Suchergebnisse

Durante el gobierno del presidente Jorge Alessandri Rodríguez se dictó, en 1959, el Decreto con Fuerza de Ley Nº2, "instrumento legal destinado a movilizar, encauzar y fomentar los recursos estatales e institucionales, el ahorro y el crédito público y privado en favor de la vivienda popular". La Corporación de Vivienda (CORVI) asume la acción técnica y ejecutiva de esta legislación y se convierte en la encargada de poner en práctica el Plan Habitacional Chileno. La serie de proyectos desarrollados por la Corvi ejemplifican las líneas programáticas que dicha Corporación desarrollo a lo largo de todo Chile. No sólo se intento renovar el parque residencial, a través de las políticas impulsadas por el gobierno, si no que también se intentaron establecer pautas que dieran orientación en la planificación y desarrollo del crecimiento de las ciudades. Para poder contextualizar estas estrategias aplicadas por la CORVI, la Tesis analizará todos los grandes proyectos de vivienda desarrollados en Santiago de Chile. La gran mayoría de las intervenciones utilizan construcciones en forma de bloques lineales. Ellos sintetizan el trabajo realizado por la Corvi durante dos décadas en la aplicación de este tipo de estrategias urbanas (1953 – 1970). Las obras, en su análisis, ejemplifican un concepto: "el proyecto como parte de la ciudad". Las obras seleccionadas no se muestran como obras autónomas sino como un sistema de proyectos que buscan recuperar áreas de la ciudad y de su conjunto. Los casos seleccionados son las Unidades Vecinales Portales, Exequiel Gonzalez Cortes (Villa Olímpica), Villa Presidente Frei y el primer prototipo de Remodelación, la Remodelación Republica, todos desarrollados entre los años 1953 y 1970. Cada uno se inserta en un área de ciudad degradada o en proceso de consolidación urbana y responde con un planteamiento propio. Pero en todos se estudia la relación del conjunto con su entorno, de acuerdo con una idea de ciudad. En ellos se desarrollan estrategias que corrigen patologías propias del lugar, o bien establecen pautas para la consolidación del área de ciudad donde se emplazan. Esta variable urbana es, por tanto, no sólo una componente importante de cómo se plantea cada proyecto, sino que refleja una idea de ciudad. El proyecto no se entiende como un objeto, sino como un sistema enlazado a una trama urbana existente. Este conjunto de obras responde a una necesidad de grado superior a la de generar vivienda, responde a la necesidad de hacer ciudad, y cada obra experimenta métodos diferenciados de recomposición urbana. Cada obra establece una estrategia propia de gradación en la escala urbana del proyecto, que, a su vez, se vincula a los requerimientos técnicos y espaciales de la vivienda. El campo de estudio se cierra con el proyecto Remodelación República, ya que en las siguientes Remodelaciones se disocian roles. El planteamiento urbanístico es desarrollado por los organismos del estado, que, al entregar en cada nueva obra un master plan previo, limitan el trabajo de los arquitectos a la resolución del edificio, es decir al objeto arquitectónico como elemento autónomo. La tesis documenta y analiza por primera vez los proyectos de las Unidades Vecinales y Remodelación antes mencionados, lo cual permite realizar el análisis de cada obra y de la ciudad en su conjunto. Se contextualizan las obras en la evolución histórica de la urbe de Santiago, para permitir un análisis urbano integral de los casos. El resultado es una reflexión sobre las metodologías y estrategias urbanas aplicadas durante este periodo, que pone en valor el breve pero intenso trabajo de la arquitectura y urbanismo del Movimiento Moderno en Chile. ; In 1959, during the tenure of President Jorge Alessandri Rodriguez, the Law-Ranking Decree No. 2 was issued "legal instrument destined to mobilizing, harnessing and enhancing the resources of the state and its institutions, public and private savings and credit for the affordable housing". The housing Corporation (CORVI) assumed the technical and executive action of this legislation and became responsible for implementing the Chilean Housing Plan. The series of projects developed by CORVI exemplify the programmatic guidelines that said Corporation developed throughout Chile. Through the policies promoted by the government, not only was attempted to renew the housing stock, but also tried to establish guidelines to orient the planning and development of cities. To contextualize these policies utilized by CORVI, the thesis will analyze all the major housing projects developed in Santiago, Chile. The vast majority of interventions were built in the form of linear blocks. They synthesize the work of CORVI during two decades in implementing this type of urban strategies (1953 - 1970). The works, in their analysis, exemplify a concept: "the project as part of the city." The selected works are not portrayed as autonomous buildings but as a system of projects seeking to recover areas of the city and its whole. The selected cases are Neighborhood Units Portales, Exequiel Gonzalez Cortes (Olympic Village), Villa President Frei and the first prototype of Remodeling, Republica Street Remodeling, all developed between 1953 and 1970. Each one is inserted into an area of degraded city or in the process of urban consolidation and responds with a unique approach. But in all these cases the relationship of the whole project with its environment is studied in accordance to an idea of city. In these cases strategies were developed to correct the pathologies inherent to their places, as well as to the establishment of guidelines to consolidate the area of the city where they were located. This urban variable is therefore not only an important component of how each project is thought out, but also reflects an idea of the city. The project is not understood as an object, but as a system linked to an existing urban fabric. This body of work responds to a need that is greater than generating housing, it responds to the need to make city and each case experiment with different methods of urban restructuring. Each project provides its own strategy of molding to the urban scale of the project which, in turn, is linked to the technical and spatial requirements of the homes. The field of study closes with the Republica Street Remodeling project, as in the following Remodelings the roles dissociate. The urban approach is developed by state agencies, which, sets for each new project a master plan that limit the work of the architects to the resolution of the building, i.e. the architectural object as a standalone. The thesis documents and analyzes for the first time the Neighborhood Unit and Remodeling projects above mentioned, which allows the analysis of each work and the city as a whole. The works are contextualized in the historical evolution of the city of Santiago, to enable an integrated urban analysis of the cases. The result is a reflection on the methodologies and urban strategies implemented during this period, which adds value to the brief but intense work of architecture and urbanism of the Modern Movement in Chile. ; Postprint (published version)

Since 1970, oil has given the Arab Gulf cities the opportunity to break regional and international records in urban development and economic growth, experiencing dramatic changes in the political, economic and socio-cultural domains, and especially in architecture and urbanism. The development of oil urbanization was shaped by the different practices of "Urban Branding" and city marketing processes. More important, "Urban branding" presents the duality of the emerging cityscape, in which the "perceived images" of the city as a tangible experience of the "urban landscape" interacts with the "brand image" of the city created by the media generated image or "urban Mediascape", establishing new approaches and directions for research and interpretation. The research is concerned with three main enquiries: 1.To what extent can the creation of a successful image make changes in the urban landscape? 2.What are the opportunities offered by urban branding to guide or to control the appearance of the conventional typical elements of the city image over the special identity of the cities? 3.How have cities succeeded (or not) in their urban branding processes and why? The research aims at examining whether a balance between the presentation of the identity of places and the urban development of the Gulf cities can be achieved. Also, it aims to establish a planning framework that incorporates the practice of urban branding in the design and planning of cities. The research is based on a "thematic" approach combining empirical descriptive approach and comparative analysis method in analyzing and assessing selected examples and the interpretation of case studies. The research focuses on the investigation of selected case studies for Arab Gulf cities - Dubai, United Arab Emirates; Doha, Qatar; Kuwait City, Kuwait; and Jeddah, Saudi Arabia - that may have succeeded (or not) in creating an image of the emerging city that has become nationally or internationally recognized. The analysis is based on selected themes, in which the most related illustrative analysis techniques are extensively used. Following the investigation of the case studies, a comparative analysis for the case studies systematically scrutinizes and evaluates the elements that characterized the process by which imaging processes, both visual and brand images, affecting the Gulf city form. The objective is to identify the common elements between the presented case studies in order to synthesis the major characteristics of the phenomenon of the Gulf city imaging. The findings of the comparative analysis highlight the relationships between branding and city form, including the impact of branding on the development of the city image. The suggested conceptual approach is based on incorporating the practice of urban branding in the design and development processes of the Gulf cities. The approach is based on the argument that city images are deemed to be those elements used to represent a city as a whole and its associated meanings. Hence, the suggested approach is conceived in terms of a triad, consisting of three major components: the city identity, the visual image, and the branding image. Each of these components encompasses other smaller components integral to the building of the approach itself. Consequently, the three components address ways in which city image(s) can be integrated and how the desired integration would meet the capacity of planning the city image. There are different urban branding strategies that could be developed based on diverse city development objectives and visions, such as large scale urban projects, signed architecture, events, media, etc. The study focuses on strategies that tend to combine tangible aspects of the Gulf cities - their built environment, urban culture, heritage, infrastructure, etc. - and a number of intangible aspects - their slogan, their identity, etc. The study focuses on thee main areas: branding location strategies including natural settings, flagship projects, and landmark buildings, branding through city life, festivals and special events and branding through Mediascape, (advertising, publications, slogans, logos, etc.). The guidelines and recommendations are arranged according to their context, current issues, planning objectives and suggested specific exemplary actions. Suggested planning guidelines deal with the following areas of action: skyline, public space, architecture, heritage, public art, and recommendations for the media generated images: festivals and events, logos, slogans and cities' websites. Illustrative examples from both international and regional successful experience are used in a joint concern of city planning and city branding. ; Seit 1970 hat Öl den arabischen Golfstaaten das Brechen mehrerer, regionaler und internationaler Rekorde auf dem Gebiet des Städtebaus und der Wirtschaftsentwicklung ermöglicht. Dadurch hat die Region dramatische Veränderungen im politischen, wirtschaftlichen und sozio-kulturellen Bereich, vor allem in den Bereichen Architektur und Stadtplanung, erlebt. Die Entwicklung der Öl-Urbanisierung wird durch unterschiedliche Praktiken des Urban Branding sowie des Metropolen-Marketing begleitet, die das Ziel verfolgen, Touristen, Investoren, Unternehmer, vor allem aber das internationale Kapital anzulocken, sowie das Image der Golfstadt aus politischem und kulturellem Gesichtspunkt aufzuwerten. Noch wichtiger ist, dass "Urban Branding" die Dualität der entstehenden Stadtlandschaft darstellt, indem die "wahrgenommenen Bilder" der Stadt als greifbare Erfahrung der "Stadtlandschaft" in Wechselwirkung mit dem "Markenbild" der Stadt oder dem "städtischen Medienbild" treten, das durch die Medien erzeugt wurde. Dies schafft neue Ansätze und Perspektiven für Forschung und Interpretation. Die Forschungsarbeit befasst sich mit drei Hauptfragestellungen: 1. In welchem Umfang kann die Schaffung eines erfolgreichen Bildes Veränderungen in der städtischen Landschaft bewirken? 2. Welche Möglichkeiten bietet "Urban Branding" zur Leitung oder Kontrolle des Erscheinungsbildes typischer, konventioneller Elemente des Stadtbildes über die besondere Identität von Städten? 3. Auf welche Weise haben Städte in ihrem "Urban Branding" Erfolg oder keinen Erfolg gehabt und worauf ist dieser Erfolg (oder Misserfolg) zurückzuführen? Die Hauptziele dieser Forschung liegen in der Gewinnung neuer Erkenntnisse darüber, wie die Golfstädte sich vermarkten und wie der rasante Verwandlungsprozess die punktuelle Wahrnehmung aus soziokulturellem, wirtschaftlichem und politischem Gesichtspunkt beeinflusst. Des Weiteren soll der Rahmen für eine Planung gesteckt werden, welche die Praxis des "Urban Branding" bei der Konzeption und Planung von Städten mit einbezieht. Die Forschungsarbeit konzentriert sich auf die Untersuchung ausgewählter Fallstudien von arabischen Golfstädten - Dubai (Vereinigte Arabische Emirate), Doha (Katar), Kuwait-Stadt (Kuwait) und Jeddah (Saudiarabien). Diese Städte stehen für den Erfolg oder Misserfolg in der Schaffung eines Images der aufstrebenden Stadt, was in positiver Resonanz auf nationaler oder internationaler Ebene resultiert ist. Die Analyse basiert im Wesentlichen auf Themen, für die die jeweils am besten geeigneten Analysetechniken umfassend genutzt werden. Im Anschluss an die Fallstudien werden in einer vergleichenden Analyse der Fallstudien die Elemente systematisch überprüft und bewertet, die das "Image" der Städte beeinflussen - und zwar sowohl das physische Stadtbild als auch das Marketingbild. Zielsetzung ist es, gemeinsame Elemente in den dargestellten Fallstudien zu identifizieren, um die Haupteigenschaften des Phänomens der Imagebildung der Golfstadt abzuleiten. Mit Hilfe dieses Vergleichs wird argumentiert, dass durch die Identifizierung des Phänomens der Imagebildung Strategien, Prozesse und Richtlinien für die Verbesserung der gegenwärtigen Praxis der Imagebildung in der arabischen Golfstadt erforscht und weiterentwickelt werden können. Die Ergebnisse der vergleichenden Analyse heben die Beziehungen zwischen Marketing und Stadtform einschließlich der Auswirkung des Marketings auf die Entwicklung des Stadtbildes hervor. Der vorgeschlagene konzeptionelle Ansatz basiert auf der Einbeziehung der Praxis des "Urban Branding" in den Design- und Entwicklungsprozess der Golfstädte. Auf der Grundlage dieses Ansatzes wird argumentiert, dass mit Stadtbildern jene Elemente gemeint werden, die zur Präsentation der Stadt als Ganzes und der mit ihr verbundenen Bedeutungen benutzt werden. Folglich wird der vorgeschlagene Ansatz in einem Dreikomponentengefüge ausgedrückt, der aus den Hauptbestandteilen Stadtidentität, visuellem Bild und Markenbild besteht. Jeder dieser Bestandteile umfasst andere kleinere Bestandteile, die integraler Bestandteil des Ansatzgebildes sind. Infolgedessen beziehen sich die drei Bestandteile auf Wege, wie Stadtbilder integriert werden können und wie die gewünschte Integration der Planungskapazität des Stadtbildes entgegen kom-men kann. Diese Studie stellt drei Hauptbereiche in den Mittelpunkt: Einbrennende Position Strategien einschließlich der natürlichen Umgebung, Vorzeigeprojekte und Wahrzeichen darstellende Gebäude, Marketing mittels Stadtleben, Festivals und die speziellen Ereignissen und Marketing mittels der Medienlandschaft, (Reklame, Publikationen, Schlagworte, Firmenzeichen, etc.). Die vorgeschlagenen Planungsrichtlinien beschäftigen sich mit folgenden Handlungsbereichen: Skyline, öffentlichem Raum, Architektur, historischem Erbe, öffentlicher Kunst und Empfehlungen für durch Medien erzeugte Images: Festivals und Ereignissen, Firmenzeichen, Schlagworten und Webseiten der Städte. Illustrierte Beispiele von sowohl internationalen als auch regionalen erfolgreichen Erfahrungen werden im gemeinsamen Interesse von Stadtplanung und Stadtmarketing verwendet.

