when reminded about a sense. This irritation can be explained in terms of a conflict between conviction in his right to freedom and real feeling of his fatality. He is not disposed to play with the world and the artist. He is willing only to take sedative pills, cheering drinks and all kinds of flattery. Seeing a hero made of bronze or cast iron, he feels free either to share his respect towards the hero, or to spit upon the false idol. In both cases the sense realized by him remains in his power. When this sense escapes, the illusion of his power disappears too, in other words the illusion of his rights in this world where he is kicked by those who have more power and rights.Reasoning from quite Utopian ideals of Democracy, Richard Serra believes that to train such play of mind is as necessary as to brush teeth or to button a shirt. A man with this ability not functioning falls out of the society, officially remaining its member though.But there is also another aspect – relation of such enigmas to architecture. Architecture differs from Richard Serra's sculptures not only in scale. The difference is also in the fact, that, being a plastic object like an abstract sculpture, architectural composition has social and functional status, and therefore it does not represent any special enigma. Looking at a grand construction we understand that it is a City Administration, or a Bank, or a Library, or a Museum, or… whatever having its own socially approved status and sense never doubted. So, one can treat it either with respect or with hatred, not losing the feeling of ability for sense orientation. But Serra's sculptures sometimes lead to this.Nevertheless, architecture has turned out to be sensitive to such things and it currently tries to propose an enigma to a citizen instead of suggesting its status. The Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao or the Hundertwasser Viennese House in this regard come closer to sculpture, as if crushing differences between architecture and fine arts and making needless an artistic gesture such as Serra's. The question is to what extent this architectural aping is appropriate. Or maybe it is better to leave the sense space to the sculptor, focusing on the senses peculiar to architecture, which are claimed neither by Serra nor by his possible progeny. Evidently Serra experienced those problems himself, appealing to the authorities and searching for their support. Probably he was looking for support not only as an artist in need of a client, but also as an artist confronting social determinancy of architecture in urban environment. Thus he was indirectly returning to architecture its sense space, which architecture is currently ready to play with, forgetting about its sense limits. So it is a big question: whether his sculpture does harm to architecture with its competition with the latter or releases it from plays that are not appropriate to it in order to perform its maybe more sublime mission – not only to ask but also to answer the questions on the sense of being?However, solution of this problem is to what extent architects and their clients are ready to give such answers, to what extent these answers are sincere and realistic, and to what extent the society is ready to ask itself about the sense of its own being. But it is another topic.

From the abstract: Integration and Dis-Integration or Dis-Integration and Integration or Dis-Integration and Re-Integration can be quite a word play. The Dis-Integration of the former Soviet Union (FSU) in the early 1990s marks a serious and unprecedented development in modern history. It was a break-up of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics into fifteen newly independent states. Hereby, twelve states formed the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), a structure that was to keep some order over the break-up. Three countries – the Baltics – announced their total independence and declared no will to be part of the CIS. A later Integration or Re-Integration within the CIS is being actively discussed and debated up to now. Several theories have evolved on the future of the region. Huntington's thesis predicts the 'Clash of Civilizations'. He argues that the future battle over world politics will be over religious and cultural factors. Huntington predicts a split-up of the world along religious lines. In turn, Duncan rejects religion to be a factor in the current developments of the CIS. He limits Kuzio's idea of a division between the CIS into 'radicals' and 'pragmatists' among the two groups – the 'Westernizers' and 'Slavophiles'. Duncan concludes that there is generally a shift towards pragmatism in the foreign policies of the member states of the FSU. Disillusionment with the West is widespread. Most important factors that make countries tend towards a Westernist' or Eurasianist' course are linked to ethnicity and conflict. The author views the political regime and economic reforms are less important. Other studies focus more on the relationship between Russia and the other CIS countries. Alexandrova's arguments support the trend towards pragmatism. She adds that Moscow gave up the concept of re-integration, which it was convinced of in the first years of transition. Russia's foreign policy from Yeltsin to Putin shifted from Multilateralism to Bilateralism. Russian capital, invested in the near-abroad, is seen as a strong instrument to influence other CIS states and force them to Moscow's security policy. Another -less recent- study on "Integration and Disintegration" from 1997 by authors of Brown University/U.S. and institutes from five newly independent states gives some outlook over the future ten years until 