Suchergebnisse

Aus der Einleitung: 4.500 Mitarbeiter, zehn Länder, drei Kontinente und fünf Zeitzonen: Das ist die Bilanz der Produktion der elektrischen Zahnbürste "Sonicare Elite 7000" der Firma Philips aus den Niederlanden (vgl. Abb. 1). Bis zu der Verpackung in Seattle haben die Komponenten zwei Drittel des Erdumfangs zurückgelegt. Die "Weltbürste" ist nur eines von zahllosen Beispielen, welches auf die weltumspannenden Produktionsnetze hinweist. Die Ausweitung der internationalen Arbeitsteilung ist der Motor der Weltwirtschaft, die sich laut Weltbank in der "revolutionären Phase" der Globalisierung befindet. Unter Globalisierung versteht man gemeinhin die Zunahme weltweiter Verflechtungen infolge der Ausbreitung und Vertiefung ökonomischer, ökologischer, politischer und kultureller Prozesse. Aus ökonomischer Perspektive steht die Ausbildung weltweiter Märkte im Mittelpunkt, "auf denen Waren und Dienstleistungen gehandelt, Investitionen getätigt, Technologien übertragen und Informationen ausgetauscht werden". Mit zunehmender Interdependenz der Weltwirtschaft hängt das ökonomische und soziale Wohl der Nationen, Regionen und Städte von komplexen Interaktionen auf globaler Ebene ab. Mit anderen Worten, "what happens in any given country or locality is broadly determinedby its role in systems of production, trade and consumption which have become global in scope". Jeder Ort, jede Region oder Nation übernimmt somit innerhalb des von Konkurrenz geprägten Weltsystems eine spezifische Rolle. Der gegenwärtige Strukturwandel im Zeichen der Globalisierung fordert die "Rollenverteilung" des "modernen Weltsystems", dessen Ursprung unter anderem im Europa des 15. Jahrhunderts zu suchen ist, heraus. Vor diesem Hintergrund ist der "ökonomische Auf- bzw. Abstieg von Ländern und Regionen" zu sehen, das heißt es gibt Gewinner und Verlierer des Strukturwandels. Dubai bietet die moderne Version von Tausendundeiner Nacht: es sind vor allem Projekte der Superlative, wie zum Beispiel das einzige Sieben-Sterne Hotel der Welt und aufgeschüttete Inseln in Form einer Palme, die das Bild von Dubai nachhaltig prägen. Künstliche Welten, internationale Sportereignisse, Gesundheitstourismus und an erster Stelle Shopping-Tourismus – Dubai ist in vielfältiger Weise für Touristen aus aller Welt attraktiv. Jedoch beginnt die große Erfolgsgeschichte der Moderne nicht erst mit dem Touristenaufkommen der 1990er Jahre. Dubai konnte sich früh als Dienstleistungs- und Handelszentrum in der Golfregion etablieren, bis in die dreißiger Jahre des 20. Jahrhunderts spielte der Perlenhandel die entscheidende Rolle. Zollfreiheit und Steuervergünstigungen zogen bereits damals zahlreiche Händler an – heute gilt Dubai als einer der bedeutendsten Umschlagplätze für den Goldhandel. Die Erlöse aus den Petrodollars nutzte die Führung seit den 1960er Jahren, um den Standort Dubai durch groß angelegte Infrastrukturprojekte, wie beispielsweise die beiden Tiefseehäfen Jebel Ali und Port Rashid, kontinuierlich zu stärken und für die Nach-Erdöl-Zeit zu sorgen. Zu Beginn des Jahres 2006 machte Dubai mit Schlagzeilen auf sich aufmerksam, die als Menetekel für die etablierten Industrieländer gedeutet werden können: Zum einen der Vorstoß der Dubai Ports World sechs Häfen an der Ostküste der USA zu übernehmen, zum anderen die neu gegründete internationale Börse DIFX (Dubai International Financial Exchange), die Unternehmen aus einem Raum anziehen will, in dem ein Drittel der Weltbevölkerung lebt. Innerhalb von nur 50 Jahren ist Dubai vom verschlafenen Fischerdorf zur "cosmopolitan regionally dominant twenty-first century city" aufgestiegen und hat somit eine einzigartige Entwicklung vollzogen. Auf der Suche nach einer Position in der Weltwirtschaft im Zeitalter der Globalisierung gibt man sich nicht mit der "reaktiven Mittlerrolle" eines "globalisierten" Ortes zufrieden, sondern strebt die aktive Funktion eines "globalen Ortes" an.m Could Dubai become the most important city on earth?" – fragt Nicolson im Online-Angebot der Khaleej Times vom 13. Februar 2006 und bringt damit das Selbstbewusstsein und die Ambitionen der Regierung Dubais auf den Punkt. Scheinbar erwacht hier eine Region, die bisher kaum jemand auf dem "Globalisierungsradar" hatte. Die Globalisierungsdebatte vermittelt oftmals den Eindruck von einem zeitlich "isoliert" auftretenden Phänomen. Der zweite zentrale Begriff des Titels der Arbeit - Weltwirtschaftssystem - wurde gewählt, um den Globalisierungsansatz in einen systematischen (historischen) Zusammenhang zu stellen. Welchen Beitrag leistet die geographische Perspektive? Die Weltwirtschaftlichen Vorgänge und die mit diesen zusammen-hängenden Transporte von Personen sowie von materiellen und immateriellen Gütern und Leistungen sind nicht nur an sich wirtschafts-geographische Arbeitsfelder, sondern ihre Wirkungen auf das innere Gefüge der an den Außenbeziehungen beteiligten Staaten machen sie zu einem wirtschaftsgeographischen Kernbereich. Ein Autor beklagt, dass die Beschäftigung der Geographen mit dem Welthandel immer spärlich ausfiel und seit Mitte des 20. Jahrhunderts zum Stillstand kam. Der Hauptgrund ist der kleine Maßstab, das heißt Übersee- und Welthandel sind mit geographischen Methoden nur schwer fassbar. Ferner hätte man versäumt eine "tragfähige Brücke zur Außenhandelstheorie der Nationalökonomie zu schlagen." Zehn Jahre später greift ein anderer die Problematik wieder auf und stellt sie gleichzeitig in den größeren Zusammenhang der Globalisierungsdiskussion. Obwohl die Prozesse und die Folgen, die mit dem Begriff Globalisierung verbunden sind, Gegenstandsbereich der Geographie sind, seien die Geographen an den zentralen Streitfragen nicht beteiligt: "Geography is rather like the small child in the school playground who always gets missed out when the big children are picking teams". Darüber hinaus moniert er, dass sich die geographische Forschung in großem Maße mit dem Zu- und Abfluss von ausländischen Direktinvestitionen beschäftige, während Handelsströme wenig beachtet würden: "in the case of international trade, what matters are not so much changes in volume - although they are important - as changes in composition". Mit eben jener "composition" in zeitlicher und räumlicher Dimension beschäftigt sich das nachfolgende Kapitel. Eine explizite "Theorie der Weltwirtschaft" existiert nicht. Dennoch sollen die vorgestellten Konzepte1 mit ihren verschiedenen Aspekten in der Gesamtansicht eine erste systematische Annäherung an das Weltwirtschaftssystem darstellen. Den aktuellen Entwicklungen und der Struktur der Weltwirtschaft im Kontext der Globalisierung widmet sich das dritte Kapitel, welches zusammen mit dem zweiten Kapitel einen "theoretischen Rahmen" bildet, innerhalb dessen schließlich die Bedeutung von Dubai herausgearbeitet werden soll.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Inhaltsverzeichnis: 1.EINLEITUNG1 1.1Von der "Weltbürste" zur Weltwirtschaft1 1.2Warum Dubai?2 1.3Forschungsstand und Fragestellung3 2.WELTWIRTSCHAFTSSYSTEM4 2.1Weltsystem-Theorie und "Weltwirtschaften"5 2.1.1Das Weltsystem nach WALLERSTEIN5 2.1.1.1Die Analyse des Weltsystems5 2.1.1.2Das moderne Weltsystem6 2.1.2Die "Weltwirtschaften" nach BRAUDEL8 2.2Die Wirtschaftsräume nach OTREMBA10 2.3Tripolarität der Weltwirtschaft11 2.3.1Die Triade nach OHMAE11 2.3.2Regionale Theorie des Welthandels nach GROTEWOLD12 2.3.3Weltstädte, Global Cities und Steuerungszentralen14 2.4Zusammenfassung16 3.GLOBALISIERUNG DER WELTWIRTSCHAFT19 3.1Problematisierung der Globalisierung19 3.1.1Der problematische Begriff Globalisierung20 3.1.2Das Problem Globalisierung21 3.2Konzeption von Globalisierung22 3.2.1Globalisierung als neue Epoche23 3.2.2Globalisierung als Prozess24 3.2.3Voraussetzungen der Globalisierung24 3.2.3.1Technologische Innovationen24 3.2.3.2Institutionelle Veränderungen26 3.2.3.3Die Integration neuer Märkte27 3.2.4Akteure der Globalisierung27 3.2.4.1Der Nationalstaat als Akteur28 3.2.4.2Global agierende Unternehmen28 3.2.4.3Der Konsument29 3.3Erscheinungsformen der Globalisierung30 3.3.1Globalisierung des Handels30 3.3.1.1Entwicklung der Rahmenbedingungen des Welthandels30 3.3.1.2Entwicklungen im Handel mit Waren und Dienstleistungen31 3.3.1.3Regionale Struktur des Welthandels34 3.3.2Globalisierung der Produktion44 3.3.2.1Von der klassischen zur neuen internationalen Arbeitsteilung44 3.3.2.2Transnationale Unternehmen46 3.3.2.3Ausländische Direktinvestitionen47 3.3.3Globalisierung der Finanzmärkte52 3.3.3.1Das Bretton Woods-System52 3.3.3.2Spekulation versus Effizienz53 3.3.4Globale Transportnetze54 3.3.4.1Die Herausbildung von Transportnetzen55 3.3.4.2Containerlinienschifffahrt55 3.3.4.3Luftverkehr61 3.4Fazit – das globalisierte Weltwirtschaftssystem64 3.4.1Globalisierung versus Regionalisierung65 3.4.2Globale Vernetzung68 3.4.2.1Global Cities als Nodalpunkte von globalen Netzwerken68 3.4.2.2Verbindung der Nodalpunkte69 4.DUBAI IM WELTWIRTSCHAFTSSYSTEM71 4.1Die Golfregion72 4.1.1Die Golfküste unter europäischem Einfluss72 4.1.2Beginn der Öl-Ära73 