Suchergebnisse

The aim of this thesis is to show that the regulation of the labour market during the period of the reconstruction in lorraine (1944-1953), did not allow to solve contradictions between the practices of the access to employment, and the development of the work paid such as it was planned. This logic of growth is pulled about between the policies of reforms, industrialization, and the inertia caused by the various forms of shortage. The first part of the thesis presents an immediate post-war period during which the people of lorraine were confronted to a reduced application for a job, whereas, since 1944, the public power has set up measures of regulation of the labour market to found a policy of work and employment. The latter results in measures of objective right intended to frame the wage labour nexus, in the interest of the worker, and to direct the labour within the framework of the modernization envisaged by the "plan monnet". However, the limits of these measures appear quickly and contribute to consolidate imbalances already present in the wage labour nexus. The second part of the thesis, which covers the period 1947-1953, shows that imbalances in the wage labour nexus are also inherent with a rationing of the labour market in lorraine in which coexist deficit of labour and unemployment. If the first one is compensated by the importation of foreign labour, the second one is not really reduced. This one preserves a latent character, more especially as the policy of the employers of heavy industry is keeps directed towards the stabilization of manpower, whereas the prospects for the common market of steel and coal open and will be effective in 1953 ; L'objectif de cette thèse est de montrer que la régulation du marché du travail pendant la reconstruction en Lorraine (1944-1953), n'a pas permis de résoudre les contradictions entre les pratiques de l'accès à l'emploi, et le développement du travail salarié tel qu'il était prévu. Cette logique est tiraillée entre les politiques de réformes, ...

Defence date: 10 November 2006 ; Examining Board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini (University of Bologna, Supervisor) ; Prof. Richard Katz (Johns Hopkins University) ; Prof. Peter Mair (European University Institute) ; Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter (European University Institute, Professorial Fellow) ; First made available online on 27 May 2016. ; The thesis offers a theoretical clarification of the concept of political competition and an empirical study of one of its defining dimensions, namely contestability. In the first part, the relevant literature is subjected to a critical review with an eye to arriving at a model of competition suited to an empirical study of its effects. The model proposed focusses attention on the incentives political actors aspiring to positions of power have to win votes. Two dimensions are singled out as crucial for such incentives. The first is the degree of contestability. That is, how open the political arena is to the entry of new competitors. The second dimension, vulnerability, addresses how closely incumbent governments are faced with the threat of losing office. The second, and main part of the thesis, is devoted to the empirical study of contestability by examining the barriers to entry for new parties in 21 democracies. Four barriers are identified and measured in turn. The first two determine access to competition for votes. The Registration barrier captures the costs of participation, while the Recognition barrier tries to identify costs and opportunities involved in becoming known to the public. Unlike the other barriers, several indicators are proposed to capture it. The next two determine the difficulties involved in winning seats. The Representation barrier measures this by the properties of the electoral system, while the Accessibility barrier takes the interaction of electoral behaviour and the electoral system into account. Finally, the individual and combined strength of each of the barriers to entry are investigated on the number of new parties entering. The results suggest that the relative importance of the barriers varies considerably, but also that they together explain a considerable amount of variation in the entry of new parties. The implications of the findings are finally evaluated in light of competitive theory.

Cuatomary tenure, mingled with state law and occasional private titling, continue predominantly to govern African rural and forest lands. This is in spite of evolutionist theories that predicted its demise and colonial and post-colonial policies that tried actively to accelerate it. The chapter develops an anthropological conceptualization of the institutions of embedded tenure. With examples from Africa and various part of the world, the authors highlight the factors that account for the flexibility, adaptibility and resilience of this type of system. Embedded tenure has been able to cope with economic stress and hostile policies because of the unique way in which it nests private entitlements into the commons, and both of them into collective property and long-lasting social institutions. Two philosophical principles giving rise to three constitutional rights and four appropriations regimes make up its structure, while dynamic access and transformation rules govern the interlocking and transmutations of appropriation regimes across space and time. This opens three specific paths of agricultural change as well profuse right delegation and land transaction procedures. These have helped the system adapt to changing economic, demographic and social conditions since at least the 19th century. Reductionist economic analyses of non-market systems, includingn property rights, kinship, common property and non-wage systems contributed to relegating the most innovative aspects of these systems in the limbo of imperfect markets. More interested in "crafted" institutions, the CPR literature also failed to see or emphasize the theoritical and policy implications of the nesting of appropriation regimes in embedded tenure. Other analyses have tended to overemphasize the controversial role of traditional authority at the expense of a deeper institutional analysis of the embedded system. The chapter highlights the numerous policy mistakes that can derive from these forms of reductions. The authors conclude that to disentangle African forest policies from the social costs and inefficiencies of the past, it is necessary to integrate the complexity and validity of embedded tenure institutions and their demonstrated ability to adapt to legal pluralism and commodity markets.

