Suchergebnisse

This article presents a first of its kind typology of Israeli national security decision-making processes, focusing on five primary pathologies and a number of strengths. It will demonstrate that these pathologies are the product of an extraordinarily compelling external environment
and domestic structural factors: chiefly, the extreme politicization of the decision-making process stemming from the proportional representation electoral system, the consequent need to govern through coalition cabinets, and the absence of effective cabinet-level decision-making support capabilities.

This study is focused at studying the problem of the political and legal rationalization of the actions of government authorities in defining and proclaiming the category of "national interests" in the framework of the common interests of the international community and the common goals of the international security system for other participants in international communication.Aim. Eliminate methodological problems in defining the content of the terms "national security", "public security", "personal security", "constitutional order", "state" while institutionalizing interference in the internal affairs of other states.Tasks. To highlight and formulate the directions of concentration of efforts of state authorities in the movement of the nation towards its goals in relation to dangers, threats and risks.Methods. The state of the modern security environment testifies to the mobility of the content of national interests, and, therefore, there is a problem of determining the directions of concentration of efforts of a government to ensure them and proclaiming them for other participants in international communication. The allocation of categories of national interests is based on national security objects and on a comparative analysis of the necessary reactions of states to external and intranational threats and threats to private interests.Results. The study showed that the most important mission of government bodies is to continuously redefine dangers, threats and risks, and provide resources to counter them. Competition of states for a place in the hierarchy of the balance of power is inevitable, and, accordingly, the redefinition of vital, important, significant interests should also be carried out continuously. The directions of efforts of international actors can be explained in terms of how they do proclaim their national interests. One of the most obvious problems of modern political discourse is the endowment of the political mechanism "state" with subjectivity in the processes of determining national interests and ensuring the security of the nation, which is a serious methodological error, and which, in turn, was confirmed by the decision of the Nuremberg Tribunal. To ensure the survival of the nation as a result of political consensus, it is necessary to determine the main objects of concentration of efforts and necessary resources. Such errands include the declaration for other participants in international communication of certain "values" of the nation as its "vital" interests, to protect which its total resources will be allocated.Conclusion. The decision of the state authorities to take any action to interfere in the internal affairs of any state should be based on the determination of the fact, which is, of course, conditioned not by the thresholds and "red lines" declared by the state, but by the state of the balance of power in international relations.

In the last few decades, the classical concept of national security as related predominantly to military aspects has given way to new elements of analysis. New sectors and actors in the framework of national security took the stage. Starting from the evolution of the concept of national security, this article presents the modalities through which citizens' perceptions of security issues have been studied to date. Moreover, it proposes a new approach for the exploration of this subject, which could take into account dimensions such as emotional responses to national security threats, which have been rarely systematically investigated.

This article analyzes the impact of neoconservative ideology on the formation of national security paradigms in the United States and reveals the impact of views and ideas put forward by U.S. neoconservatives on the formation of public administration, especially security goals in domestic and foreign policy. In particular, the role of Albert Walstetter, a well-known proponent of neoconservative views, in the formation of security concepts is discussed. The role of political philosopher Leo Strauss's political-philosophical and military-strategic approaches in the development of neoconservative ideology and the conceptual basis of modern security problems are theoretically analyzed. It is emphasized that the assessment of the impact of neoconservative ideology on the formation of security policy in the development of political processes related to public administration in the United States depends on understanding the content of formed neoconservative security concepts. Based on the predominance of national interests based on national security approaches in the ideology of neoconservatism, the influence of neoconservatism on the interpretation of international relations as a highly conflicted, the anarchic environment is revealed in the formation of the neoconservative paradigm of security. In the following periods, the implementation of Albert Walstetter and Leo Strauss's military-strategic ideas under the influence of neoconservatives in the US administration, in particular, the practice of proposing to continue the foreign policy course on the use of military force as a factor of national security.