4.1.3Eine Region hängt am Öltropf74 4.1.3.1Die Ausgangsbedingungen74 4.1.3.2Die Organisation erdölexportierender Länder (OPEC)76 4.1.4Die Golfregion – Dependenz versus internationale Profilierung80 4.2Überblick über die VAE81 4.2.1Politisches System der VAE82 4.2.2Außenwirtschaftspolitik der VAE84 4.2.3Sozio-ökonomische Betrachtung der VAE87 4.2.3.1Entwicklung im Zeichen des Ölreichtums87 4.2.3.2Entwicklung im Zeichen der Diversifizierung91 4.3Dubai – Wirtschaftsstruktur und Standortfaktoren94 4.3.1Der Aufschwung Dubais nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg96 4.3.2Ölinduzierte Entwicklung und Diversifizierungstendenzen98 4.3.2.1Immobilienboom in Dubai101 4.3.2.2Freihandelszonen als Schnittpunkte der Diversifizierungsstrategie 102 4.3.2.3Wer investiert in Dubai?104 4.3.3Handel105 4.3.4Transportwesen108 4.3.4.1Die Häfen Dubais108 4.3.4.2Dubai International Airport 113 4.3.5Tourismus118 4.3.6Finanzen122 4.3.7Produzierendes Gewerbe123 4.4Fazit: Dubais Sonderweg in der Golfregion 124 5.DUBAIS BEDEUTUNG IM GLOBALISIERTEN WELTWIRTSCHAFTS-SYSTEM126 5.1Gewinner und Verlierer der Globalisierung126 5.2Dubai als "Hub" der Golfregion128 5.3Dubai – ein überregionales Steuerungszentrum?131 6.LITERATURVERZEICHNIS132Textprobe:Textprobe: Kapitel 4.3.2; Ölinduzierte Entwicklung und Diversifizierungstendenzen: 1963 begann man in Dubai mit den Bohrungen nach Öl, 1966 stieß man auf Öl und drei Jahre später schließlich wurde das erste Rohöl aus Dubai exportiert. Boomartig strömten Menschen, Güter und finanzielle Mittel nach Dubai. Die Ausweitung der Rohölföderung in den 1970er Jahren und die starke Anhebung des Weltmarktpreises für Rohöl in den Jahren 1973 und 1979 bescherten dem Emirat über die Zahlungen der Ölgesellschaften reiche Finanzmittel. Daraufhin erlebte die Stadt einen beispiellosen "Bau-Boom". Schulen, Krankenhäuser, Straßen und moderne Telekommunikationsnetzwerke wurden aufgebaut. Ein neuer Hafen (Port Rashid) wurde gebaut, der Dubai International Airport (DIA) wurde um einen Terminal erweitert und mit einer erweiterten Landebahn ausgestattet, die für jeden Flugzeugtyp geeignet ist. Mit Jebel Ali baute man den größten künstlichen Hafen der Welt. Um ihn herum wurde die Jebel Ali Freihandelszone (JAFZ) eingerichtet, heute eine unter vielen Freihandelszonen, mit denen Dubai Investoren anlockt. Für die zahlreichen Projekte brauchte man bereits Ende der 1960er Jahre möglichst billige Arbeitskräfte, die man insbesondere in Indien und Pakistan fand. Viele kamen auch aus dem Iran, Europa und arabischen Ländern. 1968 betrug der Anteil der ausländischen Arbeitskräfte 50% der Gesamtbevölkerung Dubais. Zwar hatten die "expatriates" oder "non-nationals" einen beträchtlichen kulturellen Einfluss auf die einheimische Gesellschaft, aber ihr politischer Einfluss in der Zivilgesellschaft war und ist beschränkt, so dürfen sie beispielsweise keine Gewerkschaften bilden. Den entscheidenden Anstoß für den Aufstieg Dubais lieferten die Öleinnahmen, eine weitere entscheidende Antriebskraft waren die lokalen Kaufleute mit ihrem Netzwerk aus internationalen Kontakten. Schon früh diversifizierten sie ihre Geschäftstätigkeiten, finanzierten große Projekte, agierten als Berater und investierten als Aktionäre in private Unternehmen, beispielsweise in die Dubai Telephone Company. Im ersten Golfkrieg bewiesen die Kaufleute ein feines Gespür für Unternehmertum, als sie in den sehr lukrativen Handel mit dem Iran eingebunden waren. Der Handel mit Konsumgütern und Ausrüstungsgegenständen jeglicher Art brachte ihnen und der gesamten Wirtschaft hohe Gewinne ein. Auch die Häfen und angeschlossene Dienstleistungen profitierten von dem Krieg, da die internationale Schifffahrt die sichereren Trockendocks in Dubai den Häfen von Kuwait und Iran vorzog. Seit den frühen 1980er Jahren ist der Handel mit den anderen GCC-Staaten kontinuierlich angewachsen, so dass die Häfen Dubais zu den geschäftigsten der ganzen Region wurden. Seit den 1970er Jahren machte Dubai durch den Bau von Trockendocks, von See- und Flughäfen sowie von Luxushotels, die Einrichtung von Freihandelszonen, das zollfreie Angebot von Uhren, Fotoartikeln, Goldschmuck und Perlen, aber auch das Angebot von Alkohol und Night Life (in Maßen) auf sich aufmerksam. Das moderne Dubai mit seinem Ruf als Handelsplatz steht damit in einer Linie mit dem Dubai vor der Öl-Ära und kann damit auf etwas aufbauen, das SALLOUM als "inherited ability for commerce by its people" bezeichnet. Dubai besitzt nur einen kleinen Anteil von 4% am