2006. Base for discussion were four rather extreme and abstract scenarios. Researchers and other experts from the region specialising in politics and security were confronted with the scenarios and asked to discuss and express their views on the future of the CIS. Economics did not play a major role in their debates over the tendencies within the region. In my work I will demonstrate that the energy sector, particularly the natural gas sector, plays an essential role in re-integrative tendencies. Logically, the largest successor of the FSU, the Russian Federation, plays a dominant role. As part of my work I will review prices for natural gas in the CIS. Applying the theory of Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) enables me to compare prices internationally. Unfortunately, the data limit allows only a rough comparison. However, it supports trends developed in prior sections of the work. A statistical analysis is not used due to the insufficient data set. The structure of my dissertation is as following: Section 2 summarizes the theoretical framework regarding integration and disintegration, based on findings of the 1997-study by authors of Brown University. In the progress of the dissertation I will illustrate that findings of the latter study are close to reality even today. After explaining the theoretical framework I will outline the hypothesis of my work. At the end of that section I will give an overview of the factors that lead to the disintegration of the Soviet Union. I will then relate the impact on the natural gas sector across the region. It is the outset on which the later work builds on. In Section 3 I will describe the creation of a new CIS market for natural gas on three levels driven by the Russian Federation. Given the fact that the natural gas industries in the CIS are mostly state regulated, shedding light upon the inter-governmental dimension will explain policies and -most importantly- Russia's motivation. What strategies has Moscow developed over the years in terms of controlling this sector? A further look at the inter-company dimension will picture the main players –large corporations- that are producing, transporting and distributing natural gas throughout the region. It will support the tendencies about Russia's role developed in the beginning of the section. That dimension will illustrate the companies' role as the players on the domestic Russian and foreign 'near-abroad' market. The third part of the section will be a basic price analysis, discussing the available data set. Do prices serve to understand evolving market mechanisms and tendencies towards re-integration within the CIS? Section 4 summarizes the findings of my work. I will put together the 'pieces' in Russia's natural gas 'puzzle'. Table of Contents: 1.INTRODUCTION7 1.1Theories7 1.2The Natural Gas Sector8 1.3Countries Covered9 1.4Data9 1.5Methodology10 1.6Plan10 2.ONE THEORY OF INTEGRATION AND DIS-INTEGRATION IN POST-SOVIET COUNTRIES11 2.1Expectations of Experts of the Various Countries12 2.1.1Georgia12 2.1.2Ukraine12 2.1.3Belarus13 2.1.4Turkmenistan14 2.1.5Kazakstan15 2.1.6Russia15 2.2A Cross-Country Picture16 2.3Relevance of the Study Regarding the Natural Gas Market17 2.4Dis-Integration of the Soviet Union and the Natural Gas Market18 3.RE-INTEGRATION OF THE CIS NATURAL GAS MARKET21 3.1Inter-Governmental Dimension21 3.1.1Grouping the Countries21 3.1.2Main CIS – Natural Gas Export Markets23 3.1.2.1Turkmenistan – Iran23 3.1.2.2Russia – South-Eastern Europe and Turkey24 3.1.2.3Russia – Europe25 3.1.2.4Russia – China28 3.1.3The Countries as 'Pieces' in Russia's Natural Gas 'Puzzle'?30 3.2The Inter-Company Dimension31 3.2.1Brief Portraits of the Players32 3.2.1.1Gazprom32 3.2.1.2Itera33 3.2.1.3The Independent Gas Producers35 3.2.1.4The Oil Companies35 3.2.2The Players Acting in the Strategic CIS36 3.2.2.1In Georgia and Turkmenistan to the South and South-West36 3.2.2.2In Turkmenistan and Kazakstan to the South-East and East38 3.2.2.3In Ukraine and Belarus for Access to the West39 3.2.3Restructuring of the Russian Monopoly41 3.2.4Changes with the Reforms42 3.3Prices44 3.3.1Data44 3.3.2Purchasing Power Parity45 3.3.3Russia's Domestic Market47 3.3.3.1A Start to Deregulate Prices48 3.3.3.2Low versus International Prices?51 3.3.4Russia's Export Market to the Near-Abroad53 3.3.4.1Comparison on FSU – Level53 3.3.4.2Comparison with Far-Abroad54 3.3.4.3Comparison with Russia's Domestic Market55 4.CONCLUSION58 5.APPENDIX61 5.1Data61 5.2Literature72

Development agencies and actors concerned with promoting sustainable development have been joined in recent years by another player - big business. Increasing adherence on the part of senior managers to concepts like corporate citizenship or corporate social responsibility suggests that this sector of business is beginning to recast its relationship with both the environment and its multiple stakeholders. This evolving situation stands in sharp contrast to the scenario of the past when big business was seen to be insensitive to the needs of certain stakeholders and responsible for much of the environmental degradation of the planet. This paper assesses the reality behind the claims of some sectors of business that an increasing number of large firms are adopting policies and practices conducive to the promotion of sustainable development, particularly in developing countries. After describing various institutional developments that have occurred in the 1990s and that appear to be promoting corporate social and environmental responsibility, the paper assesses the current state of play, highlighting in particular the incipient and piecemeal nature of change. It goes on to examine whether