The multiplication of environmental degradations in the end of the 1960's has led to growing criticisms about the industrial development path. It is precisely in this context of conflict between environment and development concerns that the notion of sustainable development has progressively emerged. From that point of view we can reread the history of sustainable development through the framework of negotiation theory, and thus consider this concept as a trial of reconciliation between these two preoccupations - a kind of "win-win" approach between environmental protection and socio-economic development. But if sustainable development can be considered as the result of such an international cooperative approach, it is important then to notice that the following phase of appropriation (by different kinds of stakeholders) seems to be more competitive : states, companies, NGO, local authorities, economists or ecologists nowadays refer to the notion of "sustainable development". without referring to the same definition of the notion. Debates about "weak" and "strong" sustainability give us a good illustration of that "fight for appropriation". This competitive context is fundamental to understand the question of sustainable development evaluation methods and indicators : such normative tools indeed offer a strong capacity of appropriation, as they oblige to make "rigid" a concept often considered as "soft". These tools thus appear as deeply embedded in a debate that is, in the same time, both technical and ideological (Chapter 1). At the local level, in the specific field of urbanism and urban planning, it is interesting to notice that the notion of sustainable city, as well as the one of sustainable development, has progressively emerged after the rise of criticisms (led by the urban ecology movement) of the modern city model (Athens Charter). Sustainable city (Aalborg Charter) can thus be seen as a trial of reconciliation between both the modern city and the ecological city models (Chapter 2). Due to their capacity of making the concept rigid, evaluation methods and tools elaborated at the local level in cities in France and Switzerland permit us to better understand what local authorities precisely mean by sustainable development. The study of these tools thus makes it possible for us to confirm the tendency of local authorities to use sustainable development as a way to conciliate diverging interests at the local level. The question of future generations and other territories' interests seems to be more difficult to tackle (Chapter 3). Studying the contexts in which these tools have been used and designed leads us to the following conclusion : sustainable development seems to be often considered as a technical matter, delegated from the people's representatives (the elected) to the local authorities' operational and technical staff ; these latter then has to tend to make "as sustainable as possible" political decisions, afterwards. Such evaluation tools thus fail to make sustainable development matters a leading guideline in the political decision making process (Chapter 4). Our case study, the Greater Lyon, in France, permits us to validate several of the hypothesis and conclusions above mentioned (Chapter 5). In the end, the difficulty of tackling sustainable development matters at the local political and administrative levels obliges us to question the ability of representative democratic systems to tackle these new concerns. In particular, sustainability obliges us to broaden the concept of public interest, both in time and spatial dimensions. By introducing the interests of non-represented people (future generations and other territories' inhabitants) in the usual representative system, sustainability seems to question the fundamental basis of modern democracies. ; C'est dans le contexte international d'emergence d'un conflit entre les préoccupations d'environnement et de développement que la notion de développement durable est apparue. L'histoire de ce concept peut ainsi être relue à travers le prisme des théories de la négociation : le développement durable nous apparaît alors comme la tentative de formulation, au plus haut niveau international, d'une valeur nouvelle dont l'objet serait la réconciliation entre des exigences de protection de l'environnement et de développement socio-économique (équivalant à ce que les théoriciens de la négociation appellent une approche gagnant-gagnant, ou un jeu à somme positive, entre environnement et développement). Mais s'il apparaît que le concept de développement durable a effectivement été construit dans une logique coopérative, force est de constater que, tant au niveau local que global, l'appropriation du développement durable par les différents acteurs revêt toutes les formes d'une appropriation compétitive : Etats, entreprises, ONG, collectivités locales, économistes ou écologistes se réclament aujourd'hui du développement durable sans pour autant en donner une définition et un contenu identiques. Les débats sur la soutenabilité ± faible (approche néoclassique) ou ± forte (approche écosystémique) illustrent bien cette lutte d'appropriation . C'est précisément dans ce contexte conflictuel qu'il convient de mettre en perspective la question de l'évaluation du développement durable. En effet, ces démarches normatives disposent d'un fort pouvoir d'appropriation en cela qu'elles permettent de rigidifier un concept souvent considéré comme mou . Elles sont, de ce fait, au cœur d'un débat à la fois technique et idéologique fort. Au niveau local, et concernant plus particulièrement les domaines de l'urbanisme, il est intéressant de constater qu'un même schéma s'est dessiné : la notion de ville durable a émergé elle aussi dans le contexte d'une remise en cause par les mouvements de l'ecologie urbaine de la pensée urbanistique moderne. De la même manière que le développement durable est apparu comme une tentative de réconciliation entre environnement et développement, la ville durable semble progressivement se dessiner sous les contours d'une alternative entre la ville écologique (utopique) et la ville moderne, voire sur-moderne (bien réelle). Du fait de leur capacité d'appropriation, certains outils d'évaluation développés par des collectivités locales nous permettent ainsi de cerner ce que les acteurs publics locaux entendent précisément par développement durable ; leur analyse tend à confirmer la tendance des acteurs publics à se servir du développement durable comme élément de conciliation interne entre des intérêts parfois divergents. La question de la prise en compte des intérêts des générations futures et des autres territoires semble par contre plus difficile à appréhender. L'analyse, dans un seconde temps, des contextes dans lesquels ces outils sont généralement utilisés et développés montre par ailleurs un phénomène intéressant : le développement durable est le plus souvent considéré comme une approche technique, déléguée par le politique aux services opérationnels, qui sont alors chargés a posteriori de rendre durables les décisions prises. Ces grilles de questionnement ou d'analyse des projets butent ainsi sur le problème de la prise en compte des préoccupations du développement durable au plus haut niveau des prises de décision : le niveau politique. létude plus spécifique du cas de la Communauté urbaine de Lyon permet de valider certaines de ces hypothèses. Au final, la difficulté d'appréhension de certains enjeux du développement durable par les sphères politiques et administratives interroge sur la capacité des systèmes démocratiques à répondre à ces nouveaux problèmes. La durabilité, en particulier, semble devoir faire éclater le cadre spatial et temporel dans lequel a traditionnellement été défini l'intérêt général. En imposant d'introduire dans la définition de cet intérêt général la prise en compte des intérêts de nouveaux acteurs non représentés (générations futures, autres territoires), la durabilité ne finit-elle pas par questionner les bases mêmes du fonctionnement des démocraties modernes ?

La presente ricerca indaga sul trasferimento di europei a Lima, tra gli anni Trenta e la fine degli anni Sessanta del Novecento, e si interroga sull'influenza di questo fenomeno sull'evoluzione architettonica e urbanistica nella capitale peruviana. La partecipazione di europei nella pianificazione della cosiddetta Ciudad de los Reyes, principale centro amministrativo per i territori del subcontinente americano dominati dalla Corona spagnola tra il XVI e XIX secolo, si è mantenuta nel secondo dopoguerra. Tale caratteristica, frutto dei rapporti plurisecolari tra il paese andino e la penisola iberica, non è ancora diventata oggetto di interesse da parte degli storici di architettura. La ricerca ha tentato di colmare questa "lacuna" storiografica analizzando le modalità di migrazione della cultura moderna occidentale nel Novecento nella regione latino-americana. Al fine di comprendere la diffusione del modernismo in Perù, si sono innanzitutto analizzati gli storici rapporti tra Vecchio e Nuovo Continente, che hanno stabilito un'egemonia culturale europea e che hanno influenzato notevolmente i cambiamenti novecenteschi nella città di Lima. Successivamente, la ricerca si è focalizzata sullo studio dei progettisti europei più attivi in Perù, il tedesco Paul Linder, l'italiano Mario Bianco, lo svizzero Theodor Cron, le cui biografie documentano le motivazioni politiche, economiche e culturali di espatrio. Nonostante le molteplici esperienze peruviane di queste figure, nei campi della docenza universitaria, dell'urbanistica e della progettazione, la loro cospicua opera costruita resta l'influenza più incisiva sugli architetti locali. La loro eterogenea produzione progettuale presenta diversi casi di edifici riconducibili alla tipologia multipiano, la cui realizzazione ha agevolato l'introduzione di una nuova scala architettonica nel tessuto urbano di epoca vicereale. Sono dunque state indagate le circostanze economiche, politiche e culturali che hanno portato questi tecnici a progettare tali edifici nel centro storico di Lima, dalla emanazione della normativa in materia urbanistica, alla presenza di committenze e imprese costruttrici di origine europea. Gli edifici multipiano limegni rappresentano la materializzazione del progetto economico e politico messo a punto dal governo e dai suoi consulenti per il centro della capitale peruviana. Ad un periodo di auge e di ampio riconoscimento delle loro qualità architettoniche ne è seguito uno di obblio, durante il quale molte di queste costruzioni sono state ristrutturate, demolite o, nel migliore dei casi, abbandonate. Per questo motivo, sono stati indagati i temi della tutela, della conservazione e della valorizzazione del vasto patrimonio costruito nel XX secolo in Perù, con particolare riguardo agli edifici multipiano ideati da progettisti esteri e locali. L'approccio dell'indagine ha seguito un modus operandi che coniuga la ricerca archivistica e l'analisi delle fonti testuali, iconografiche e orali allo studio diretto degli edifici, caratterizzato dall'esame delle tecniche costruttive e dei materiali. Il progetto di co-tutela siglato tra Sapienza Università di Roma e l'Università della Svizzera Italiana è stato fondamentale al fine di inquadrare la ricerca nel quadro storiografico italiano e svizzero. ; This research studies the migration of Europeans to Lima between the 1930s and the late 1960s and analyses their influence on the evolution of architecture and urbanism in the Peruvian capital. The so-called Ciudad de los Reyes was the main administrative centre of the South American territories dominated by the Spanish Crown between the 16th and 19th centuries. The participation of Europeans in its urban planning has continued into the 20th century. This characteristic is the result of the centuries-old relations between the Andean country and the Iberian Peninsula and has not yet been a topic of interest for architectural historians. This research aims to fill this historiographical "gap" by analysing the channels through which Western modern culture migrated to the Latin American region. In order to understand the diffusion of modernism in Peru, firstly the historical relations between the Old and the New Continent have to be analysed. These relations have established an European cultural hegemony and have greatly influenced the changes of the last century in the city of Lima. Secondly, the research has focused on the study of the most active European architects and engineers in Peru. These are the German Paul Linder, the Italian Mario Bianco and the Swiss Theodor Cron, whose biographies document the political, economic and cultural motivations for their emigration. Despite the multiple Peruvian experiences of these figures in the fields of university teaching, urban planning and architectural design, their influence on local architects occurred mainly through their built work. Their heterogeneous design output includes examples of high-rise buildings whose construction has meant the introduction of a new architectural scale in the urban centre, originally mainly an example of the viceregal era. For this reason, the economic, political and cultural circumstances that led these architects to create such buildings have been investigated, from the emanation of urban norms to the participation of clients and construction companies of European origin. The high-rise buildings in Lima embody the economic and political project developed by the government and its advisors for the centre of the Peruvian capital. After a period of boom and widespread recognition, a period of neglect has followed in which many of these buildings have been remodelled, demolished or, in the best of cases, abandoned. For this reason, research has been carried out on the issues of protection, conservation and valorisation of the vast heritage built in the 20th century in Peru, with special attention to high-rise architecture designed by foreign and local architects. The approach of the present research has followed a modus operandi that combines the study of archives, textual, iconographic and oral sources with the direct analysis of buildings, characterised by the examination of construction techniques and materials. The co-supervision agreement signed between the Sapienza Università di Roma and the Università della Svizzera Italiana has been fundamental in giving the present work the Italian and Swiss historiographical framework. ; La presente investigación estudia la migración de europeos a Lima, entre los años 30 y finales de los 60, y analiza su influencia en la evolución urbana y arquitectónica de la capital peruana. La participación de europeos en el planeamiento urbano de la llamada Ciudad de los Reyes, principal centro administrativo de los territorios sudamericanos dominados por la Corona española entre los siglos XVI y XIX, se ha mantenido en el siglo XX. Esta característica, fruto de las relaciones seculares entre el país andino y la Península Ibérica, no ha sido aún tema de interés para los historiadores de la arquitectura. La investigación se propone llenar este "vacío" historiográfico analizando los canales a traves de lo cuales la cultura moderna occidental ha migrado hacia la región latinoamericana. Para entender la difusión del modernismo en el Perú se ha analizado en primer lugar las relaciones históricas entre el Viejo y el Nuevo Continente que han establecido una hegemonía cultural europea y que han influido en gran medida en los cambios del siglo pasado en la ciudad de Lima. Posteriormente, la investigación se ha focalizado en el estudio de los arquitectos e ingenieros europeos más activos en Perú, el alemán Paul Linder, el italiano Mario Bianco y el suizo Theodor Cron, cuyas biografías documentaron las motivaciones políticas, económicas y culturales de su emigración. A pesar de sus múltiples experiencias en Perú, en los campos de la enseñanza universitaria, el urbanismo y el diseño arquitectónico, su cuantiosa obra construida ha sido la influencia más importante en los arquitectos locales. Su heterogénea producción proyectual presenta ejemplos de edificios en altura, cuya construcción ha significado la introducción de una nueva escala arquitectónica en el casco urbano de época virreinal. Por ello, se ha investigado las circunstancias económicas, políticas y culturales que llevaron a estos diseñadores a crear tales edificios, desde la emanación de las normas urbanas, a la participación de los clientes y empresas constructoras, con particular atención a la presencia de inmigrantes europeos. Los edificios en altura limeños representan concretamente el proyecto económico y político desarrollado por el gobierno y sus asesores para el centro de la capital peruana. A un periodo de auge y de amplio reconocimiento ha seguido otro de olvido en el que muchas de estas construcciones han sido remodeladas, demolidas o, en el mejor de los casos, abandonadas. Por ello, se han investigado los temas de protección, conservación y valorización del vasto patrimonio construido en el siglo XX en Perú, con especial atención a las arqutitecturas en altura diseñadas por arquitectos extranjeros y locales. El enfoque de la presente investigación ha seguido un modus operandi que combina el estudio de archivos, fuentes textuales, iconográficas y orales con el analisis directo del edificio, caracterizado por el examen de las técnicas y los materiales de construcción. El acuerdo de co-supervisión firmado entre la Sapienza Università di Roma y la Università della Svizzera Italiana ha sido fundamental para dar al presente trabajo el marco historiográfico italiano y suizo.