Erdölvorkommen und 1,9% am Erdgasvorkommen der VAE. Die Lebensdauer beider Ressourcen wird auf 30 bis 40 Jahre geschätzt. Angesichts dessen bestimmte von Beginn an die Notwendigkeit zu alternativen Einkommensquellen für die "Nach-Erdöl-Zeit" das Handeln der Verantwortlichen. Einseitig auf den Industriesektor zu bauen kam aufgrund der nationalen und regionalen Marktenge nicht in Frage. Die politischen Entwicklungen nach dem 11. September 2001 brachten zusätzlich Unsicherheiten bezüglich der Investitionen und Anlagen im Ausland – vor allem in den USA – mit sich. Die Verantwortlichen in Dubai erkannten die Zeichen der Zeit und setzten auf die Privatisierung der Wirtschaft, die Öffnung des Landes für den internationalen Tourismus, die Liberalisierung der Immobilienmärkte sowie des Waren- und Finanzverkehrs. Flankierend dazu wurden Transportwesen, Infrastruktur und IT-Kommunikation den neuen Gegebenheiten angepasst, günstige Arbeits-, Aufenthalts- und Lebensbedingungen für alle Fachkräfte, Investoren und Besucher geschaffen. Im Zeitraum von 1975 bis 1981 verzeichnete das Emirat ein Wachstum des BIP von durchschnittlich 17% pro Jahr. Infolge des Verfalls des Ölpreises und der instabilen Verhältnisse in der Region während des ersten Golfkrieges stagnierte das BIP weitestgehend bis Ende der 1980er Jahre. Von 1990 bis 2000 verzeichnete Dubai ein Wachstum des BIP (in nominalen Preisen) zum Vorjahr von durchschnittlich 7.7%. Für das Jahr 2004 wird das BIP bei KKP mit 30 Mrd. US-$ angegeben. Das Wachstum wurde dabei primär über eine stabile Entwicklung außerhalb des Rohölsektors ("Nicht-Öl-Sektor") erreicht, welcher im Zeitraum von 1990 bis 2000 ein durchschnittliches Wachstum von 11.1% erzielte. Der Rohölsektor hingegen verzeichnete im gleichen Zeitraum einen durchschnittlichen Rückgang von -2.4% pro Jahr. Der Rohölsektor verlor demnach Anteile am BIP zugunsten des Nicht-Öl-Sektors (vgl. Abb. 26). In den 1970er und 1980er Jahren wurde knapp die Hälfte des BIP außerhalb des Rohölsektors erwirtschaftet, ab den 1990er Jahren stieg der Anteil des Nicht-Öl-Sektors am BIP deutlich: Im Jahr 1990 betrug er 65.2% des BIP, 2000 90% und 2004 bereits mehr als 93%. Die Werte belegen die von der Regierung erfolgreich eingeleiteten Diversifizierungsprozesse, insbesondere seit Beginn der 1990er Jahre, so dass die Vulnerabilität des BIP gegenüber Ölpreisschwankungen bedeutend reduziert werden konnte. Der Anteil des Rohöls am BIP Dubais ist mit 7% signifikant geringer als im Landesdurchschnitt, der einen Anteil von 33% verzeichnet (vgl. Abb. 27). Bei einem Anteil von 28% der Bevölkerung steuert Dubai alleine 31% des gesamten Nicht-Öl-Sektors der VAE bei. Besonders dynamisch entwickelten sich die Sektoren Handel, Finanzen, Transport- und Kommunikationswesen, Restaurant- und Hotelgewerbe und das produzierende Gewerbe. Zwischen 1994 und 2000 wuchs das im Hotel- und Gastronomiegewerbe erwirtschaftete BIP um 165.2%, was zu einem Großteil auf die geographische Erschließung der touristisch attraktiven Strandgebiete zurückzuführen ist. Es folgen im gleichen Zeitraum das produzierende Gewerbe (+129.6%), Transport- und Kommunikationswesen (+101.6%) und das Finanz- und Versicherungswesen (+92.2%) (VAN DE BUNT 2003: 31f.). Die neuesten Zahlen zeigen die Fortsetzung der Trends. 2004 wuchs das reale BIP Dubais um 13.3%, die Hauptanteile am Zuwachs hatten dabei: Immobilien (19.8%), produzierendes Gewerbe (15.5%), Bauindustrie (12.6%), Finanz- und Versicherungswesen (12.6%), Handel (10.7%) sowie Transport- und Kommunikationswesen (9.6%). Der Anteil des Transport- und Kommunikationswesens von Dubai ist für über 55% des gleichen Sektors der VAE verantwortlich. Des Weiteren entspricht Dubais Finanzsektor 47% des VAE–Finanzsektors. Kapitel 4.3.2.1, Immobilienboom in Dubai: Der hohe Anteil des Immobiliensektors am BIP-Zuwachs Dubais verweist auf den Boom im Immobiliensektor. Der Wert der geplanten Projekte für die nächsten fünf Jahre wird auf 30 Mrd. US-$ geschätzt. 