The occasion of honouring the memory of John Brooks, a great friend of
Latin America, has helped me vanquish my initial reluctance to tackle a
topic that is as broad, varied and still open-ended as the present situation
of democracy in South America. As a first measure of my limitations, with
the exception of some references to Costa Rica and Mexico, I will not
discuss Central America and the Caribbean, not because I feel these
regions are unimportant but because, simply, I do not know enough
about them. However, when I feel that I am on sufficiently solid ground
so as to refer to Latin America as a whole, I will do so.I begin by noting that in contemporary South America some countries
satisfy the definition of political democracy. Those countries share two
main characteristics. One is that they hold elections under universal adult
franchise that, at least at the national level, are reasonably fair and
competitive. These are standard criteria in the political science literature.
However, having in mind the experience of Latin America and elsewhere
in the third world, I believe that we should add that such elections must
be institutionalised. By this I mean that all relevant actors expect that
elections of this kind will continue being held in the indefinite future so,
whether they like or not, it is rational for them to play democracy, not
coup-making or insurrection. We should also stipulate that these elections
are decisive, in the sense that those who are elected do occupy the
respective offices and end their terms in the constitutionally prescribed
way; they are not, as it has happened too often in Latin America,
prevented from occupying office or thrown out of it because some supra-constitutional power feels that they are the 'wrong people'.The second characteristic is the enjoyment of certain political rights,
especially of opinion, expression, association, movement and access to
a reasonably free and pluralist media. Of course, these and other rights
are important per se; in addition, they are instrumental – necessary
conditions – for the effectuation of the kind of elections I have just
specified.

The U.S. Department of Defense originally designed the Internet to increase the productivity of government workers and it has now become an enormous opportunity for businesses to advertise, correspond with clients, order from suppliers, and conduct many other business functions at minimal cost. The Internet has achieved faster acceptance by Americans than any other previous technologies and businesses are already discovering that the Web is having a profound impact on how they conduct business. Conservative estimates are for Internet retail sales to reach $7 billion by the year 2000, and some respected analysts predict it to grow to $100 billion over the next five to eight years. As with any new initiative, there are costs, benefits, and risks associated with the undertaking. Anyone who wishes to maintain a Web site on the Internet can do so at a modest cost, or in some cases at no cost. One of the many benefits to be gained from placing a company on the Internet such as gaining access to the World Wide Web (WWW). The WWW gives anyone who is connected the ability to communicate with distant computers all over the world and provides the benefit of being able to send and receive electronic mail (E-mail). While there are a number of different risks incurred when a company establishes a Web site and goes on the Internet the biggest concern, by far, is security. When a company installs a Web server at their site, they open a window into their local network that the entire Internet can peer through. These substantial risks notwithstanding, the Internet provides an opportunity that business cannot afford to pass up. The number of companies that have already taken advantage of the Internet and the rapid increase in the number of Internet users has fueled a phenomenal growth in electronic commerce. The Internet provides an excellent opportunity to increase sales at a lower marginal cost than was possible before. Companies that pass up this tremendous opportunity will probably not survive in the 21st century competitive climate.