China Railways Corporation (CRC) is considering new ways to attract capital to support the strategic development of the railway sector. Currently, government is the predominant equity financier, with debt being supplied by domestic bank credits and limited amounts borrowed from International Financial Institutions such as the World Bank and Asian Development Bank. Considering its high level of accumulated debt and liabilities (RMB 3.7 trillion on an asset base of 5.7 trillion), CRC wishes to explore equity investment mechanisms, to increase cash flow from its core and non-core activities, and to use different financing channels as a way to leverage the value of its assets and introduce market-based business models to the sector. CRC is seeking to attract investment from both the private sector and from public sources such as local governments and state owned enterprises. It refers to these sources of capital as 'social capital.' This report examines how companies in China and railways in seven other countries, China, France, India, Japan, Poland, Russia, United Kingdom, United States, have attracted capital and made capital budgeting decisions to support their strategic development.

International audience ; Das Universelle Forum der Kulturen in Barcelona im Jahr 2004 ist eine neue kulturelle Veranstaltung, die in den kommenden Jahren auf anderen Kontinenten erneuert wird. Diese globale Feier wird gemeinsam von der Stadt Barcelona, der autonomen Regierung Kataloniens, der spanischen Regierung und der UNESCO organisiert. Während der 29. Generalkonferenz der Unesco in Paris haben die 186 Mitgliedstaaten ihre einstimmige Unterstützung für das Projekt dieses riesigen Festivals vor einem kulturellen Hintergrund in einem Bezirk zum Ausdruck gebracht, in dem eine der wichtigsten Operationen stattfindet. wichtigste Stadtplanung in Europa, die Ufer des Besós und das Ende der Diagonale (eine große Stadtstraße, die ein Jahrhundert zuvor vom Ingenieur Cerdá geplant wurde). Das Forum fand vom 9. Mai bis 26. September 2004 statt. 141 Tage lang finden außerhalb dieser Mauern Debatten, Shows, Festivals, Ausstellungen, kulturelle Veranstaltungen und Bildungsaktivitäten in einem kostenpflichtigen Bereich statt, einschließlich zu nachhaltiger Entwicklung, kultureller Vielfalt und den Bedingungen für den Frieden. Die Gemeinde Barcelona wollte das Forum für die Stadt öffnen. Dennoch besteht noch lange nach dem Ereignis eine Lücke zwischen langfristigen städtebaulichen Errungenschaften und den Worten einer globalen Feier für eine Stadt auf der Suche nach Globalität und weltweiter Anerkennung, die unter dem Vorwand der Feier und der Begegnung von Kulturen und Kulturen spielt Institutionen auf der ganzen Welt. ; The Universal Forum of Cultures Barcelona 2004 is a new cultural event called to renew in the coming years on other continents. This global celebration is organized by the City of Barcelona, the Autonomous Government of Catalonia, the Spanish Government and UNESCO. It is on the occasion of the 29th General Conference of UNESCO in Paris that the 186 Member States expressed their unanimous support for the draft this giant party on a cultural background on an area that has one of the operations largest urban development in Europe, the banks of the Besós and the end of the Diagonal (large urban avenue projected a century earlier by the engineer Cerdá). The Forum was held from 9 May to 26 September 2004. During 141 days, he welcomes a paid speaker and outside the walls of the debates, performances, festivals, exhibitions, cultural events and educational activities relating in particular on sustainable development, cultural diversity and conditions for peace. The Barcelona municipality's goal was to open the forum in the city. Nevertheless, a gap persists well after the event between the urban achievements in the long term and about a global celebration for a city in search of global and worldwide recognition playing on the pretext of the festival and the meeting of cultures and institutional worldwide. ; El Foro Universal de las Culturas de Barcelona en 2004 es un nuevo evento cultural que se renovará en los próximos años en otros continentes. Esta celebración global está organizada conjuntamente por el Ayuntamiento de Barcelona, la Generalitat de Catalunya, el Gobierno español y la UNESCO. Fue durante la 29ª Conferencia General de la Unesco en París cuando los 186 Estados Miembros expresaron su apoyo unánime al proyecto de este gigantesco festival en un contexto cultural en un distrito que vive una de las operaciones más importantes. El urbanismo más importante de Europa, la ribera del Besós y el final de la Diagonal (gran avenida urbana proyectada un siglo antes por el ingeniero Cerdá). El Foro se llevó a cabo del 9 de mayo al 26 de septiembre de 2004. Durante 141 días, alberga debates, espectáculos, festivales, exposiciones, eventos culturales y actividades educativas en un área de pago y fuera de estos muros. sobre el desarrollo sostenible, la diversidad cultural y las condiciones para la paz. El Ayuntamiento de Barcelona pretendía abrir el Fórum a la ciudad. Sin embargo, mucho después del evento persiste una brecha entre los logros de planificación urbana a largo plazo y las palabras de una celebración global para una ciudad en busca de la globalidad y el reconocimiento global que juega con el pretexto de la celebración y el encuentro de culturas y culturas. instituciones de todo el mundo. ; Le Forum universel des cultures de Barcelone en 2004 est une nouvelle manifestation culturelle appelée à se renouveler dans les années à venir sur d'autres continents. Cette fête globale est organisée conjointement par la Ville de Barcelone, le gouvernement autonome de Catalogne, le gouvernement espagnol et l'UNESCO. C'est à l'occasion de la 29 ème conférence générale de l'Unesco à Paris que les 186 États membres ont exprimé leur soutien unanime au projet de cette fête géante sur un fond culturel sur un quartier qui connaît l'une des opérations les plus importantes d'aménagement urbain en Europe, les rives du Besós et la fin de la Diagonal (grande avenue urbaine projetée un siècle plus tôt par l'ingénieur Cerdá). Le Forum s'est tenu du 9 mai au 26 septembre 2004. Pendant 141 jours, il accueille dans une enceinte payante et hors de ces murs des débats, des spectacles, des festivals, des expositions, des manifestations culturelles et des activités pédagogiques portant notamment sur le développement durable, la diversité culturelle et les conditions de la paix. La municipalité barcelonaise avait comme objectif d'ouvrir le Forum à la ville. Néanmoins, un décalage persiste bien après la manifestation entre les réalisations urbanistiques à long terme et les propos d'une fête globale pour une ville en quête de globalité et de reconnaissance mondiale jouant sur le prétexte de la fête et de la rencontre des cultures et des institutionnels du monde entier. ; Il Forum Universale delle Culture di Barcellona nel 2004 è un nuovo evento culturale che si rinnoverà negli anni a venire in altri continenti. Questa celebrazione globale è organizzata congiuntamente dalla Città di Barcellona, dal governo autonomo della Catalogna, dal governo spagnolo e dall'UNESCO. È stato durante la 29a Conferenza generale dell'Unesco a Parigi che i 186 Stati membri hanno espresso il loro unanime sostegno al progetto di questo gigantesco festival a sfondo culturale in un quartiere che sta vivendo una delle operazioni più importanti. l'urbanistica più importante d'Europa, le rive del Besós e la fine della Diagonal (un grande viale urbano progettato un secolo prima dall'ingegnere Cerdá). Il Forum si è svolto dal 9 maggio al 26 settembre 2004. Per 141 giorni ospita dibattiti, spettacoli, sagre, mostre, eventi culturali e attività didattiche in un'area a pagamento e fuori queste mura. sullo sviluppo sostenibile, la diversità culturale e le condizioni per la pace. Il comune di Barcellona mirava ad aprire il Forum alla città. Tuttavia, a lungo dopo l'evento permane un divario tra i risultati della pianificazione urbana a lungo termine e le parole di una celebrazione globale per una città alla ricerca della globalità e del riconoscimento globale che giocano con il pretesto della celebrazione e dell'incontro di culture e culture. istituzioni in tutto il mondo.