2004 hatte die Bauindustrie einen Anteil von 13% am Nicht-Öl-BIP. Seit 2000 ist sie mit einer durchschnittlichen jährlichen Rate von 24% gewachsen, was den Bau-Boom widerspiegelt, der sich im Jahre 2003 im Bau von über 2000 Gebäuden niederschlug. Der Bausektor gilt auch als größter Arbeitgeber, 24% aller Arbeitskräfte sind hier beschäftigt, hauptsächlich aus dem Ausland stammende Arbeitnehmer. Spektakuläre Projekte, zum Beispiel "The Palm Jumeirah", "The Palm Jebel Ali" und "The World", locken Käufer schon vor Beginn der Bautätigkeiten an, so dass in Dubai die Immobilien "fast vollständig bereits vom Reißbrett verkauft" werden. Die Käufer spekulieren auf die enormen Wertsteigerungen am Immobilienmarkt Dubais – in keinem anderen Land der Welt sind Immobilien nach Fertigstellung 20% teurer geworden. Initiator und Träger der Projekte ist letztlich das Herrscherhaus beziehungsweise die von ihm kontrollierten Finanzgesellschaften – beispielsweise EMAAR, die 1997 gegründet wurde oder NAKHEEL, 2003 gegründet. In sehr viel geringerem Maße übernehmen auch Privatpersonen und Banken die (Vor-)Finanzierung der "Megaprojekte", wie sie von manchen Offiziellen bezeichnet werden. Nach der Fertigstellung werden sie meist privatisiert, das heißt vollständig oder teilweise an Einheimische vergeben. Im Sinne des Rentierstaates werden somit die Pfründe an die lokale Bevölkerung verteilt, doch die Einkommen werden erst dann erzielt, wenn die Objekte über Immobilienagenturen vermietet, verpachtet oder auch verkauft werden. Die Akteure müssen sich dazu mit einer verschärften Wettbewerbssituation auseinandersetzen. Die vielfältigen Bauaktivitäten generieren ein enormes, qualitativ und preislich hochwertiges Angebot, das die Erschließung des globalen Marktes geradezu herausfordert. Wie bereits angedeutet, sind die meisten Projekte, obwohl noch teilweise in Planung, verkauft, verpachtet oder vermietet. Die Käufer stammen überwiegend aus der Golfregion (40-46%), zu je 15-22% aus Russland und anderen GUSStaaten sowie beispielsweise aus Indien, Japan oder Südkorea. Kapitel 4.3.2.2, Freihandelszonen als Schnittpunkte der Diversifizierungsstrategie: In der Nachkriegszeit setzte die Regierung Dubais auf einen liberalen, "unternehmensfreundlichen" ökonomischen Kurs mit geringen Steuerabgaben und politisch stabilem Rahmen, in der Hoffnung, dadurch Investitionen anzuziehen. Diese Haltung drückt sich besonders in der 1985 gegründeten Jebel Ali Free Zone (JAFZ) aus, die erste in der Region gegründete Freihandelszone. Das Areal wurde unmittelbar im Bereich des schon existierenden Tiefsee-hafens Jebel Ali eingerichtet, der gleichzeitig mit der Gründung ausgebaut wurde. Das Konzept sieht vor, dass innerhalb der "Enklave" Geschäftstätigkeiten frei von Zoll und gesetzlichen Beschränkungen durchgeführt werden können. Unternehmen, die sich in der Freihandelszone niederlassen, nutzen nicht nur die niedrigen Arbeitskosten und Visum-freie Anheuerung der nicht-organisierten Arbeitskräfte, sondern vor allem die Möglichkeit, sich zu 100% an Kapitalgesellschaften zu beteiligen. Für Ausländer ist das außerhalb der Freihandelszonen sonst nicht möglich, es dürfen nach geltendem Recht maximal 49% einer Unternehmung in ausländischen Besitz übergehen. Die Geschäftsleute genießen noch weitere Privilegien: es ist kein Sponsor erforderlich, es ist kein Service Agent bei Zweigniederlassungen erforderlich, zwischen 15-30 Jahre garantierte Steuerbefreiung (Körperschafts- und Einkommenssteuer), freier Kapital- und Gewinntransfer. Grundsätzlich ist die aktive Teilnahme am Wirtschaftsleben der VAE erlaubt, es können Waren importiert und exportiert werden. Die Lizenzen sind jedoch nur auf das Gebiet der jeweiligen Freihandelszone beschränkt, mit der Folge, dass diese Niederlassungen gesellschaftlich als nicht in den VAE niedergelassen gelten. Deshalb erfordert der Export in die VAE einen Handelsvertreter, Importeur oder auch ein Joint Venture in Form einer Vertriebsgesellschaft. Die Entscheidung, sich in innerhalb der VAE oder in einer Freihandelszone niederzulassen, hängt somit wesentlich von dem angestrebten Zielmarkt ab. Ist dieser nicht auf die VAE beschränkt, stellt die Niederlassung in einer Freihandelszone eine sinnvolle Alternative zu einem Standort innerhalb der VAE dar. Seit der Gründung flossen über 2,5 Mrd. US-$ an Investitionen in die JAFZ, in der 2003 2.350 Firmen aus 97 Ländern angesiedelt waren. Neben japanischen Firmen (Nissan, Mitsubishi, Honda, Sony) sind vor allem auch europäische multinationale Unternehmen vertreten, beispielsweise ABB, Shell, BASF und Unilever. In den 1980er Jahren fungierte die JAFZ überwiegend als Lagerungs- und Verteilerzentrum für die multinationalen Unternehmen. In den letzten Jahren ließen sich dort auch Unternehmen des produzierenden Gewerbes nieder, dennoch dominiert der Handel mit 80% die Aktivitäten in dem Areal. Der Erfolg der JAFZ war ausschlaggebend dafür, dass in der Folgezeit noch weitere Freihandelszonen – nicht nur in Dubai – eingerichtet beziehungsweise noch in Planung gegeben wurden. Bemerkenswert sind auch die Bemühungen der Führung, Dubai als IT- und Medienstandort zu positionieren. Die Dubai Internet City stellt die notwendige Infrastruktur bereit, "that enables ICT enterprises to operate locally, regionally and globally from Dubai, with significant competitive advantage". Namhafte Unternehmen wie Microsoft, Oracle und Canon nutzen bereits dieses Angebot. Die Dubai Media City zielt auf internationale Medienunternehmen ab, die sich in den speziell eingerichteten Studios und Bürogebäuden niederlassen sollen. CNN und Reuters haben hier beispielsweise Zweigstellen etabliert. 