A review essay on books by (1) Valerie Bunce, Subversive Institutions: The Design and Destruction of Socialism and the State (Cambridge: Cambridge U Press, 1999); (2) Karen Dawisha & Bruce Parrott (Eds), Democratization and Authoritarianism in Postcommunist Societies: Vol. 1: The Consolidation of Democracy in East-Central Europe; Vol. 2: Politics, Power, and the Struggle for Democracy in South-East Europe; Vol. 3: Democratic Changes and Authoritarian Reactions in Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova; Vol. 4: Conflict, Cleavage, and Change in Central Asia and the Caucasus (Cambridge: Cambridge U Press, 1997); (3) Richard Sakwa, Postcommunism (Buckingham & Philadelphia: Open U Press, 1999); & (4) Daniel S. Treisman, After the Deluge: Regional Crises and Political Consolidation in Russia (Ann Arbor: U Michigan Press, 1999). A decade after the end of European & Eurasian communism, the once acrimonious debates between "area studies" & "the discipline" have largely subsided. Access to archives, survey data, & political elites has allowed Eastern European countries to be treated as normal arenas of research. Recent work by both younger & established scholars has made serious contributions not only to the understanding of postcommunism but also to broader research questions about the political economy of reform, federalism, transitional justice, & nationalism & interethnic relations. The key issue for students of postcommunism is explaining the highly variable paths that Eastern European & Eurasian states have taken since 1989. Compared with the relative homogeneity of outcomes in earlier transitions in southern Europe & Latin America -- extrication from previous regimes followed by long periods of consolidation -- the record in the East looks profoundly more varied: a handful of successful transitions & easy consolidations, several incomplete transitions, a few transitions followed by reversion to authoritarian politics, even some transitions that never really began at all. The works under review point scholars toward the study of the institutional legacies of state socialism: the "subversive institutions" of the communist state, the institutional dimensions of ethnic solidarity & mobilization, & the emerging patterns of interinstitutional bargaining in the first years of postcommunism. Adapted from the source document.

Includes bibliographical references (p. [165]-166) and index ; Hong Kong is frequently acclaimed as being the most open and business user friendly environment in the world. However, it is often forgotten or overlooked that this paragon of capitalism is founded, and indeed underpinned, by a socialist leasehold land tenure system. As the government is landlord to virtually all land in the Special Administrative Region, it plays a pivotal role in the administration of this scarce and therefore valuable resource. The purpose of this book is to explain both the historical development and current practice of land administration. It should therefore be of interest not only to students and practitioners of surveying, architecture, planning and law, but also to the wider business and financial community ; published_or_final_version ; Preface ; Introduction ; Appendices p119 ; Glossary p163 ; Bibliography p165 ; Index p167 ; Sect. I.Historical Development of Land Administration ; Sect. II.Present-Day Land Administration ; Sect. III.Land Administration Problems and Practice Associated With the New Territories ; Land Administration Office Practice and Information Notes p161 ; 1 The First Land Sales, 1841-1842 p3 ; 2 The Early Years, 1843-1898 p9 ; 3 1989 Onwards - The New Territories Lease p17 ; 4 The Sino-British Joint Declaration 1984 and Basic Law 1990 p27 ; 5 Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government p37 ; 6 Economic Background and Land Needs p45 ; 7 Lands Department Functions Under Administrative Law p49 ; 8 Land Exchange and Lease Modifications p63 ; 9 Development Control in Older Lease Conditions p73 ; 10 Access Arrangements and Rights of Way p81 ; 11 Town Planning Controls and Development Restrictions in Lease Conditions p83 ; 12 Land Management and Lease Enforcement p89 ; 13 Land Exchange Entitlements (Also Known as Letters A/ B) p99 ; 14 Small House Policy [actual symbol not reproducible] and the 300-Foot Rule p105 ; 15 Limitations Ordinance and Adverse Possession p109 ; 16 Tsos and Tongs and Their Impact on Land Assembly p111 ; 17 Succession p113 ; 18 Fung Shui [actual symbol not reproducible] and Graves p115 ; 19 Boundary Disputes, Missing Lots and Missing Documents p117

The estuarine set bagnet communities are amongst the poorest rural communities in Bangladesh. An already difficult existence has been exacerbated by recent natural disasters and apparent declines in fish stock. In addition, they are socially and politically isolated from the mainstream of rural life, often coming from ethnic minorities and dependent on marketing channels that are dominated by the urban and rural elite. This report presents the findings of a year-long study of three set bagnet communities that arose from planners' fears that intervention in such marginalised communities would exacerbate rather than assist the fisherfolk's situation. The communities are from three different religious and ethnic groups in different parts of eastern Bangladesh. The findings show the intricate web of social and economic factors that hinder economic development. Lack of access to capital is a major issue. Most of the available credit is linked to the marketing of high-value fish during certain seasons. Consequently, external financing is channelled through boat captains and owners, excluding women and poorer men from directly accessing loans. Furthermore, for much of the year, when the value of the catch is insufficient for large traders, credit is unavailable. In recent years NGOs have tried to address this situation, but the results to date are mixed. The study has identified any of the features of the fisherfolk's lives that serve as opportunities and constraints to such outside assistance. It shows that there are no magic solutions, but only slow, persistent and socially sensitive responses which might release some of the present pressures and open up possibilities for the future. The report is primarily intended for use by the ODA Bay of Bengal Post-harvest Fisheries Project, and articles on specific aspects of the study are being published elsewhere. However, the report, and especially its final section (Conclusions), will also be of use to fisheries policy makers and development practitioners who need to increase their understanding of the complexity of coastal fishing communities and the implications for development work.