International audience ; Das Universelle Forum der Kulturen in Barcelona im Jahr 2004 ist eine neue kulturelle Veranstaltung, die in den kommenden Jahren auf anderen Kontinenten erneuert wird. Diese globale Feier wird gemeinsam von der Stadt Barcelona, der autonomen Regierung Kataloniens, der spanischen Regierung und der UNESCO organisiert. Während der 29. Generalkonferenz der Unesco in Paris haben die 186 Mitgliedstaaten ihre einstimmige Unterstützung für das Projekt dieses riesigen Festivals vor einem kulturellen Hintergrund in einem Bezirk zum Ausdruck gebracht, in dem eine der wichtigsten Operationen stattfindet. wichtigste Stadtplanung in Europa, die Ufer des Besós und das Ende der Diagonale (eine große Stadtstraße, die ein Jahrhundert zuvor vom Ingenieur Cerdá geplant wurde). Das Forum fand vom 9. Mai bis 26. September 2004 statt. 141 Tage lang finden außerhalb dieser Mauern Debatten, Shows, Festivals, Ausstellungen, kulturelle Veranstaltungen und Bildungsaktivitäten in einem kostenpflichtigen Bereich statt, einschließlich zu nachhaltiger Entwicklung, kultureller Vielfalt und den Bedingungen für den Frieden. Die Gemeinde Barcelona wollte das Forum für die Stadt öffnen. Dennoch besteht noch lange nach dem Ereignis eine Lücke zwischen langfristigen städtebaulichen Errungenschaften und den Worten einer globalen Feier für eine Stadt auf der Suche nach Globalität und weltweiter Anerkennung, die unter dem Vorwand der Feier und der Begegnung von Kulturen und Kulturen spielt Institutionen auf der ganzen Welt. ; The Universal Forum of Cultures Barcelona 2004 is a new cultural event called to renew in the coming years on other continents. This global celebration is organized by the City of Barcelona, the Autonomous Government of Catalonia, the Spanish Government and UNESCO. It is on the occasion of the 29th General Conference of UNESCO in Paris that the 186 Member States expressed their unanimous support for the draft this giant party on a cultural background on an area that has one of the operations largest urban development in Europe, the banks of the Besós and the end of the Diagonal (large urban avenue projected a century earlier by the engineer Cerdá). The Forum was held from 9 May to 26 September 2004. During 141 days, he welcomes a paid speaker and outside the walls of the debates, performances, festivals, exhibitions, cultural events and educational activities relating in particular on sustainable development, cultural diversity and conditions for peace. The Barcelona municipality's goal was to open the forum in the city. Nevertheless, a gap persists well after the event between the urban achievements in the long term and about a global celebration for a city in search of global and worldwide recognition playing on the pretext of the festival and the meeting of cultures and institutional worldwide. ; El Foro Universal de las Culturas de Barcelona en 2004 es un nuevo evento cultural que se renovará en los próximos años en otros continentes. Esta celebración global está organizada conjuntamente por el Ayuntamiento de Barcelona, la Generalitat de Catalunya, el Gobierno español y la UNESCO. Fue durante la 29ª Conferencia General de la Unesco en París cuando los 186 Estados Miembros expresaron su apoyo unánime al proyecto de este gigantesco festival en un contexto cultural en un distrito que vive una de las operaciones más importantes. El urbanismo más importante de Europa, la ribera del Besós y el final de la Diagonal (gran avenida urbana proyectada un siglo antes por el ingeniero Cerdá). El Foro se llevó a cabo del 9 de mayo al 26 de septiembre de 2004. Durante 141 días, alberga debates, espectáculos, festivales, exposiciones, eventos culturales y actividades educativas en un área de pago y fuera de estos muros. sobre el desarrollo sostenible, la diversidad cultural y las condiciones para la paz. El Ayuntamiento de Barcelona pretendía abrir el Fórum a la ciudad. Sin embargo, mucho después del evento persiste una brecha entre los logros de planificación urbana a largo plazo y las palabras de una celebración global para una ciudad en busca de la globalidad y el reconocimiento global que juega con el pretexto de la celebración y el encuentro de culturas y culturas. instituciones de todo el mundo. ; Le Forum universel des cultures de Barcelone en 2004 est une nouvelle manifestation culturelle appelée à se renouveler dans les années à venir sur d'autres continents. Cette fête globale est organisée conjointement par la Ville de Barcelone, le gouvernement autonome de Catalogne, le gouvernement espagnol et l'UNESCO. C'est à l'occasion de la 29 ème conférence générale de l'Unesco à Paris que les 186 États membres ont exprimé leur soutien unanime au projet de cette fête géante sur un fond culturel sur un quartier qui connaît l'une des opérations les plus importantes d'aménagement urbain en Europe, les rives du Besós et la fin de la Diagonal (grande avenue urbaine projetée un siècle plus tôt par l'ingénieur Cerdá). Le Forum s'est tenu du 9 mai au 26 septembre 2004. Pendant 141 jours, il accueille dans une enceinte payante et hors de ces murs des débats, des spectacles, des festivals, des expositions, des manifestations culturelles et des activités pédagogiques portant notamment sur le développement durable, la diversité culturelle et les conditions de la paix. La municipalité barcelonaise avait comme objectif d'ouvrir le Forum à la ville. Néanmoins, un décalage persiste bien après la manifestation entre les réalisations urbanistiques à long terme et les propos d'une fête globale pour une ville en quête de globalité et de reconnaissance mondiale jouant sur le prétexte de la fête et de la rencontre des cultures et des institutionnels du monde entier. ; Il Forum Universale delle Culture di Barcellona nel 2004 è un nuovo evento culturale che si rinnoverà negli anni a venire in altri continenti. Questa celebrazione globale è organizzata congiuntamente dalla Città di Barcellona, dal governo autonomo della Catalogna, dal governo spagnolo e dall'UNESCO. È stato durante la 29a Conferenza generale dell'Unesco a Parigi che i 186 Stati membri hanno espresso il loro unanime sostegno al progetto di questo gigantesco festival a sfondo culturale in un quartiere che sta vivendo una delle operazioni più importanti. l'urbanistica più importante d'Europa, le rive del Besós e la fine della Diagonal (un grande viale urbano progettato un secolo prima dall'ingegnere Cerdá). Il Forum si è svolto dal 9 maggio al 26 settembre 2004. Per 141 giorni ospita dibattiti, spettacoli, sagre, mostre, eventi culturali e attività didattiche in un'area a pagamento e fuori queste mura. sullo sviluppo sostenibile, la diversità culturale e le condizioni per la pace. Il comune di Barcellona mirava ad aprire il Forum alla città. Tuttavia, a lungo dopo l'evento permane un divario tra i risultati della pianificazione urbana a lungo termine e le parole di una celebrazione globale per una città alla ricerca della globalità e del riconoscimento globale che giocano con il pretesto della celebrazione e dell'incontro di culture e culture. istituzioni in tutto il mondo.

Density or Intensity?There is much debate about how to measure density – dwellings per hectare, bedrooms per hectare or people per hectare; including or excluding major highways, parks and open spaces; the permanent population only or the transient one too?While this gives urban planners something to disagree about it risks missing the point: great urban places are not created by density; they are created by intensity.And the difference matters. When people describe the buzz of a marketplace they do not say, "Wow - it was so dense!". They are much more likely to say how intense it was. Density is a word used by planners. Intensity is a word that real people use, and perhaps because it describes the outcomes that people experience rather than the inputs that have gone in to creating them. It is the outcomes that are ultimately more important. But planning professionals like density. Even though density fails to capture the essence of what it feels like to be somewhere, the term appeals to professional instincts. It describes the raw ingredients that planners have to handle and, once you choose which version of the formula you are going to use, density is easy to measure. It involves a simple calculation of straightforward urban quantities such as the number of people, the number of houses or the number of bedrooms, all divided by the geographic area over which those ingredients occur. Easy.In contrast, intensity seems more difficult to pin down, not least because it appears to have a subjectively emotional dimension; it speaks of feelings, of responses, of stimuli, and this raises problems about how it can be effectively measured. But intensity is also a response to context, to place and above all to people - and here we can find clues to its measurement.Observing IntensitySo what are the factors that people are responding to when they instinctively feel the intensity of a great place? For a start, they can not be calculating a planner's measure of urban density because, even if they were so minded, they could not possibly know about populations and geographic areas when they are walking along a street or sitting at a café table on a public space.What people can respond to though is what is happening around them in the public realm: they can see how many other people there are, and they can see what these people are up to. In other words, intensity is obvious, immediate and instinctively calculable to the person in the street: not only the mobile population of walkers, drivers and cyclists but also the immobile population of sitters, leaners and pausers. Intensity has a static as well as a kinetic dimension. Indeed the stationary people are the essential ingredient of intensity. They are the people who have chosen to be there, to add to the place through their semi-permanence and not simply to pass through on the way to somewhere else. Intensity is not therefore about the population density of an area but the population that is participating in the public realm of an area. And this should be obvious. And everyday. But any attempt to emphasise the benefits of static participation runs counter to the mindset of the traffic engineer and counter to the still-persuasive, kinetic legacy of Le Corbusier, who described "grinding gears and burning gasoline" as the pleasurable objectives of the Plan Voisin.Nevertheless, intense places are sticky places and especially so when people are not only co-present in space but when they are also interacting: talking to each other, sharing thoughts, ideas, opinions. This is the essence of intensity; there is an exchange - a transaction – be it economic, social, cultural, intellectual, factual or simply facile. It is the daily public life of every thriving village, town and city. It is so apparently unremarkable as to go unnoticed, unobserved and unmeasured. Until it is not there. And that is when you feel it most clearly.A number of years ago my colleagues at Space Syntax were working on a sample of towns across the UK, some historic and some new. The towns had similar residential populations and similar retail floorspace provisions across similar geographical areas; in other words, similar densities. But what the team had also done was to count the numbers of people using the centres of each town: how many were walking and sitting in public space. They had counted over several days, from morning until evening. What they found was that the historic towns consistently had many more people using their centres than the new ones - and they knew from other evidence that the historic towns had stronger economic performances. Here then were places with similar urban densities but different intensities of human activity.What seemed to explain the differences between historic and new towns were first, the spatial layout and second, the street design of each place. The historic towns were laid out around radial streets that were designed to carry cars as well as vehicles and which met at the centre of the town in a public space. Behind these radial streets were more or less continuously connected grids of residential streets, interrupted by the occasional large open space. Both cars and pedestrians could use the residential streets, while the open spaces were generally for pedestrians only. There was some limited pedestrianisation in the very centre of each town.In contrast, the new towns often had separate street networks for vehicles and pedestrians, no high street or central public space and usually one or two enclosed shopping malls. Their central areas were typically pedestrianised and spatially separated from the surrounding residential areas by a vehicle-only ring road; these residential areas were separated from each other by large swathes of open space.To summarise, the key differences were first in the intensity of the human experience and second in the design of the street network. Intensity, it seems, is facilitated by an alignment of physical and spatial factors: having the movement-sensitive land uses on sufficiently well-connected streets that are, in the main, shared by vehicles and pedestrians.Measuring IntensityImportantly, both the amount of human activity and the degree of street connectivity are measurable commodities – if you know how. This is the professional specialism of my practice, Space Syntax, and it has two key parts: one part that takes place in the studio, using purpose-designed software that measures the amount of connectivity in street grids and the other part that happens on site using some form of counting device. This device may be a camera strapped to a lamp post or, in recent years, a drone flight. Or it may simply be a set of human eyes, a pencil and a notepad. Onto these 'foundational' datasets are added other information, which might be about air quality, land value, crime rates or health outcomes. Statistical software is employed to explore relations between the datasets: how is health or wealth or educational achievement related to spatial connectivity or isolation? The product of this process is an Integrated Urban Model: a quantitative record of urban form and urban performance. A Geographical Information System is used to hold the datasets in one place and a basic form of artificial intelligence is run to explore the links between the data.However it is possible to create a primitive version of a data platform using only PowerPoint and Excel. After all, Space Syntax began its work before the Macintosh, before colour screens, before the internet, before CAD, before GIS and long before BIM. Its observations of pedestrian movements around Trafalgar Square were done with pen and paper, the results coded manually into a simple drawing programme.What matters today is what mattered then: to bring data to life using maps and colours rather than spreadsheets and charts. To make it accessible to the audiences that will be making judgments about the future of places: investors, planning officers, politicians and local communities. Measures of intensity therefore need to speak to multiple audiences and not least to the design community, into whose creative hands is entrusted the responsibility for shaping the aspirations of stakeholders. An Integrated Urban Model must be nimble, capable of responding again and again to the short and intensive programme of a rapid design process. Beware the Smart City "Control Room" stuffed with technicians; eintegratedmbrace instead a portable platform that can respond to the timescale of a creative whim.Creating a Profession of "Urban Intensity Surveyors"So why do we not measure towns and cities in such a systematic way? Why is there not a profession of urban intensity surveyors? And a culture among architects and urban planners of designing for intense human interactions?The problems start when the responsibility for thinking about cities, streets and public spaces moves from the individual enjoying the buzz of the boulevard to the collective of professional institutes charged with creating place. Density prevails over intensity and we revert to simplifications. Assumptions are made - incorrectly as we have seen - that the quality of street life will be in direct proportion to the density of people in an area. That if we have more people then the streets will be busier and the busier the streets, the better the place. But then the counter view is quite reasonably made that people need quiet streets and so densities should not be too high. And a compromise is eventually reached for neither super high nor super low densities; neither towns that are too big nor too small. And if we need big towns then they should be broken up into manageable parcels. Since we want pedestrians then we should pedestrianise.We end up with an urbanism of averages and a morphology of enclaves through an approach that is much too simplistic to ever create great place. It is not born of science and it does not reflect human experience: people know instinctively that you can turn off the busiest street in the city and immediately find yourself on a lane that is one of the quietest; that the intensity of the urban experience can transform itself in seconds. This is one of the great joys of exploring great cities: they are not pervasively busy; they are intensely quiet as well. They have a foreground grid of busy streets and a background grid of quiet ones. If we can systematically measure urban intensity then we will understand how towns and cities work in ways that will transform practice. And by transforming practice we will transform place.The Future for IntensityThe professions will be unwise to avoid the opportunities presented by technology. Both the technologies of data capture, visualisation and analysis as well as the technologies that are affecting human behaviours: broadband, social media, augmented reality (AR) and artificial intelligence (AI). Human activity is becoming ever more intense and this gives us another reason to systematically measure urban intensity. People are walking more slowly, ensconced in virtual worlds at the same time as participating in physical space; seeing their surroundings augmented with pop-up information. The trend will continue as AR on our smartphones becomes AR on our spectacles. As well as talking to each other we will be talking to objects on display in shops, to screens in buildings and on streets, and to ourselves – our digital twin may appear as an avatar walking alongside us in our peripheral vision or in front of us when trying on clothes for us. This intensity of communication can already be seen in early adopting countries, especially China, and it may seem strange at first. But there was a time, not long ago, when it seemed strangely ostentatious to put down a mobile phone on a table in a public place.The brain has a finite processing capacity and so what goes into handling increased visual information will have to be taken away from the control of bodily function. People may therefore adapt to the amplified intensity of visual stimuli by moving ever more slowly. We will need more space for these intense activities and the obvious place is the street, where we will need more space for people. Road space will have to narrow and footways will have to widen. We will need more places to sit and lean - to be sticky.And this presents a choice for designers: continue to disagree about the best way to measure density or embrace intensity and anticipate the radical transformation of place.