2004 wurde die erste Produktionsstätte für Chips, CDs, DVDs und Software, das Dubai Silicon Oasis gegründet, das zusammen mit dem Knowledge Village das "knowledge-economy-system" komplettiert. Der Mix aus Industrie und Dienstleistungen in den meisten Freihandelszonen kennzeichnet ebenfalls die Diversifizierung der Wirtschaft Dubais. Zusätzlich zu produzierendem Gewerbe und Logistikunternehmen werden heute auch moderne Dienstleistungen aus dem Bereich Bankwesen, Versicherung und Recht angeboten. Dubais zukünftige Entwicklung ist durch die Entwicklung des Dienstleistungssektors determiniert. Die strukturelle Verschiebung zu einem Dienstleistungszentrum par excellance zeigt sich in den breit gefächerten Dienstleistungsaktivitäten: Handel-, Reparatur-, Restaurant- und Hoteleinrichtungen, Transport- und Kommunikationswesen, Immobiliendienstleistungen, soziale und Personaldienstleistungen, Finanz- und Versicherungswesen, staatliche Leistungen sowie Haushaltsdienstleistungen. Der Anteil des Dienstleistungssektors am BIP Dubais ist von 38% im Jahre 1985 auf 71% 2003 gestiegen (vgl. Abb. 28). Die "Wasserscheide" zu Beginn der 1990er Jahre ist mit dem im gleichen Zeitraum rapide wachsenden BIP in Verbindung zu bringen (vgl. Abb. 26) und bestätigt darüber hinaus die erfolgreiche Diversifizierungsstrategie in den 1990er Jahren. Kapitel 4.3.2.3, Wer investiert in Dubai?: Insbesondere seit den Terroranschlägen von New York und Washington sind die Rückflüsse arabischer Geldanlagen aus Amerika und Europa beträchtlich. Es existieren keine genauen Zahlen über die Privatvermögen im Ausland. Dennoch gilt als sicher, dass allein im Jahr 2002 ein dreistelliges Milliardenvermögen aus Amerika abgezogen wurde, wo Untersuchungen der Finanzbehörden ebenso drohen wie Schadenersatzprozesse im Zusammenhang mit der Finanzierung von Terrornetzwerken wie Al Qaida. Das Geld für die Milliardeninvestitionen stammt demnach vor allem von Investoren der Region, die "heute noch von den Anschlägen vom 11. September 2001 und dem US-amerikanischen Krieg gegen islamisch fundamentalistischen Terror" profitiert. Laut des Global Business Policy Council20 sehen asiatische Investoren Dubai an neunter Stelle der attraktivsten Investitionsstandorte, während Europäer es an 20. Stelle nennen. Unter japanischen und indischen Investoren rangiert Dubai auf dem 6. Platz, Investoren aus der Schweiz setzen Dubai auf den dritten Rang der attraktivsten Investitionsstandorte. ADI in Dubai sind im Jahr 2004 enorm angestiegen, auf 840 Mio. US-$, gegenüber 30 Mio. US-$ im Jahr zuvor21. Investoren des Chemie- und Elektronikbereichs äußern sich sehr zuversichtlich über die Entwicklung des produzierenden Gewerbes der Region. Insbesondere die Freihandelszonen – wie die JAFZ – sind für die Investoren aufgrund der Zoll- und Steuerprivilegien als Standort attraktiv. Die im Jahr 2005 eröffnete Industrial City in Dubai, die Investitionsanreize für die Schwerindustrie bietet, fördert das Interesse der Investoren zusätzlich. Die Direktinvestitionen in das Ausland fallen dagegen gering aus, sie werden auf 1% des BIP geschätzt. Im Vergleich dazu steuern Direktinvestitionen im Ausland zu dem BIP Hongkongs 24%, dem Singapurs 10% und dem der Schweiz 7,9% bei. Die Vorteile der Freihandelszonen-Strategie liegen auf der Hand, doch nicht alle Investoren teilen diese Euphorie. So gibt es beispielsweise Bedenken hinsichtlich der lokalen Geschäftspraktiken und geistigen Eigentumsrechte, da vertrauliche Informationen auf dem engen Raum einer Freihandelszone möglicherweise reibungsloser zu den umgebenden Wettbewerbern diffundieren. Die Bedenken haben jedoch scheinbar eine kulturelle Komponente: Asiatische Unternehmen scheinen sich weniger um mögliche Beeinträchtigungen zu sorgen als europäische oder amerikanische Firmen, wie die Entwicklung des Dragon Mart aufzeigt. Hier können sich bis zu 4.000 chinesische Firmen niederlassen, denen 