Theoretically, land policy is presented as a necessary intervention by governments in order to iron out the inefficiencies inherent in land markets. The result would be a smooth working urban land market, yielding an equitable and efficient land use structure. In practice though, land policy is part and parcel, and, indeed, a paradigm of the wiser issues of governance. Historically, land policy has been used to serve colonial interests; to achieve segregation between social groups in society; to justify and concretise exploitation and social inequalities; and to allocate wealth, power, and privilege. Laws can be passed, or inappropriate laws upheld by those who control land policy to help them benefit from this policy rather than meet the perceived ends of society. This study surveys the impacts of various tools of land policy on the land use structure of Dar es Salaam, over a period spanning a century from the 1890s. At no time has land policy been found to have aimed at smoothening the workings of the urban land market. Throughout, land policy has been found to have been geared to serving colonial interests, and the interests of government officials and politicians. The result has been an inefficient and inequitable land use structure for Dar es Salaam characterized by social segregation, land grabbing and hoarding, urban sprawl, poor land servicing, prevalent squartting, unequal access to planned and serviced land, violation of land use regulations, disregard of public interests in land use (e.g. diminution of public open spaces and hazard lands). Government intervention inland markets through land policy is seen as necessary, but past policies are seen as having been inappropriate since they are shown to have been geared towards perpetuating inequality and privilege. A new approach to land policy has beentherefore called for. Recommendations put forward for this new land policy include: The returning of land policy so that in principle and practice land policy addresses and caters for the interests of the ...

Theoretically, land policy is presented as a necessary intervention by governments in order to iron out the inefficiencies inherent in land markets. The result would be a smooth working urban land market, yielding an equitable and efficient land use structure. In practice though, land policy is part and parcel, and, indeed, a paradigm of the wiser issues of governance. Historically, land policy has been used to serve colonial interests; to achieve segregation between social groups in society; to justify and concretise exploitation and social inequalities; and to allocate wealth, power, and privilege. Laws can be passed, or inappropriate laws upheld by those who control land policy to help them benefit from this policy rather than meet the perceived ends of society. This study surveys the impacts of various tools of land policy on the land use structure of Dar es Salaam, over a period spanning a century from the 1890s. At no time has land policy been found to have aimed at smoothening the workings of the urban land market. Throughout, land policy has been found to have been geared to serving colonial interests, and the interests of government officials and politicians. The result has been an inefficient and inequitable land use structure for Dar es Salaam characterized by social segregation, land grabbing and hoarding, urban sprawl, poor land servicing, prevalent squatting, unequal access to planned and serviced land, violation of land use regulations, disregard of public interests in land use (e.g. diminution of public open spaces and hazard lands). Government intervention inland markets through land policy is seen as necessary, but past policies are seen as having been inappropriate since they are shown to have been gearedtowards perpetuating inequality and privilege. A new approach to land policy has been therefore called for. Recommendations put forward for this new land policy include: The returning of land policy so that in principle and practice land policy addresses and caters for the interests of the ...

Some issues arising from a policy-oriented res project carried out by the authors in the field of race relations are discussed. The project involved findings on shortcomings & dilemmas re lack of adequate & the concentration of existing housing for colored immigrants in the UK. While a policy of dispersal is indicated, the question is raised whether immigrants want to be dispersed, what choice can be exercised in a situation of acute housing shortage, & whether attempts at integrating the white & colored We in council housing would not produce undue conflict. Where provision is scarce & competition rife, the scene is set for extensive racial hostility. Within a class group, the position of the white worker is enhanced relative to the black worker by actions & att's that are racially discriminatory. The voluntary/involuntary, latent/expressed nature of 'choice' in relation to the market commodity of housing is pointed out. Res, instead of concentrating on group or individual preferences, should start by analyzing the system of constraints, both conflicting & reinforcing, into which individuals fit. Access to resources is structured by diff'ial power within a pol'al system which is to some extent legitimated through law & ideology. If a conflict approach is to be adopted in a study of the dispersal of colored immigrants, there is need to specify very closely just in what ways conflict Is occurring, between whom & with what result. The author's present housing res aims to discover who the crucial interest groups are who are competing for the scarce resource of housing; over which segment of the housing market there is most competition; & what effect this has on limiting aspirations & preference. In addition, the focus is on whether there is any unitary status valuation of housing types shared by all or whether certain groups reject such a unitary status valuation. Conflict is built into the relations between diff strata, & with dispersal of colored people this conflict may become more marked & open. M. Maxfield.