there are forces or an enabling environment in place that might permit a scaling up of initiatives associated with corporate responsibility. Some of the more powerful forces that drive corporate responsibility are identified. The question of why some sectors of business are changing reveals an answer that has less to do with a new-found ethical concern among corporate executives for the environmental and social condition of the planet, than with economic, political and structural factors. These include so-called "win-win" opportunities, the possibility of enhancing competitive advantage, "reputation management", pressure group and consumer politics, regulation or the threat of regulation, and changes in the way production and marketing are being organized globally. While such "drivers" may encourage corporations to be more responsive to environmental and social concerns, it is argued that the process of change is likely to remain fairly fragmented, spread unevenly in terms of companies, countries and sectors, and, from the perspective of sustainable development, fraught with contradictions. What amounts to a fairly minimalist and uneven agenda is not simply a reflection of the fact that the process of change is of recent origin; it also derives from the way in which companies choose to respond to the economic, political and structural drivers of change - responses that often involve imagery, public relations and relatively minor adjustments in management systems and practices, as opposed to significant changes in the social and environmental impact of a company's activities. The final section of the paper reflects on how trends associated with corporate environmental and social responsibility might be both scaled up and "deepened", so that business can make a more meaningful contribution to sustainable development. It begins by considering whether the dominant approach that is currently in vogue centred on the promotion of "voluntary initiatives" and "partnerships" is likely to be effective. While there are important benefits that can derive from such institutional arrangements, there may also be a considerable downside that is often overlooked. The success of many voluntary initiatives requires a certain institutional setting - for example, basic laws related to disclosure and freedom of information, watchdog institutions and strong civil society movements. Such conditions may be weak or absent in many countries. Furthermore, certain initiatives, such as codes of conduct and certification systems, have often been designed by Northern actors, be they governments, NGOs or corporate interests. Southern governments and NGOs are often marginalized in the decision-making processes that affect them. Too often, voluntary initiatives are held up as substitutes for government regulation when in fact various forms of legislation and state sanctions are often what motivated such initiatives in the first place and are crucial for their success. Despite the obvious appeal of the pragmatic and co-operative features of "partnerships", involving, for example, business and United Nations agencies or NGOs, serious questions are raised about their impact. Of particular concern are issues related to the weak criteria often used by United Nations and other organizations to select corporate partners, the way in which more critical voices are silenced as NGOs and United Nations agencies get closer to business, and the problem of "institutional capture" as business comes to exercise influence over decision-making processes associated with the public sphere. Perhaps the most significant concern with some forms of voluntary initiatives and partnerships is that they may serve to weaken key drivers of corporate responsibility - namely government regulation, collective bargaining and certain forms of civil society activism. If one examines the history of corporate environmental and social responsibility, and some of the major reforms of corporate policies and practices, one or a combination of these factors has been crucial. The paper ends with a call for "rethinking regulation and partnerships". There is potentially an important role for certain forms of "co-regulation". These may involve, for example, so-called "negotiated agreements" between government and business, and "civil regulation", where NGOs, consumers and trade unions have considerable influence in determining the standards and norms shaping business relations with society and the environment. Key to the success of co-regulation are not only the "softed" features of dialogue and compromise, but also the "hard" ones of government sanctions; laws related to disclosure and freedom of information, freedom of association and collective bargaining; and various forms of civil society protest. To avoid the ongoing proliferation of weak codes of conduct and certification and reporting systems, it is important that there be some degree of harmonization and adherence to higher standards. This implies a greater role for international codes and frameworks, which use as benchmarks internationally agreed standards contained or implied in such documents as Agenda 21 and ILO and human rights conventions. There should also be a greater role for "independent verification" of codes of conduct, environmental management systems and UN-business partnerships. Greater attention needs to be paid, however, to the status or legitimacy of the verifiers. Rethinking partnerships involves not only addressing the concerns raised above, but also recognizing the need to build a stronger civil society movement for change by strengthening links between environmentalists, consumer groups, social-interest NGOs and trade unions.