15.000m² Lagerungseinrichtungen zur Verfügung gestellt werden. Darüber hinaus ist der Aufbau einer "special China Town" vorgesehen, die bis zu 20.000 Händler anziehen möchte. Von den Unternehmensclustern versprechen sich die Verantwortlichen die Stärkung des komparativen Vorteils von Dubai – insbesondere im Hinblick auf asiatische Händler – "as a gateway to serve the Middle East and European Markets". Durch die geplante Erhöhung der Anzahl der Direktflüge in die USA, ausgehend von dem Dubai International Airport, wird auch dieser Markt in stärkerem Maße berücksichtigt werden. Für die Einordnung von Dubais Rolle im Weltwirtschaftssystem ist es notwendig auf einzelne Sektoren näher einzugehen. Nachfolgend werden die Entwicklungen in den Wirtschaftssektoren Handel, Transportwesen, produzierendes Gewerbe, Finanzen sowie Tourismus aufgezeigt.

[eng] Research involving human subjects must be performed with standards that promote protection of their rights. Several codes were developed and all are unanimous in the following ethic principles: respect for persons, beneficence and justice. The fulfilment of these principles will assure that the dignity, rights, safety and well-being of the participants in a biomedical research are guaranteed.The need of a special protection to those with diminished autonomy is a common requirement to all codes. Pregnant women are defined as a vulnerable population because of the potential risk of harm of the foetus. Apart from the foetal risk, pregnant women in developing countries have additional potential for vulnerability, as in most of the cases they are economically or/and educationally disadvantaged individuals. Their generally low level of education may put them in a difficult situation to fully understand consent forms and the risk-benefit assessment provided by the researchers.In recent years, the evidence-based medicine has been an important international goal. Mechanisms to support the use of research-based evidence in developing health policy are being promoted. The research must be sensitive to the potential for vulnerability when designing evidence-based trials and they have to assure that the vulnerable population is being protected.With the intention to protect the vulnerable population, some groups such as pregnant women have being traditionally excluded from clinical trials. As a result of this exclusion, pregnant women are being exposed to medicines in situations where no evidence-based information is available on efficacy and safety. They are deprived of the benefits of treatment in order to be protected themselves and their offspring from an unknown risk. Although is very clear that protection of a vulnerable population, particularly the pregnant women, is mandatory in the design of any trial, the challenges of the implementation of this principle should be taken into account in order to not increase the gap between the introduction of a pharmaceutical product in the market and the availability of safety information for its use in pregnancy.In developing countries maternal mortality is an important public health problem. Most maternal deaths occur in the poorest countries particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. In Mozambique the rate could be between 408-1000 per 100 000 live births according to the source of information. Several studies have addressed different causes of maternal mortality in Africa, eclampsia and malaria being part of the five most reported.There is strong evidence of the effectiveness of magnesium sulphate (MGSO4) in women with pre-eclampsia and eclampsia but the drug is not available in some countries. The example of MgSO4 has being used to describe failure in translating results of research into policy and/or practice.For malaria treatment few drugs were considered effective and safe for use during pregnancy including chloroquine, sulphadoxine-pyrimethamine and quinine. The information on safety comes from a long experience of use. The emergency of resistance of P. falciparum to these drugs is limiting its use in most of endemic areas. The artemisinin derivatives are being strongly recommended to be used in combination with other antimalarial drugs. Preclinical studies have consistently shown that artemisinin and its derivatives are embryolethal and teratogenic in animals. Current available information is not adequate to extrapolate the results in animals to humans.Limited data on the safety profile of antimalarial drugs during pregnancy is a challenge. Nowadays these drugs