This essay argues that the logic of President Obama's national security rhetoric is based upon, and oriented by, the logic of American masculinity, and more specifically by the forms of presidential masculinity that have structured national security thinking in our political culture since World War II. His December 2009 decision to escalate military violence in Afghanistan is testimony to the enduring power a national mythology grounded in narratives of glorified violence and masculinity. Methodologically, the essay combines the critical resources of feminist International Relations scholarship with Rhetoric and the close-reading of texts.

Are lawyers strangling our government's ability to fight the first war of the twenty-first century? Does judicial adventurism and the fear of litigation undermine the War Against Terrorism? In essence, is our national security apparatus overlawyered? This article analyzes how some lawyers have produced a synthetic "litigation culture" over the war on terror. It argues that litigation concerning electronic surveillance, interrogation and all manners of prisoner treatment has chilled counterintelligence since 9/11.

The analyses of the security environment of the second decade of the 21st century clearly indicate that the period will be recorded in history as a decade of change, a time of discontinuation. Liberal democracy ceases to be the dominant paradigm, and the challenging of the liberal-democratic ideas is the most profound change since the establishment of the democratic order in the West in 1945. We are facing a growing gap between societal expectations and the abilities of the governments as well as the results that they deliver – the function of the state is changing, and governing is becoming ever more difficult. It is highly likely that the consequences of these changes will be more serious than the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union. The basic principles of the international order created after World War II are becoming increasingly obsolete. It appears obvious that these changes affect not only individual societies in the West, but also global international relations. These changes are accompanied by a scientific and technological revolution, in particular with regard to information. These phenomena can and should be analysed in terms of changes in the security environment understood as a mix of opportunities, challenges, threats and risks. This applies to the European Union in particular, as well as to the entire continent. It is reasonable to assume that risks and threats to Europe gain new depth within this context.

Professor Demchak criticizes the current Homeland Security Agency proposal as a convenient piling together of overstretched small agencies. After identifying principles appropriate for designing complex systems, she then applies these principles for strategies to strengthen U.S. domestic security. She recommends developing an 'Atrium' of information, or a semi-living database that captures, creates and shares knowledge across agencies rapidly. Such a system would also be capable of mitigating 'rogue outcomes' that cannot be known beforehand under any circumstances. She closes by providing guidelines to assess progress in implementing these strategies. Adapted from the source document.

Nigeria is one of the relatively secured nations in West African sub-region. In recent times, this endowed nation suddenly metamorphosed into an abode of serial bombing, hostage taking, armed robbery, cold-blooded killings and ethno-religious conflicts traceable to militant groups with conflicting ideological, political and religious agenda. Among these militant groups are Niger-Delta insurgents, Campus cults, Bakassi Boys, Armed robbers, O'odua People's Congress, Boko Haram et cetera. The resultant loss of lives, rising budgetary spending for security and destruction of valuable government facilities portend devastating consequences for sustainable economic development in the country. This paper examines the link between national security and sustainable economic development in Nigeria. The authors adopt quantitative method, which entails extraction of secondary data from the publications of Central Bank of Nigeria, National Bureau of Statistics and other reliable reports on the subject. The generated data were carefully analysed using descriptive and inferential statistics on the basis of which far-reaching conclusions were drawn. The research findings indicate that Nigeria's expenditure on national security is rising faster than spending on education, agriculture, health and construction. This unpleasant finding has negative effect on sustainable economic development in Nigeria. The paper proffers tripartite recommendations for governments, the citizens and policy-makers.

The penetration of social media mainly Facebook, Twitter, LinkedIn, and Instagram in Pakistan is very high. At the same time several organizations including political organizations, religious pressure groups, separatists, terrorists and nonstate actors are using social media to promote their ideologies and propagation in favor to achieve their vested interests which can be very detrimental to national security of Pakistan. The young generation (millennials) are captivated by the powerful effects of social media on their daily lives. The study aims to find out the relationship between the users of social media and their perception of the national security of Pakistan. The findings of the study show that national security is an important issue, and the users are aware of its challenges; consequently, they are aware of the harmful use of social media. The results also showed that the youth considered that rumors on social media can create panic among the masses. The majority of the respondents stressed the need for the online vigilance of social media and recommends that concrete steps should be taken for public awareness about this issue.