In 2012, the World Bank signed five agreements with MRDPA for advisory services, out of which one relates to the growth poles policy and to its improvement for the programming period 2014-2020. This agreement has three components: 1) an analysis of the growth poles policy, 2) energy efficiency studies for each growth pole; and 3) a review of the Integrated Development Plans prepared by the growth poles for the period 2007-2013. In this context, South Muntenia Regional Development Agency, through the coordinator of Ploiești Growth Pole, requested the World Bank, under a project funded by ERDF through the Technical Assistance Operational Program 2007-2013, to support the Growth Pole in implementing the recommendations stemming from the previous analysis with: 1) updating the Integrated Development Plan for 2014-2020; and 2) proposing an improved institutional framework for coordinating the planning, implementation and monitoring of projects under this plan. The current document of the Integrated Development Plan belonging to Ploiești Growth Pole was developed during the period 2008-2009 and approved and submitted to South Muntenia RDA in April 2010. It contains a total number of 93 projects with a total value of RON 5,136,143,583.91, out of which 762,515,322.81 are EU funds, and the remainder comes from the national budget and the beneficiaries' own contribution. In the process of updating the plan, the implementation status of these projects will be studied further, while attention will be also given to the unimplemented projects in order to see whether they will be included in the documentation, depending on their response to the new development conditions of the growth pole.

This essay discusses the relation between urban spaces and street festival as an example of a creative industry. To begin with, several terms are presented as part of a theoretical approach to fully understand the concept of street festivals, then two cases studies of street festivals will be presented and analysed: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and Rock al Parque Festival both from Bogotá, Colombia. The essay has a chapter dedicated to the relationship between festivals and economic development. ; Cultura y desarrollo; Esfera pública; Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro; Festivales callejeros; Habermas; Rock al Parque ; 1 An Act of Faith: Two Cases Studies Of Street Festivals As Examples Of Development. ANDRÉS GUILLERMO CHAUR1 Course Title: Theories of the Culture Industry: work, creativity and precariousness Course Code: CU71015A Date: 13 January 2014 1 Beneficiario COLFUTURO 2013 2 3 «Culture is the be all and end all of development» L.S. Senghor, poet (Senegal, 1906-2001) Introduction This essay discusses the relation between urban spaces and street festival as an example of a creative industry. To begin with, several terms are presented as part of a theoretical approach to fully understand the concept of street festivals, then two cases studies of street festivals will be presented and analysed: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and Rock al Parque Festival both from Bogotá, Colombia. The essay has a chapter dedicated to the relationship between festivals and economic development. It is important to mention that the starter point of this essay was precisely to give an introductory background of the importance that has have those two case studies in the development of the city. It is not a secret that Colombia has suffered a period of violence and instability since the second part of the XX century so at first glance it is curious to study and research about an almost contradictory topic such as Culture in a "war country". But at the same time, the "beauty" of this study relies precisely in its contradictory nature: How a country with those characteristics can hold two of the most important and respected free theatre festivals and music festivals in all Latin America? This essay will try to explain that culture when it's conceived with some specific characteristics will bring democracy and peace. A series of deep and abstract concepts will be discussed. This essay was thought just as an introduction and approximation to the topic of public and private, public sphere, culture and development just to mention some examples. Same with authors and thinkers used to elaborate the structure of this study. Once again it should be taken as an approximation rather than a full and elaborated research. The aim is to structure a series of ideas and concepts around one thesis: Those festivals have helped to make Bogotá a better city thus that is the main point of the relation between urban spaces and creativity: It fosters a better understanding of a society overall. At the end of the essay, in the appendix section, some photos are presented to visually recreate the two festivals, its dimensions and its importance. Although, like every 4 transcendental event, in order to understand the magnitude of The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and the Rock al Parque Festival one have to experience in person. Cities as spaces for the public To fully understand the concept of "Public Realm" and "Public Sphere", one has to address the theory of the city and its relation with the concept of public and private. The concept of "city" has had many meanings through time. There are different ways to approach the concept; however, for the nature of this essay an urban sociological perspective will be approached. Mumford (1937) states the city as a space undoubtedly bonded with the development of human potential: "a city is an expression of the human spirits, and they exist to nurture human personality"2. Weber (1921), one of the founders of modern sociology sees a city in terms of connectivity and settlement between commuters, in that way, the concept of a city, according to Weber, is about the networking, the political and economic participation and the organization among communities. Landry (2013) defines the city as "a complex organism and in constant movement with perspectives, opinions and priorities about what is right often clashing"3. Simmel (1950) explained the correlation of man and the scenarios created by the capitalism and modern society called "The Metropolis". There is always a struggle between the man (individual) and his society (public): "The deepest problem of modern life arises out of the attempt by the individual to preserve his autonomy and individuality in the face of the overwhelming social forces of a historical heritage, external culture and technique of life"4. Simmel's concept of a city as a place where modern man struggle to find his individuality within "overwhelming social forces" is key to understand the theory of the city, specifically one attached with the words: Public -Private. Sennett (1996) in his book "The Fall of the 2 Mumford, L., 1937. What is a city?. In: Scoutt, S and Stoutt, F. ed. 2011. The city reader. Taylor and Francis. pp.91-96. 3 Landry,C. 2013. Civic Urbanity: Looking at the city afresh (PDF). Hangzhou International Congress, "Culture: Key to Sustainable Development", 15-17 May 2013, Hangzhou, China. Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/CLT/images/Charles_Landry_Hangzhou_Congress.pdf (Accessed 12 January 2013). 4 Simmel,G. 1950. The Metropolis and Mental Life. In Miles, M; Hall, T and Borden, I. The City Cultures Reader. Ed. 2000. pp. 12-19. 5 public man" gives an account of the city as the scenario where those 2 concepts are correlated. He starts explaining the meaning of public and private. Although its historical background, coming from the Greeks and the idea of Oikos and Polis as the Private and Public respectively, Sennett comments that "the public" in modern times, started to develop in the eighteen century that is as a direct consequence of the industrial revolution and the liberalism ideas coming from The Enlightenment. "Public came to mean a life passed outside the life of family and close friends. In the public region diverse, complex social groups were to be brought into ineluctable contact the focus of this public life was the city"5 The public life is also the ground to understand modern democracy and public political institution. Sennett, citing Hanna Arendt's book The Human Condition shows how the public life in cities can be a scenario where ideas and opinions are discussed and debated. "Private circumstances have no place in the public realm". 6 Arendt even manifests that cities are "democracy's homes"7 This notion of public started to be more evident when places to meet strangers (people from outside the private sphere) within the city started to grow up. Examples of those "places" are the coffee houses and salons (Habermas will mention those examples to explain his theory of public sphere). Those spaces are called "Public Realm" by Sennett. Public Realm, in other words, are spaces where strangers meet. This encounter is characterized by "anonymity". In "The Conscience of The Eye" Sennett (1992) also says that anonymity is the power of modern cities: "The power of the city lies in its diversity; in the presence of difference people have at least the possibility to step outside themselves (.) The city can give them experiences of otherness"8 The concept of Teatro Mundi is an interesting way to look at the public sphere. According to Sennett, "Teatro Mundi" are spaces full of vitality, differences and disorder. Places where the differences connect and all citizens participate: "Society is a theatre and people are actors". This essay will discuss Teatro Mundi in detail in the chapter related to street festivals. . 5 Sennett, R. 2003. The Fall of Public Man. Penguin, New Edition. 6 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. 7 Sennett, R. 2008. The Public Realm. (online) Richard Sennet Website. Available at: http://www.richardsennett.com/site/SENN/Templates/General2.aspx?pageid=16 (Accessed 13 January 2014) 8 Sennett, R. 1992. The Conscience of the Eye: The Design and Social Life of Cities. W.W Norton & Company. 6 In the next chapter, this essay will discuss in-depth different theories about the public realm specially the ideas of Habermas about the public sphere and his theory of action communicative. Habermas and the Public Sphere Even though the previous chapter gave an account of the concepts of private-public, it is important to highlight them according to the theory of Habermas. Recognized as one of the most influential sociologist and philosopher of our times, Habermas theories of the public sphere (phrase from the German Öffentlichkeit), and modern democracy as well as his theory of action communicative have been enormously influential for modern sociology9. Firstly Habermas' thought is marked in the tradition of the Frankfurt School. His first mayor publication "The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere" argues that instrumental rationality is implicit in the Public Sphere. However, Habermas took distance from the classical notion of the critical theory when argues that participation in the public sphere (he exemplified the coffee shops and the salons in Paris and London in the XVIII century) is free and autonomous in order to shape a common good: "The public sphere consisted in voluntary associations of private citizens united in a common aim, to make use of their own reason in unconstrained discussion between equals"10(Later on, Habermas is going to present how mass media eroded individuality and declined the public sphere). It is important to mention the dichotomy of the words public-private for Habermas. Although different, both are dependents to each other. In that way the private sphere and the public sphere instead of being exclusive are inclusive. Susen (2011) defines the public sphere, taking into account Habermas' theory, as: "The socialized expression of individuals' reciprocally constituted autonomy: individuals are autonomous not in isolation from but in relation to one another, that is, in relation to a public of autonomous beings".11 9Finlayson, J .2005. "Habermas, a very short introduction". Oxford University Press. 10 Habermas,J. 1991. The Structural Transformation Of The Public Sphere. MIT Press. 11 Susen, S. 2001. Critical Notes on Habermas's theory of the public sphere. (online). City University of London. Available at: http://tinyurl.com/lhy4j4z. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 7 Several questions came to mind: How this socialization is constructed? What does an autonomous individual mean? And how can individual reach autonomy? For Habermas, the answer relies on a rational communicative action. The aim of the public sphere is to create a consensus through the active participation of all individuals involved. This consensus is created by a rational approach of the language: "The public sphere is a collective realm in which individuals' cognitive ability to take on the role of critical and responsible actors is indicative of society's coordinative capacity to transform itself into an emancipatory project shaped by the normative force of communicative rationality"12. Rationality in terms of Habermas does not consist in knowledge per se but "how speaking and acting subjects acquire and use knowledge"13. This type of rationality is different from the instrumental rationality from the Enlightenment, widely criticized by the Frankfurt School, since it is "practical, epistemological and more important, intersubjective"14. The public sphere, considering the above, not only describes the space where the encounter occurs but moreover, the public sphere has within itself an emancipator and a transformative component. Some critics find Habermas ideas "too utopian and idealistic"15. The next chapter the link between Habermas and Sennett notion of Public Realm in the city will be tracked. The Open City Sennett takes Habermas as a mayor inspiration for constructing his idea of the Public Realm in the city. According to Sennett (2008), Habermas does not tie the public sphere to any particular place, such as a town centre for instance. Even new technological media as the 12 Ibid. 13 Hahn, L. 2000. Perspective On Habermas. Open Court Publishing. 14 Susen, S. 2001. Critical Notes on Habermas's theory of the public sphere. (online). City University of London. Available at: http://tinyurl.com/lhy4j4z. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 15 Ibid. 8 Internet could be seen as an example of public sphere: "In today's cities, an internet cafe would be more likely to excite him than Trafalgar Square" 16 The place where strangers meet, as Sennett defines Public Realm, could be anywhere: An event, a medium, etc. that encourages communication between strangers. Eventually, Sennett argues, cities that promote those types of encounters are called cities with open systems and on the contrary, cities that lack a real public realm or just promote the privatization of spaces are called cities with closed systems. Based on sociologist Jane Jacobs(1961) and her book "The death and life of great American cities"17, Sennett(2006) imagines a city with a closed system with two attributes: Equilibrium and Integration18. Equilibrium is related with balance, with harmony and with a static idea of conceiving a city. Public Spaces as spaces full of differences, dissents and disorders are not part or are reduced in a closed system. By integration, Sennett means that everything is connected and is part of a greater and unique vision. Thus, everything that is not part of that unique vision is expelled and rejected: "The logic of integration is to diminish in value things that don't fit in (.) Closed system cities refuse to evolve and has paralysed urbanism", concludes Sennett. Opposing a closed system, the open system is all about diversity and finding a place for differences, dissents and disorders. It is about complexity, about how a place adapts itself to the always changing community and its processes. Sennett lists three elements of an open city: Passage territories, incomplete form and development narratives. Passages territories means to diffuse boundaries and different territories within the cities; incomplete form is regarding "empty spaces" so the public can interact in it. Development narratives means to allow dissident voices to express and to fully participate. Wirth (1938) summarize the above by saying: "The juxtaposition of divergent personalities and modes of life tends to produce a relativistic perspective and a sense of toleration of differences"19 Taking into consideration the above characteristics of an open city, one can say that an open city is a place for democracy, "not in the legal sense but in the physical experience" says 16 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. 