[ES] Historia del ático a través de sus inscripciones, II. El propósito de este y subsiguientes artículos es presentar un esbozo de la evolución del ático a base del testimonio de los cambios lingüísticos que detectamos en los documentos epigráficos redactados en este dialecto. Son especialmente interesantes los cambios que se producen en las fórmulas de un determinado tipo o especie, pues hay que tener en cuenta que las fórmulas son de por sí proclives al conservadurismo y recogen las innovaciones lingüísticas bastante tarde. El tipo de inscripción es muy importante a efectos de la datación basada en la lengua: por ejemplo, en un mismo año, 423-2 a. J. C , nos topamos, en dos inscripciones de especie diferente, con sendas desinencias de dativo de plural de la primera declinación diferentes también: -aisi en jiliaisi y -ais en jiliais. Siguiendo los testimonios de las inscripciones, podemos reconstruir la evolución de determinados procesos, como, p. ej., la reducción de la desinencia de dativo de plural de los temáticos -oisi a -ois, en el que la influencia del artículo parece clara tanto en ático como en otros dialectos. Pero además, en una misma inscripción pueden aparecer, una junto a la otra, la vieja y la nueva forma de una misma entidad lingüística, lo que es consecuencia de los diferentes niveles implicados en la inscripción. P. ej., en IG I3 40 leemos AZEnaioisin y AZEnaiois, hsummahos y sun-, pero en distintos contextos: las formas citadas en primer lugar aparecen en fórmulas de juramento; las citadas en segundo término pertenecen al lenguaje de las propuestas de los políticos. El alto nivel del ático, empleado en literatura, estaba fuertemente jonizado, lo que no deja de ser normal dada la fuerte influencia que sobre el ático había ejercido el prestigioso jónico, que desde muy temprano se había convertido en lengua literaria y de cultura. Pero a partir de mediados del siglo V a. J. C , el ático de las inscripciones empieza a sentir la influencia del ático de alto nivel: la terminación de tercera persona de plural de imperativo -oszon es sustituida por -eszon y el típico sintagma para decir «no menos», no menor, me olejon, es remplazado por me elatton. Otros rasgos delatores de este mismo proceso son: el más amplio y frecuente uso de perífrasis, la extensión de la -K del sigular de determinados aoristos al plural y al dual (p. ej. paredokamen) o la presencia de la terminación -san en formas de la tercera persona de plural del imperativo (p. ej. kazelontosan), rasgos todos ellos que eran, antes de pasar a las inscripciones, típicos del nivel alto del ático y que, un siglo más tarde se convertirán en característicos de las inscripciones y la literatura compuestas ya en griego helenístico. Los datos que nos van ofreciendo las inscripciones áticas nos permiten contemplar la evolución del ático «epicórico» al griego helenístico, un proceso en cuyo punto medio hay que situar la fuerte influencia ejercida por el ático de alto nivel sobre el ático de las inscripciones. ; [EN] The history of Attic following its inscriptions, II. The aim of this and the next papers concerning this same subject is to sketch the development of Attic calling to witness the changes in the forms of expression detected in the different types of epigraphical documents which were written in this dialect. As particularly helpful for this purpose, we will take into account the changes which took place in the wellknown formulas which tend to be repeated, in a more or less set form, in inscriptions of the same kind. The starting point of my research is the worth noting fact that in one and the same year (423-2 B. C.) in Attic inscriptions we find two forms of the first declension dative of plural, one ending in -aisi in jiliaisi and the other ending in -ais in jiliais. Consequently we are constraint to take into account the different kind of documents in which those features of Attic are found. Following the traces on the inscriptions, we are able to reconstruct the evolution of the ending -oisi to -ois, that can be explained as resulting from the influence exerted by the article form tois upon the names ending in -oten, the same evolution that took place in other Greek dialects, as, for instance, in Cretan. We often find in the same Attic inscription old and new forms of the same item side by side. For instance, in 40 we find AZEnaioisin y AZEnaiois, hsummahos and sun-. These differences are to be explained taking into account the presence in the above mentioned inscription of two different linguistic levels, an old one corresponding to the formulaic Attic employed in oaths, curses and imprecations, and another kind of Attic, freeer and not so conservative, used by the politicians as they put forth their proposals. The high level of Attic, employed in literature, is a kind of Attic strongly influenced by Ionic, a dialect that had become a literary language and an instrument of scientific analysis before the end of the fifth century B. C, the date in which the masterpieces of Attic prose began to be written. So there are clear differences between some features of this high level Attic and the corresponding in the inscriptional Attic we are dealing with. Under the influence of this high level Attic several characteristic traits of the inscriptional Attic already begin to fade out by the middle of the fifth century B. C , as can be shown by the disappearance of the imperative ending -oszon and the expression me olejon frequently used in old inscriptions, that are replaced respectively by -eszon and me elatton, more akin forms to those employed in high Attic. The same can be said concerning the wider use of periphrasis, or the extension of -K to plural, dual and middle voice in some athematic aorists as, for instance, paredokamen, or the presence of the ending -san in forms of the plural third person of imperative as kazelontosan, that were formerly features of literary Attic and a century later became characteristic features of the inscriptions and literature composed in Hellenistic Greek. So, the evidence of the inscriptions and the inferences that can be drawn from their data point out to an evolution from Attic to Hellenistic Greek passing through a vigorous influence exerted by the high Attic upon inscriptional Attic.