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It is not just since the crisis of the COVID-19 pandemic that the need for solidarity has become a commonly heard diagnosis – particularly in the European Union: But what exactly is meant by it and why is such importance attributed to it? In light of this status quo, this dissertation aims to answer two questions in particular: What is solidarity? And: What kind of solidarity should we envision for the European Union? I start by examining in what sense solidarity is inherently normative and my dissertation concerned with a normative problem. By clarifying the distinction between concept and conception, I explain that the contribution to the debate is to suggest a further conception of the (general) notion of solidarity, given that a review of previous literature does not provide a satisfactory comprehensive definition. The initial chapter also offers a brief history of the term and its historical significance and diverse usages in order to clarify why my methodological approach for defining solidarity is not focused on its historical applications. Rather, it offers a definition of solidarity that comprehends a social phenomenon in a way that other related notions cannot. The subsequent chapter introduces the definition of solidarity that I propose to work with. The chapter is guided by the diagnosis that solidarity is always relational (having to do with an "other") and expressed through practices (acts). The two guiding questions for my definition are consequently: 1. What makes me concerned about the other? – dealing with the relational question and 2. What does it mean to stand up for the other? – dealing with the question of solidary action. A further, evaluative step is necessary for the answers to both questions to clarify the normative dimension, i.e., to determine a desirable type of solidarity. Essentially, my definition first argues that solidarity is both social and political: social in its relational sense and political in its "expressive" sense as an action. The term social is to be understood as ...

Institutional design at IGCs -- Case selection -- Modeling institutionalism and intergovernmentalism -- Testing institutionalism and intergovernmentalism -- Winners and losers at Amsterdam -- Council votes and commissioners -- Exit threats, veto rights, and integration -- British accession : exit options and veto power.

"Providing short, clear and accessible explanations of the main areas of EU law, Understanding European Union Law is both an ideal introduction for students new to EU law and an essential addition to revision for the more accomplished. This eighth edition has been fully revised and updated with the latest legislative changes and includes an in-depth discussion of 'Brexit' and its implications for EU-UK relations. The book provides readers with a clear understanding of structures and rationale behind EU law, explaining how and why the law has developed as it has. In addition to discussing the core areas of EU law such as its sources, the role and powers of the EU's Institutions, the enforcement of EU law and the law of the internal market, this edition also includes a new chapter on three 'non-economic' areas of EU law: fundamental human rights, equality (non-discrimination) and the environment. This student-friendly text is both broad in scope and highly accessible. It will inspire students towards further study and show that understanding EU law can be an enjoyable and rewarding experience. As well as being essential reading for Law students, Understanding European Union Law is also suitable for students on other courses where basic knowledge of EU law is required or useful, such as business studies, political science, international relations or European studies programmes. Karen Davies, LLB, LLM, Cert Ed, Fellow of the Higher Education Authority, has written and lectured on European Union Law for over 20 years and retains an honorary teaching position at Swansea University, Wales. Maarten van Munster, LLM, is a senior lecturer in European Union Law and Human Rights Law and a researcher at the Multilevel Regulation research group of the Global Governance Centre of Expertise at the Hague University of Applied Sciences in the Netherlands. Isabel Düsterhöft, LLM, MA, is a senior lecturer in international and European Union law and policy at The Hague University of Applied Sciences in the Netherlands, and a visiting lecturer at the University of Hamburg and Leuphana University in Germany"--

1. The EU : history, institutions and sources of law -- 2. Enforcement actions against member states and preliminary rulings -- 3. European law supremacy and direct effect -- 4. Indirect effect and state liability -- 5. Free movement of goods 1 : articles 28-30 and 110 TFEU -- 6. Free movement of goods 2 : articles 34-36 TFEU -- 7. Personal mobility : citizenship and free movement of persons -- 8. Freedom of establishment and freedom to provide services -- 9. Competition law 1 : article 101 TFEU -- 10. Competition law 2 : article 102 TFEU.

Heffernan offers data on the trading, economic, & political power of the European Union (EU). Organizational expansion is shown by a list of historical stages in European integration. Criteria for EU membership & details of evolving enlargement are cited. An explanation of the EU's contemporary functions & characteristics includes review of the creation of the Council of Europe & events moving the organization from the ECSC (European Coal & Steel Community) to the Maastricht treaty. Examination of the EU's interdependence considers the influence of the two world wars on European integration. There is reflection on conflict over integration & development as well as intergovernmentalism & supranationalism. The question, "How is the EU governed?" delves into the European Council's functions & the European Commission's composition. Legislative & executive systems are outlined. Fast periods of integration are listed & compared with slower, more conflictive epochs. Historical perspective of the EU covers the specificity of Western Europe & the role of intergovernmental bargaining. 12 References. M. C. Leary

Introduction: European enlargement generally refers to the inclusion of new states into the European Union's Treaty area. This article considers instead the enlargement of Economic and Monetary Union into Africa. We know that no part of Africa is in the EU, though Morocco has sought to join, and the island of Mayotte belongs to an EU member state (France) and uses the euro. But the EU's single currency area is not identical with its monetary area. This article is about EMU beyond the EU itself, and in particular about the monetary shadow European colonial history has cast over western and central Africa. Here as well as in the Comoros islands three local currencies were long in the monetary area of France, and are now but local expressions of the euro. That was why in the late 1990s the impending introduction of the single European currency aroused considerable interest and some anxiety in those African countries that faced possible inclusion in the EU's monetary union. The question was whether the EC institutions should take over responsibly for monetary policy in the former French African overseas territories, although they are not in the EU now, and were never part of the EEC before independence. Alternatively, experts in Europe and in Africa considered whether France should maintain its monetary guarantee, and if so, whether the CFA franc should be decoupled from the future European currency. Finally, the CFA franc zones could simply disappear. Today currencies in the fourteen Francophone states plus those of two of Portugal's former African overseas countries are simply local variants of the euro. This paper briefly puts this strange situation in its historical context, considering what has changed and what has not with the changeover from the franc CFA pegged to the French franc, to a franc CFA pegged to the euro. I shall then ask, together with mainly African economists, political analysts and politicians, whether Africa's proxy euro zone should expand to take in perhaps the entire sub Saharan continent, which has a privileged trade and aid relationship with the EU. Alternatively, do Africans and Europeans see a European monetary zone in Africa as an opportunity or as an anachronistic burden? Do Africans within the zone want to remain tied to the EU to a degree that exists in no other sovereign states outside Europe? Two of the three CFA franc cum euro monetary zones have expanded both in nature and in geographical extent, having become economic unions and taken in two ex Portuguese dependencies. Do these now wish to form even larger units and turn themselves into regional common markets, with a common currency that in reality is not a currency at all, but only one or several local variants of the euro? How do other African states regard such ambitions? The answers to these questions require first a brief historical comment.