17 Jacobs, J .1961. The death and life of great American cities. Random House, New York. 18 Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 19 Wirth, L .1938. Urbanism as a Way of Life. (online) Chicago Journals. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2768119 (Accessed 13 January 2014). 9 Sennett 20. This thesis is important to understand the importance of public spaces in construction of a fully democratic society and thus is connected to the idea of development and equality. ¿What are examples of an open system? Can one give an account of a public sphere? The next chapter will give an account of the relationship between the street festivals and the public sphere, understanding them as a significance example of public realm. Street Festivals and the Public Sphere To begin with, Street Festivals or Urban Festivals as any other cultural event placed in the public sphere are related of what Durkheim called "collective effervescence". As Durkheim pointed out when a group gathers to perform a "religious ritual" experiences a sense of encounter and unity, "leading participants to a high degree of collective emotional excitement or delirium"21. However as Sassatelli(2011) adds, although Festivals are also part of a collective delirium, taking all participant apart from the everyday life, they are also places where the social encounter is made of "polyvalent performances, rather than unified signifiers of a consensual collective conscience"22 Sassatelli complements that street festivals contrasted with museums: By its living dimension as well as its unrestrained sensory experience. Sennett (1992) also talks about spaces "full of live" as narrative spaces where every dweller constructs a disorder and kaleidoscope meaning of the public. This could lead to the erosion of the boundaries of high and low culture in the sense of the Frankfurt School understood the "cultural industries". namely they turn into instances of communication and instances of production of collective meanings and desires. 20 Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 21 Durkheim, E .2008. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. Oxford Paperbacks. 22 Sassatelli, M. 2011. Urban Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere: Cosmopolitanism between Ethics and Aesthetics in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 12-19 10 If Habermas, the notion of the "Public Sphere" is related as the area where rational individuals communicate to each other to discuss their social problems; nowadays as McGuian(2011) argues, there are different ways to look at the public sphere, not only inside a rational communicative system as Habermas states, but from other types of communication that also create a sense of public sphere. One of those "public spheres" is the cultural public sphere, namely a sphere within the public where different modes of communications, for instance "affective-aesthetics and emotional are articulated with the public and the private"23 "The public sphere nowadays operates though various channels and circuits of mass popular culture and entertainment facilitated the routinely mediated aesthetic and emotional reflections on how we live and imagine the good life (.) festivals are the aestheticization of politics as the ground for festivals is the democratization of an independent thought by the spectators transformed into active actors". . Although McGuian theorized the cultural public sphere for the mass media and populism culture, undoubtedly street festivals share that conception in an emotional and aesthetic way of "come together as a public" and to transcend the private sphere into a societal integration as Habermas explained. Fabiani (2011) explained as well: 24 Street Festivals are also part of the Sennett's idea of "Teatro Mundi". Spaces operated in an open system, where strangers meet through a "rhetorical way, acting in order to be 23Mc Guian, J. 2011. The Cultural Public Sphere- a critical measure of public culture? in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 79-92. 24 Fabiani, J. 2011. Festivals, local and global: Critical interventions and the cultural public sphere. in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 92-108 Involvement rather than contemplation Instances of communication and community building Erosion of the boundaries between high and low culture Construction of Identity Produce meanings and desires Box 1. Characteristics of Street Festivals according to Sassatelli(2011). 11 credible" 25 In the next chapter, this essay will discuss the implications of street festivals in the sustainable development of a city. Different approaches coming from the research of the UNESCO on the relationship between culture and development as well as the studies of the creative class by Michael Florida and the Creative cities by Michael Landry. . People act as in they were in a "role playing" to create a sense of "equality", even if they do not share their same social class, race, sexual orientation, etc. Street Festivals have this "communicative power" of involve everyone together. Street Festivals as mechanism for sustainable development How could we connect street festivals as examples of the cultural public sphere with the idea of development? In other words, is there any connection between street festivals, understood as a cultural manifestation, and sustainable development? This chapter will introduce the concept of "Culture for Development"26 In the last few decades, UNESCO programs have been focused in how culture should be at the centre of economic development in developed and especially in developing countries. One of the last attempts to foster that was the Hangzou Congress in 2013 in China. The final conclusion was: "Placing Culture at the Heart of Sustainable Development Policies"; a term coined by UNESCO in a variety of its programs wide world specially for developing nations and will give an account of the link between that term and street festivals as examples of a cultural industry. 27 25 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. and described 9 main ideas to do so: Integrate culture within all development policies and Programmes; Mobilize culture and mutual understanding to foster peace and reconciliation; Ensure cultural rights for all to promote inclusive social development; Leverage culture for poverty reduction and inclusive economic development; Build on culture to promote environmental sustainability; Strengthen resilience to disasters and combat climate change through culture value; safeguard and transmit culture to future generations; Harness culture 26 Culture and Development. 2013. UNESCO- Culture. (Online) Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development (Accessed 13 January 2014) 27 UNESCO. 2013. The Hangzhou Declaration. UNESCO- Culture. (Online). Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development/hangzhou-congress/ (Accessed 13 January 2014). 12 as a resource for achieving sustainable urban development and management; Capitalize on culture to foster innovative and sustainable models of cooperation. 28 Landry (2008) also talks about the benefits of cultural industries in a city and how the creativity of those industries will foster economic development and social cohesion: "Culture can also strengthen social cohesion, increase personal confidence and improve life skills, improve people's mental and physical well-being, strengthen people's ability to act as democratic citizens and develop new training and employment routes".29 Florida (2003) shows the relationship between creativeness and development. His theory of human capital, called creative capital theory, shows how by fostering tolerance, high education levels and social adaptation to changes, a social class can help to develop their communities. This creative class and its idea of create "new forms of meanings"30 The bond between the cultural public sphere with democracy and the idea of an Open City, explained before, is also a seminal part of how through cultural manifestations, a society can develop and tackle social problems. are attached to the idea of UNESCO's Culture for development program. Case Studies: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and the "Rock al Parque" Festival This essay will present two cases studies of street festivals and its relation with the city and its sustainable development: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogota (Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro de Bogotá) and The Rock al Parque Festival. Both represent two major fields in the cultural industries in Bogotá such as the performative arts and the music. 28 Ibid 29 Landry, C. 2008. The Creative City: A toolkit for Urban Innovators. Earthscan Editions. 30 Florida, M (2003). Cities and the creative class. (Online). Available at: http://uv.vuchorsens.dk/r/KAZ/Undervisning%202012-2013/GEOLOGI/B%C3%A6redygtighed/Befolkning%20og%20b%C3%A6redygtighed/GetFile.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). 13 Firstly the chapter will introduce a context of each festival and then discuss around 5 main axes how the two festivals help to development in specific ways. Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá Declared in December 2013 as "cultural heritage of Colombia"31, The Ibero-American Theatre Festival of Bogotá is a biannual cultural event held in Bogotá and organized by the Fundación Teatro Nacional (National Theatre Foundation) an NGO dedicated to theatre with private and public funding. It is considered as one of the most important theatre festival in Latin America and the most significant cultural event in Colombia32 The history of the festival is in every sense "quixotic": Launched in 1988 when the country was immersed in drug-related violence and when the public institutions and the general idea of democracy were at crisis, Ramiro Osorio, a renowned cultural entrepreneur and Fanny Mikey, considered one of the icons of theatre and culture in Colombia, created the theatre Festival as a "Act of Faith" in order to promote culture as an answer to defeat the prevailing violence of those years. . It is important to mention somehow the significant role of the National Theatre Foundation in the conformation and development of the theatre in Colombia. Founded in 1981 by Fanny Mikey, an Argentinean émigré, with the play "El Rehén" nowadays has three major venues with a wide programme throughout the year as well as an art college a social programme for deprived communities and an international tours of their plays33 The first Ibero-American theatre festival, held from 25th march to 3th of April 1988, gathered 59 theatres companies from 21 countries with an estimated of no more than 100.000 spectators. In 2012, 26 years later, the festival had more than 3 million spectators and 200 theatres companies from 32 countries and 5 continents. 34 31El Espectador. 2013. Festival de Teatro de Bogotá, declarado patrimonio cultural de la Nación. El Espectador, (Online) (Last updated 11December 2013). Available at: . http://www.elespectador.com/noticias/bogota/festival-de-teatro-de-bogota-declarado-patrimonio-cultu-articulo-463508. (Accessed: 13 January 2014). 32 Cepeda, A .2010. FESTIVAL IBEROAMERICANO DE TEATRO DE BOGOTÁ- IMPACTO Y SUPERVIVENCIA. Instituto Complutense de CC Musicales. 33 Ibid 34 Ibid 14 The conception of the festival as a "carnival of the city" relies on the stress in the use of the public space: There are plays presented in the streets, plazas and parks from all over the city: From slums to rich areas covering all significance area of the city. In 2012, the festival presents 218 street plays in 4 major parks (Simón Bolívar, Tunal, Nacional y Plaza de Bolívar) 7 public spaces for street plays, 4 community centres, 2 big parades starting from the north of Bogota (Calle 80) until the Bolivar's Square, the biggest plaza in Bogotá. The Festival was in 11 out of the 21 districts of Bogota. In average, around 2, 5 millions of spectators participate in the festival. 35 "Rock al Parque" Festival In March 2012, Bogotá was chosen by the UNESCO as Creative City of Music along with European cities such as Bologna (Italy), Ghent (Belgium), Sevilla (Spain) and Glasgow (Scotland).36 This recognition is part of the strategy of the secretary of culture of Bogotá of positioning the city as a major culture hub in Latin-American especially in the music field. In recent years and after the creation of the central roadmaps namely the "Políticas Culturales Distritales 2004-2016"37 The link between urban public spaces and public festivals as cultural policies is more visible in the "Festivales al Parque" (Park Festivals) which consists in five annual free music festivals held in different times of the year and performed in important free venues and public parks. They are managed and executed by the Institute for arts in Bogotá (A sub division of the Secretary of Culture of Bogotá) "IDARTES". and the "Plan Decenal de Cultura 2011-2021" the music field and their relation with public spaces have being an important core of the cultural policies in Bogotá. There are 5 "festivales al parque" dedicated to the 5 most popular rhythms that conformed the music scene in the city: Hip Hop, Jazz, Colombia (traditional music) and Rock. Created in different years, the "Festivales al Parque" conforms a local identity and a cultural highlight of the city. 35 Ibid 36 Cultura y Entretenimiento. 2012. Bogotá fue declarada capital mundial de la música. EL TIEMPO. (Online). Available at: http://www.eltiempo.com/entretenimiento/musica/ARTICULO-WEB-NEW_NOTA_INTERIOR-11842506.html (Accessed 13 January 2014) 37 IDARTES. 2004. Políticas Culturales Distritales (Online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/sites/default/files/politicas_culturales_distritales_2004-2016.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). 15 The pioneer and the biggest in terms of audience of the "Festivales al Parque" is "Rock al Parque" a 3 days rock festival created in 1995 and hosted in the biggest public park of the city, Parque Simón Bolivar; it was organized by musicians Mario Duarte and Julio Correal as a strategy to create a bond between citizens of different socio economic background with the public space during the Antanas Mockus' mayor. The XVIII edition of the festival in 2012 congregated more than 70.000 people per day, making the Festival, the biggest public rock festival in Latin America in terms of audience38. Places for sustainable development: conclusions studies. Although each festival has its own characteristics a study conducted by Obgregón (2007) shows 5 main conclusions that "Rock al Parque" festival has brought to the city. In a similar study done for the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival, Cepeda (2010) also concluded that the festival helped the city in similar ways of the five elements of Obregon. Those five elements also share the same roots of the elements of Culture for Development by the UNESCO. This is an interesting discovery that shows how festivals if they are organized inside the language of Open City -Teatro Mundi (Sennett) and in the Cultural Public Sphere all share similar benefits: 38 Obregon, J. 2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Improve the image of the city Create a sense of identity Help to build an audience Visibilization of a minority group Tolerance and social cohesion. Box 2. Five mains benefit of the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and Rock al Parque Festival to Bogotá. 