The US & Brazil are compared re the powers invested in the presidency, the legislature & the legislative process, public admin, the courts, & pressure groups. It is found that the Brazilian President has more powers & that Brazilian military org is highly pol'al & a president cannot survive without accommodating it. The Brazilian President has greater patronage power which makes him the more powerful party leader; & he is more critical toward the Brazilian legislative process than the US president is toward that of the US. In Brazil, the legislative process is controlled & dominated by the party leaders, the parliamentary leaders of the mesa (admin'ive body of the legislature which also controls the agenda), the chairmen of the standing committees, & the 1-man sub-committees of the standing committees. The Brazilian admin'ive system suffers from lack of central direction & from excessive agency autonomy without adequate control & responsibility. Brazil, as the US, has a pol'al system with multiple points of access. The Brazilian legislature is relatively open to pressure-group claims, but interest groups are notably absent. The history, org'al structure, & functions of an interest group whose goals are essentially pol'al is examined: the Instituto de Pesquisas Estudos Sociais-Guanabara (Instit for Soc & Gov Res Studies). The contributions made by this group to the March Revolution of 1964 are considered. It is demonstrated that this org represents something new in the decision-making process in Brazil. The growth of such groups has been stimulated by the ubiquitous reach of the federal gov, the artificial character of the sindicatos, & the loose & irresponsible party system of the country. There are other business groups that now operate in the Brazilian pol'al system, eg, the Grupo Executivo das Industrias Mecanicas (Executive Group of the Mechanical Industries). As the country develops econ'ly & its pol'al system becomes less authoritarian, the N & importance of the groups in the pol'al system will increase. Much more res is still needed for an adequate group analysis of the Brazilian pol'al scene, particularly re business, labor, agri'al groups, women's org's, & their operations in all sections of Brazilian society. 1 Diagram. M. Maxfield.

-- Report of proceedings at the deputation of members of Parliament received by the Right Hon. A.J. Balfour, First Lord of the Treasury and Acting Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, on Thursday, April 28, 1898, at the Foreign Office -- Report of proceedings at the Conference between members of the House of Commons and a deputation from the Anti-bounty League held on Thursday, March 10, 1898, in Committee Room no. 14, House of Commons -- The truth about the Foreign Sugar Bounties : the case for abolition / summarised by Mayson M. Beeton. ; -- The "Open door" for British sugar industries in British markets : the case for action summarised in the speeches delivered at the public meeting held at Cannon Street Hotel, January 9, 1899, and at public meeting held at Birmingham, December 12, 1898, with introductory review, "The Brussels Conference-and after?" -- The bitter cry of the West Indies : a report of the proceedings at the Conference of Delegates, representing the chief West Indian Colonies, held at Bridgetown, Barbados, September 3rd, 1898 -- The present position of Our West Indian Colonies : a paper read before the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, December 10th, 1900 / by Sir Nevile Lubbock -- Our West Indian Colonies : a retrospect of the past, a survey of the present, and a plea for justice in the future : a paper read before the Royal Colonial Institute, March 8th, 1808 / by George Carrington -- Official report of the discussion on sugar bounties at the Fourth Congress of Chambers of Commerce of the Empire, held in London, June, 1900 -- Twenty years of sugar bounties : the moral of the "Policy of Inaction", as pointed in speeches delivered in the debate on the Indian countervailing duties act in the House of Commons, June 15th, 1899 ; The Brussels Convention and free trade / speeches delivered by Earl Spencer and Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman -- Notes and speakers on the sugar question -- Sugar Convention fallacies : an exposure / by George Mathieson -- Sugar bounties and the convention : an address delivered at The Constitutional Club, February 1, 1905 / by Sir Edward Clarke -- The results of the Sugar Convention / by G.H. Perris ; Mode of access: Internet.