16 1. Improve the image of the city Both festivals improve the image of the city, for both its inhabitants and foreigners audiences. Leguizamón, Moreno and Tibazisco(2013) have argued the relation between the festivals and the local economy especially in the touristic field: "Bogotá is a touristic destiny who takes advantage of its public festivals as an important opportunity to retain tourists interested in performing arts because they visit the city only one time. This advantage depends on quality improvements which tourist perceived around touristic products and services offered like: security, hospitality, environmental practices, mobility and connectivity."39 UNESCO (2001) has also states how cultural tourism has increased in recent years: In 2010, international tourism generated 919 billion dollars in export earnings. Emerging and developing countries accounted for 47 per cent of world international tourism arrivals and 36.9 per cent of world international tourism receipts in 2010. Cultural tourism presently accounts for 40 per cent of world tourism revenues. Taking into account the statistics of the monitoring centre for culture of IDARTES conducted in 2011 the percentage of tourist that visited the city exclusively to assist to "Rock al Parque" Festival were 16,16% compared to 6,03% in 199740. 2. Create a sense of identity Wyss (2012) states that for 17 days, "the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival transformed a chaotic metropolis like Bogotá (more than 8 million inhabitants) into a cultural Mecca", The general director of the Festival, Ana Marta de Pizarro also argues than the festival is "the carnival of the city, crime rates are significantly reduced and the general atmosphere of the dwellers is of great joy and party"41 39 Leguizamon, M; Moreno, E and Tobavizco N. 2013. Impacto turístico del Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro de Bogotá. (online) Available: . http://www.pasosonline.org/Publicados/11113/PS0113_06.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014) 40 IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. (online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/observatorio/medAlparque.html. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 41 Wyss, J. 2010. Bogota theater festival: a bright mask for a once grim city. (Online) Available at: http://carpetbagbrigade.files.wordpress.com/2012/09/miami-herald-dios-callings-english1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 17 Similar to Wyss, Obregon citing Cante(2007), says that the idea of Rock al Parque has brought a sense of "social cohesion through the construction of an identity of tolerance and coexistence. It creates a civil culture in the city"42. 3. Help to build an audience Obregon (2007) and Cepeda (2010) states that one of the most important benefits of Rock al Parque and the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival is that those events have helped to build an audience in music and performative arts respectively. In the case of Rock al Parque, the event helped to massify a genre that wasn't part of the mainstream in Colombia as Rock. According to IDARTES (2011), almost 60% of the audience that assisted to the Festival in 2011 has been to a different free rock concert. Almost 80% has already assisted to more than two versions of Rock Al Parque. Cepeda (2010) concludes that the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival has collaborate to "enrich the theatre market in the city and to put it in one of the top in Latin America". 65% of the public, who assisted to the Festival in 2010, has seen a play regularly outside the Festival, according to the study. 4. Visibilization of a minority group This point is connected to the last conclusion. By building an audience, the festivals helped to make visible an audience. In Rock al Parque an "underground culture" as the rock scene, stigmatized before as "antisocial, started to have a better image in the community. IDARTES (2011) indicates that 60% of the audience of Rock al Parque has been to a Rock Concert without any kind of stigmatization43. 5. Tolerance and social cohesion Another important point about the two festivals is regarding the social cohesion and zero violence culture that promotes. Cepeda (2010) is very emphatic describing the impact of the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival with the violence and crime rates in the city: 42 Obregon, J.2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. 43 IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. (online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/observatorio/medAlparque.html. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 18 "The festival has contributed since its beginning to the peace process in Colombia. This festival dared to make public performatives acts in the streets when the crimes rates were really high. Those events had an amazing and significative success. One could say that in the 17 days of the festival, crimes and violence stops. Police informs that the crime rates during those two weeks are the lowest of the year."44 93,48% of the spectators of the 2011 "Rock al Parque" felt that the event help to promote a non-violence culture. Still, both festivals shares the unique values of the "Teatro Mundi": Every spectator is equal, no matter his race, gender, social class, etc. The rates of zero violent deaths in the history of both festivals are also an example of how those events are truly places for democracy and peace. Conclusion As it has been seen through the different chapters that conform this essay, the benefits of creating public cultural events in urban spaces bring, undoubtedly a notion of democracy and development. Although Habermas did not specifically discuss street festivals and public festivals in urban spaces as examples of his theory of both public sphere and the theory of communicative action, the essay helped to shape a theoretical background to such events according to Habermas's notions. In the end, the link between Cultural Public Spaces and the UNESCO definition of Culture for Development was an interesting discovery that is worthwhile to keep researching. As mentioned in the introduction, the aim of the essay was to create a structure to understand the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and the Rock al Parque Festival as examples of cultural public sphere and based on that give an account of the relationship between those spaces and the idea of development. Culture and Cultural manifestations are always moving and changing as society itself. Street Festivals are manifestations that definitely have to be fully addressed. All the rich variety of characteristics that those kinds of events possesses as the essay presented, make them a unique type of cultural products. Could culture transform a society? Definitely. Not only culture transformed society but improves it. Bogota is a better city, with more possibilities with events like the ones studied. In the future, and as part of a cultural policies plan, More events such those, should be created. This is the only recommendation of this essay toward the future, taking into account 44 Cepeda, A .2010. FESTIVAL IBEROAMERICANO DE TEATRO DE BOGOTÁ- IMPACTO Y SUPERVIVENCIA. Instituto Complutense de CC Musicales. 19 that the existing legislation "protect" the two festivals, that in the end, are part of the cultural heritage of the city and the nation. 20 Appendix Photos a. Iberoamerican Theatre Festival45 45 All photos: Humar, Z., 2012. En fotos, Bogotá y su fiesta de las mil caras. [electronic print] Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/video_fotos/2012/04/120405_fotos_galeria_festival_teatro_bogota_aw.shtml [Accessed 12 January 2013]. 21 22 b. Rock al Parque Festival46 46 All photos: Lopez, J., 2013. Bogotá Rock al Parque. [electronic print] Available at: http://tinyurl.com/oabvlmt [Accessed 12 January 2013]. 23 24 Bibliography • Cepeda, A. 2010. 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Festivals, local and global: Critical interventions and the cultural public sphere. in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 92-108 • Finlayson, J .2005. Habermas, a very short introduction. Oxford University Press. • Florida, M .2003. Cities And The Creative Class. (Online). Available at: http://uv.vuchorsens.dk/r/KAZ/Undervisning%202012-2013/GEOLOGI/B%C3%A6redygtighed/Befolkning%20og%20b%C3%A6redygtighed/GetFile.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). • Habermas,J. 1991. The Structural Transformation Of The Public Sphere. MIT Press. • Hahn, L. 2000. Perspective On Habermas. Open Court Publishing. 25 • IDARTES. 2004. Políticas Culturales Distritales (Online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/sites/default/files/politicas_culturales_distritales_2004-2016.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). • IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. 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Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 79-92. • Mumford, L., 1937. What is a city?. In: Scoutt, S and Stoutt, F. ed. 2011. The city reader. Taylor and Francis. pp.91-96. • Obregon, J .2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. • Sassatelli, M. 2011. Urban Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere: Cosmopolitanism between Ethics and Aesthetics in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 12-19 • Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014)26 • Sennett, R. 1992. The Conscience of the Eye: The Design and Social Life of Cities. W.W Norton & Company. • Sennett, R. 2003. The Fall of Public Man. Penguin, New Edition. • Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A. Companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. • Sennett, R. 2008. The Public Realm. (online) Richard Sennet Website. Available at: http://www.richardsennett.com/site/SENN/Templates/General2.aspx?pageid=16 (Accessed 13 January 2014) . • Simmel, G. 1950. The Metropolis and Mental Life. In Miles, M; Hall, T and Borden, I. The City Cultures Reader. Ed. 2000. pp. 12-19. • Susen, S. 2001. Critical Notes on Habermas's theory of the public sphere. (online). City University of London. Available at: http://tinyurl.com/lhy4j4z. (Accessed 13 January 2014). • UNESCO. 2013. The Hangzhou Declaration. UNESCO- Culture. (Online). Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development/hangzhou-congress/ (Accessed 13 January 2014). • Weber,M. 1966. The City. Free Press. • Wirth, L .1938. Urbanism as a Way of Life. (online) Chicago Journals. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2768119 (Accessed 13 January 2014). • Wyss, J. 2010. 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La ciudad estimó su población de 345.769 pobladores para 1934, habitando 38.000 viviendas en 2100 manzanas con tas solo 1640 instalaciones telefónicas. Tuvo una extensión de 15 km. entre Santa Lucía y Rionegro, por 5 km. de ancho en 1935, con muchos y grandes intersticios vacíos y sin desarrollos al sur y al occidente. El Centro de la ciudad tuvo alta congestión vehicular, a pesar de sus buses y 48,59 km. de líneas de tranvía en 1933. Poseía un aeropuerto privado de Scadta, en el Municipio de Bosa. No contó a comienzos de los treintas con las infraestructuras urgentes en acueducto, alcantarillado ni manejo de residuos sólidos. Las formas de crecimiento urbano características en 1932 fueron la "informal" y la "barraca", que aplazaban el proceso de urbanización y privilegiaban la construcción de las edificaciones. En 1933, se creó el Instituto de Acción Social de Bogotá, para resolver el problema de vivienda y obras públicas en los barrios obreros. Los obreros llevaron una existencia sórdida, antihigiénica, hacinada, con 5,2 miembros por familia, bajos ingresos y con niños y niñas trabajadores. Se relacionó pobreza con hambre y por primera vez con la nutrición. Se asociaron la higiene y la moral en las habitaciones paupérrimas. Se relocalizaron los moradores pobres de los cerros de Bogotá, del proyecto del Paseo Bolívar, en el barrio Centenario en 1938. La urbanización posterior a la ciudad existente fue la gran oportunidad para modernizar la ciudad y que fuera digna de denominarse Capital de la República. Se creó del Departamento de urbanismo en 1933, con Karl Brunner como su primer director al inicio de 1934, y se dispusieron en este Departamento las secciones de Urbanizaciones, Plano Futuro y Arquitectura. Se demandó "el proyecto de planeamiento". Brunner adelantó estudios para urbanizar el occidente y sur de la ciudad, pero no se aprobó ni se conoció bajo su dirección, un plano del futuro desarrollo de la ciudad. La ciudad contó con un Plan de Obras para el Cuarto Centenario propuesto y aprobado inicialmente en 1933 y finalmente modificado en 1935, tras el cual se siguieron proponiendo nuevas obras. En 1938 Bogotá contó con un plano actualizado de la ciudad existente. La ciudad adelantó estadísticas y estudios sociales con el "Departamento de Estadística e Investigación Social" y consideró imprescindible la elaboración de un "censo general". Se modernizaron las entidades municipales, se reorganizaron el Laboratorio de Sanidad, los roperos y restaurantes escolares, los Institutos profesionales para varones y para mujeres y, las licencias y policías específicos para el Departamento de Circulación y Tránsito. Ante el atraso de la urbanización, del acueducto, sus obras de captación, embalse, purificación y conducción, la Nación aportó recursos. Ésta también financió la construcción de la Biblioteca Nacional y del Campus de la Universidad Nacional. Sobre predios donados, el Municipio, con algunos recursos de la Gobernación, construyó el Estadio Municipal El Campín. Se construyeron tramos cortos pero importantes del Paseo Bolívar, Av. Jiménez, Av. Liévano, Av. Caracas, carrera Norte (séptima), Santiago de Chile. En alcantarillado se planteó la construcción de colectores y canales de cuerpos de agua. Respecto de la energía, el tema central crítico fue su ensanche, por el aumento de la demanda, que hicieron necesarias las plantas de El Charquito, y la de El Salto. Se continuó extendiendo la red del tranvía hasta 1938. Se construyeron edificios de la Bolsa de Bogotá y del Instituto Federico Lleras Acosta, el teatro al aire libre de la Media Torta y las 500 casas para obreros en el barrio del Centenario. Se construyeron escuelas para niños y para niñas. Se terminaron y dotaron plazas de mercado, nuevo matadero y pabellón par expendio de carnes. Se construyeron hornos crematorios de basuras. Las Juntas de Mejoras públicas de los barrios continuaron gestionando las obras de pavimentos, alcantarillas, escuelas públicas, plazas de mercado y kioscos sanitarios. La ciudad jardín y el movimiento moderno estuvieron presentes durante la discusión del Plan de Obras del IV Centenario. El Registro Municipal refirió congresos, conferencias internacionales y nacionales, artículos y reseñas, con las diferencias conceptuales de Ciudad Jardín y el Movimiento Moderno de la Arquitectura. Se abordaron: el urbanismo, la vivienda popular, los barrios insalubres y su higienización y las 'casas baratas', el crecimiento de las ciudades y de sus centros, su historia y evolución, el patrimonio natural y construido y la arquitectura. Se mencionaron las ciudades satélites, sus "cinturones verdes", los