[ES]El objeto del reside en la investigación de las repercusiones de la igualdad en el acceso a la función pública, en el contexto de los Derechos español y brasileño vigentes. Tras la decisión acerca del objeto del trabajo, se ha tenido la necesidad de delimitación del estudio. En este aspecto, se ha reducido la investigación a la igualdad en el acceso a la función pública a través de procesos selectivos de carácter abierto y meritorio para plazas de funcionarios de carrera, realizados bajo las normas generales vigentes en España y en Brasil. Se ha partido la investigación de un análisis multidisciplinar y comparativo del tema. Respecto a la multidisciplinaridad, en la elaboración de la tesis, se ha tenido la preocupación con las aportaciones históricas, sociológicas, políticas, administrativas y jurídicas, ya que la comprensión de las complejidades del entorno que caracteriza la actividad seleccionadora de cada Estado exige la aportación de datos que provienen de las citadas disciplinas. La contribución de la historia se puede percibir en el estudio de la evolución de las formas de acceso a la función pública, especialmente a través del análisis de los modelos de Administración Pública. Respecto al aporte de estudios sociológicos, cabe destacar el examen de la relación entre acceso meritorio a la función pública y prevención de la corrupción. A su vez, como ejemplo de aportación de la política a la tesis, puede ser citado el estudio de la democracia participativa, en la cual el acceso a la función pública está incluido como modalidad de participación del ciudadano en la actividad administrativa. También cabe subrayar que en el curso del trabajo, han sido realizadas críticas a determinadas concepciones de los modelos selectivos utilizados en España y en Brasil, oportunidad en que han sido sugeridos cambios en el sentido de convertir la selección en una actividad administrativa más eficaz. Pese a la relevancia de los citados estudios para la construcción de la tesis, su gran reto ha residido en el análisis jurídico del Derecho Positivo, de la doctrina y de la jurisprudencia de España y de Brasil. Así, se llega a la segunda característica de la metodología del presente trabajo: el análisis comparativo. Si el estudio de uno de los referidos sistemas jurídicos ya traería dificultades, estas se potencializan en la investigación comparativa de ambos. A los naturales peligros del estudio de dos ordenamientos jurídicos, se puede añadir el hecho de que uno de ellos ya era conocido (el brasileño), mientras el otro, en el primer momento, era una incógnita (el español). Desde el primer momento, se ha considerado que, pese a los distintos grados de desarrollo legislativo de cada país, y a las circunstancias históricas, políticas y económicas peculiares a cada realidad social, el intercambio de experiencias entre dos sistemas jurídicos puede ser una valiosa herramienta para que haya la realización de los máximos efectos posibles de la igualdad en el acceso a la función pública. En este contexto, se ha podido demostrar las muchas posibilidades de aportaciones de la jurisprudencia y legislación españolas al derecho brasileño, como de las experiencias administrativas e investigaciones brasileñas al derecho español ; [EN]The purpose of the research lies in the impact of equal access to public service in the context of the current Spanish and Brazilian rights. Following the decision about the object of work, there has been the need for demarcation of the study. In this regard, research has been reduced to equal access to public through an open selection processes and places worthy for civil servants, conducted under the general rules in Spain and Brazil. We have started the investigation of a multidisciplinary and comparative analysis of the topic. Regarding the multidisciplinarity, the development of the thesis has been concerned with the historical contributions, sociological, political, administrative and legal, as the understanding of the complexities of the environment that characterized the activity selected from each state requires the contribution Data from the following disciplines. The contribution history can be seen in the study of the evolution of forms of access to the public, especially through the analysis of models of public administration. Regarding the contribution of sociological studies include examining the relationship between access to public service merit and prevention of corruption. In turn, as an example of policy contribution to the thesis, can be cited the study of participatory democracy, in which access to the public is included as a form of citizen participation in administrative activity. It should also be noted that in the course of work, criticisms have been made to certain conceptions of selective models used in Spain and Brazil, at which have been suggested changes in the way of making the selection in a more efficient administrative activity. Despite the importance of such studies for the construction of the thesis, its biggest challenge has resided in the legal analysis of positive law, doctrine and jurisprudence of Spain and Brazil. So, you get to the second feature of the methodology of this study: comparative analysis. If the study of one of those legal systems and would bring difficulties, these are potentially embedded in comparative research on both. In the natural hazards of the study of two legal systems, you can add the fact that one of them was already known (Brazilian), while the other, at first, was a mystery (Spanish). From the outset, it seemed that despite the different degrees of legislative developments in each country, and historical circumstances, economic policies and social reality peculiar to each, the exchange of experiences between two legal systems can be a valuable tool for there is the realization of the maximum possible effects of equal access to public service. In this context, it has failed to demonstrate the many potential contributions of case law and legislation Spanish Brazilian law, as administrative and research experience in Brazil to Spanish law