suburbios, la relación ciudad campo, el planeamiento regional, el metropolitalismo, el régimen especial para la ciudad capital, la zonificación, las vías radiales o diagonales versus los trazados ortogonales. Se redujeron las exenciones para aumentar la tributación y financiar las obras del Centenario, imponiendo normas científicas y modernas de cálculo tributario. Se organizó el sorteo de la Lotería del Centenario para costear las obras. Se creó el Fondo Rotatorio de Fomento social y el Banco Central Hipotecario para estimular el ahorro para vivienda. También se aprobó el impuesto de valorización. Nos comparamos con otras naciones con relación a las migraciones a sus ciudades capitales, las ventajas y desventajas de las ciudades modernas, el ensanche de las calles, la sanidad, el estado del bienestar social, la pobreza, los barrios populares, las finanzas municipales, el tráfico y las condiciones habitables de las viviendas. Se recibieron muchos saludos al Centenario de Bogotá, desde otros municipios nacionales y ciudades extranjeras. Se decretó para 1938 levantar el "censo civil de la República" de edificaciones y población. Se realizó la Exposición Nacional del IV Centenario, con el apoyo de la Nación y del Departamento. La modernización fue la tarea central que se propuso Bogotá para considerarse de manera diferenciada La Capital de la República. Se discutía la municipalización o privatización de los servicios municipales, la elección de alcaldes por los Concejos y no por el Gobernador. El nuevo espíritu cívico dejo de ser de los empresarios o asociaciones privadas para estar desarrolladas por las entidades municipales. Algunas élites municipales dieron importancia a las condiciones sociales de la propiedad, su función social, discutiendo privilegiar prioritariamente a las clases bajas sobre las medias. Se pretendió modernizar las costumbres, el aseo, divulgar el deporte y las granjas urbanas. Se mencionó modernizar la demografía con la pasterización de la leche, "las prácticas anticoncepcionales, el aborto y la esterilización". Se impulsó un "sistema de ahorro postal". El Paseo Bolívar se planteó como una franja sanitaria y una bella vía sobre el paisaje de la ciudad, y como un reconocimiento de las clases menos pudientes con derecho a vivienda urbanizada, como el barrio Centenario. Se llevaron a cabo la construcción de Barrios para empleados Muequetá, Las Mercedes, y para obreros, entre otros el Calderón Tejada. Se continuó insistiendo en otorgarle a Bogotá el carácter de Distrito Capital. Se llevaron a cabo las festividades del Centenario entre el 20 de julio y el 7 de agosto de 1938 en muchos lugares distintos de la ciudad. Se reconoció al Fundador y a los indígenas Chibchas. La celebración de los Juegos Bolivarianos en los nuevos estadios de la Universidad Nacional y el Nemesio Camacho, acogieron de forma permanente el foot ball en la cultura Bogotana. Se modernizó el manejo del tránsito en la ciudad con la compra de buses. ; Abstract: The city: In 1934, the city estimated that its population was 345,769 inhabitants, living in 38,000 homes over 2,100 blocks, and with 1,640 telephone lines. In 1935, the city was 15 km long from Santa Lucía to Rionegro, and 5 km wide, with many large vacant areas and no development to the south and west. In 1933, the city center had considerable traffic congestion, despite its buses and 48.59 km of tram lines. Scadta private airport operated in the municipality of Bosa. In the early 1930s, the city lacked urgently needed aqueduct, sewer, and solid waste management infrastructure. In 1932, the main styles of urban growth were "informal" and "slums," which delayed urbanization and favored self-build construction. In 1933, the Institute of Social Action of Bogotá was created to solve housing and public works problems in the working-class neighborhoods. The workers lived in sordid, unhygienic, overcrowded conditions, with 5.2 members per family, low income, and child labor. Poverty gave rise to hunger, and the impact of nutrition was understood for the first time. Poor hygiene and dubious morals were associated with the housing of the very poor. In 1938, the impoverished residents living on the slopes of Bogotá's mountainsides were relocated to the Paseo Bolivar project in the Centenario neighborhood. Urbanization: The city's subsequent urbanization was a great opportunity to modernize and make the city worthy of its denomination Capital of the Republic. The Department of Urban Planning was created in 1933, with Karl Brunner at the helm as the first director in early 1934. The department included divisions for Urbanization, Future Plans, and Architecture. "Project Planning" was in demand. Brunner led studies to urbanize the western and southern parts of the city, but no plan for the future development of the city was approved or distributed under his direction. The city's Quadricentennial Work Plan was initially approved in 1933 and modified in 1935, after which new works continued to be proposed. By 1938, Bogotá had an up-to-date map of the existing city. The Department of Statistics and Social Research gathered statistics and undertook social studies on the city, and decided that it was essential to do a general census. The municipal agencies were modernized, and reorganization was done of the Health Laboratory, school clothing and food programs, professional institutes for men and women, licenses, and the Traffic and Transit Police force was created. Given the shortcomings in the urban aqueduct system, the nation contributed resources for channeling water, reservoirs, purification, and water distribution. It also financed the construction of the National Library and the National University campus. The municipality, with some resources from the departmental government, built the Nemésio Camacho El Campín Stadium on donated land. Short but important sections of the roads Paseo Bolívar, Av. Jiménez, Av. Liévano, Av. Caracas, Carrera Norte (Carrera 7), and Av. Santiago de Chile were built. The construction of water collectors and channels was considered for the sewage system. In terms of electricity, the critical issue was increasing production to meet increasing demand, which made the El Charquito and El Salto plants necessary. The tramway network continued to spread until 1938. The Bogotá Stock Exchange, the Federico Lleras Acosta Institute, and the Media Torta amphitheater were built, as well as 500 houses for workers in the Centenario neighborhood. Schools for boys and girls were built. Markets were built and provisioned, along with a new slaughterhouse and meat dispensary. Garbage incinerators were built. Neighborhood Public Improvement Boards continued to organize paving projects, sewer systems, public schools, markets, and healthcare posts. The Garden City and the Modern Movement were part of the discussion of the Quadricentennial Public Works Plan. Municipal records mention congresses, national and international conferences, articles and reviews, addressing the different concepts of the Garden City and the Modern Architecture Movement. The issues examined included: urbanism, self-build housing, sanitation and unhealthy neighborhoods and "cheap housing," the growth of cities and their centers, their history and evolution, natural and constructed heritage, and architecture. Satellite cities, green belts, suburbs, city-greenspace proportions, regional planning, metropolitanism, a special planning regime for the capital district, zoning, and radial or diagonal roadways versus grid plan roadways were discussed. Modern and scientific tax calculation standards were used to reduce tax exemptions and increase revenues to finance the Quadricentennial works. The Centennial Lottery was created to help finance the works. The Revolving Fund for Social Development and the Central Mortgage Bank were created to encourage savings for housing. The land betterment tax was created. Colombia looked to other countries to compare itself in terms of migration to the capital cities, the advantages and disadvantages of modern cities, the widening of the streets, healthcare, social welfare, poverty, working-class neighborhoods, municipal finances, traffic, and housing conditions. Many municipalities around the country and foreign cities sent greetings to Bogotá for the Quadricentennial. It was decided that a census of buildings and people would be done in 1938. The Quadricentennial National Exhibition was held, with the support of the nation and the department. Modernization was Bogotá's main goal so that the Capital of the Republic would be seen as different. The municipalization or privatization of municipal services was discussed, as was the proposal to have City Council elect the mayor, instead of being appointed by the departmental governor. Municipal agencies set the tone for the new civic spirit, instead of businesses or private associations. Some municipal decision-makers stressed the importance of the social aspects of property, its social function, arguing in favor of prioritizing the lower-income classes over the middle classes. The aim was to modernize practices, cleanliness, encourage sports and urban gardens. The population would be modernized with the pasteurization of milk, "contraceptive practices, abortion and sterilization." A postal savings bank was created. Paseo Bolívar was conceived to be a greenspace and a beautiful lookout over the city, and also as recognition that the less affluent classes have the right to urban development, such as the Centenario neighborhood. Neighborhoods such as Muequetá and Las Mercedes were built for company employees, and others were built for laborers, such as Calderón Tejada, among others. Importance was placed on continuing to transform Bogota into a Capital District. The Quadricentennial festivities were held between July 20 and August 7, 1938 in locations throughout the city. The city's founder and the Chibcha indigenous origins were commemorated. The Bolivarian Games were hosted in the new stadium at the National University and the Nemésio Camacho El Campín stadium, which is the permanent home of "football" in Bogota. Traffic management in the city was modernized with the purchase of buses. Keywords: Bogotá, urban history, modernization, urban planning. ; Maestría

Globally, there were 809.9 million undernourished people, of which 194.4 million people (24 per cent) were in India in 2016-18. India had around 30.9 per cent (46 millions) of the world's stunted children under five years of age and 50.9 per cent (25.2 million) of the world's wasted children in 2016-18 (FAO, IFAD, UNICEF, WFP and WHO, 2019). Moreover, a study by Kharas et al. (2018) projects that India will account for 33 per cent of stunted under five years of age and 21 per cent of wasted children worldwide by 2030 unless stringent actions are taken. Given this backdrop, the pertinent question that the report aims to address is how India can achieve nutritional security by 2030. To address this, the paper identifies the multi-dimensional determinants of malnutrition and also explores the linkage between nutrition and income, poverty, food security and agriculture. To identify the determinants of malnutrition, we ran logistic regressions for children under five years of age who are underweight, stunted, and wasted using unit-level data from NFHS (2015-16). The study finds that mother's education, particularly higher education, and wealth index (a proxy for standard of living) show a strong association with malnutrition indicators (underweight, stunting and wasting). The other factors such as duration of breastfeeding, nutritional and health care interventions such as antenatal care, taking iron-folic acid (IFA) supplements, place of delivery and caste also have a significant effect on reducing child malnutrition. Using a Cox proportional hazard model for NFHS (2015-16), the study finds that mortality and nutritional security are closely interlinked and several of the multi-sectoral solutions to address child malnutrition such as breastfeeding practices, wealth index and mother's educational status have a significant impact on child mortality. The report also projects the progress of the SDG targets of eradicating extreme poverty, ending all forms of malnutrition and reducing child mortality rates in India until 2030 using business as usual projections. The report finds that India is on track to achieve the SDG targets of ending extreme poverty and reducing neonatal mortality rates and under five mortality rates to 12 per 1000 live births and 25 per 1000 live births respectively by 2030. However, India seems to lag far behind in reducing the proportion of underweight, stunted and wasted children under five years of age by 2030. To achieve nutritional security within the stipulated time, policy makers need to focus on the key determinants of malnutrition and plug gaps in the existing nutrition sensitive programmes for India. The study recommends (1) leveraging agricultural policies and programmes to be more "nutrition sensitive" and reinforcing diet diversification to help focus on both nutrition and child development; (2) ensuring that food-based safety nets such as PDS provide a more diversified food basket, including bio-fortified staples; (3) increasing access to health care and prenatal care facilities along with improving sanitation and drinking water facilities, and (4) providing liberal scholarships for women's education, particularly for higher education in mission mode.

This paper estimates slum residents willingness to pay for formalized land tenure in Pune, India. In so doing, it offers evidence that the legal assurance of slum residents occupancy of their lands could benefit them. Previous studies have discussed legal and non-legal factors that substantially influence the tenure security of residents in informal settlements. However, it remains unclear to what extent, and how, the assignment of legal property rights through the formalization of land tenure improves the tenure security of residents in informal settlements and living conditions, even in the presence of other legal and non-legal factors that also contribute to their tenure security. To address the question, this study focuses on the city of Pune, India, where government agencies have formalized slums by legally ensuring the occupancy of the residents under slum declaration. Applying a hedonic price model to an original household survey, this paper investigates how slum residents evaluate formalized land tenure. A spatial econometrics method is also applied to account for spatially autocorrelated unobserved errors. The spatial hedonic analysis finds that the premium of slum declaration is worth 19 percent of the average housing rent in slums. The associated marginal willingness to pay is equivalent to 6 percent of the average household expenditure, although it is heterogeneous depending on a households caste and other legal conditions. This finding suggests that the assurance of occupancy rights is a vital component of land-tenure formalization policy even if it does not directly provide full property rights.

The report consists of five sections. The first section comprises a short literature review to see the loss to food system in Pakistan amid COVID-19. The second and third sections present data collection and methodology and COVID-19 spread, perceptions and responses in rural areas. The fourth section provides a thorough discussion on the impact made on farming, agro-processing firms, food prices, workers, and migration returnees. The last section furnishes conclusion and policy recommendations.

While COVID-19 has focused attention on the immediate danger of food shortages, it behooves small island states like Singapore to continue efforts to develop more stable and sustainable food sources. And to put in place public outreach programmes which inform on food and nutrition security.