are used in pregnant women based on retrospective cumulative risk-benefit assessment. Mechanisms of prospectively monitoring the drugs use are required to protect pregnant women from the potential risk.The aim of this thesis is to describe the (un)availability of drugs and their reasons, as well as, the (un)availability of safety information on drugs needed to be used during pregnancy in Southern Africa, and to propose mechanisms to effectively monitor drug safety in pregnancy in developing countries.In order to achieve this objective four studies were performed. In the first study a qualitative case-study based on interviews and bibliographic review was performed in Mozambique and Zimbabwe. Factors affecting the (un)availability of MgSO4 were assessed. This study showed that research evidence regarding the effectiveness of MgSO4 for the treatment of eclampsia and pre-eclampsia, was widely known in the study countries. However, the registration, approval, acquisition and distribution of MgSO4, and hence its availability to clinicians, was affected by market and systems failures. With this study we concluded that the low cost of magnesium sulphate, as well as the mechanisms through which it is procured, means that market forces alone cannot be relied upon to ensure its availability. Governments and international organizations must be prepared to intervene to ensure the wide availability of low cost, effective drugs critical to improving public health in Africa.The second and the third studies shown that antimalarial drugs are being used in pregnant women even without information on its safety profile in this particular group. Robust safety monitoring systems are clearly needed in developing countries to accompany the deployment of new drugs, especially those with a potential teratogenic risk.The fourth study showed that spontaneous reporting system may be a tool for drug safety monitoring. This system could be used to increase health care providers' and patients' awareness of possible ADRs, and to develop a culture to report these reactions. Spontaneous reporting and pregnancy registries were presented as examples of mechanisms that could and should be in place.Recommendations on how these systems could be effectively implemented in resource constrained countries were also presented.All these studies suggest that the definition of vulnerability of pregnant women in developing countries should not be restricted to the potential risk of harm of the foetus (harm-based definition) or to the difficulty of fully understanding consent forms (consent-based definitions). Women are also vulnerable because of the high risk of dying from any cause related to or aggravated by the pregnancy. The implementation of these ethic principles need to take into account the urgent need to implement effective and safe drugs targeted to reduce the burden of maternal morbidity and mortality. ; [spa] La investigación relativa a los seres humanos debe realizarse dentro de unos estándares que promuevan la protección de sus derechos. Varios códigos han sido desarrollados y todos ellos coinciden unánimemente en los siguientes principios éticos: el respeto por las personas, la beneficencia y la justicia. La realización de estos principios debe asegurar la dignidad, los derechos, la seguridad y el bienestar de los participantes en una investigación biomédica sean preservados.La necesidad de una protección especial hacia aquellos seres cuya autonomía sea limitada es un requerimiento común para todos los códigos. Las mujeres embarazadas están definidas como un grupo de población vulnerable dado el riesgo potencial de causar daño al feto. Además del riesgo para el feto, las mujeres embarazadas en los países en desarrollo son potencialmente más vulnerables, y suelen contar con desventajas a nivel económico y/o educativo. Su nivel de educación, por lo general bajo, les pone en una situación difícil, dificultando la comprensión de los formularios de consentimiento y la evaluación del riesgo-beneficio que prestan los investigadores.En los últimos años, la medicina basada en la evidencia ha sido una meta muy importante a nivel internacional. Se están promoviendo mecanismos para respaldar el uso de la evidencia científica para la definición de política de desarrollo de la salud. La investigación debe ser sensible a la vulnerabilidad potencial cuando se diseñan ensayos basados en la evidencia. Además, se debe asegurar que la población vulnerable esté siendo protegida.Con la intención de proteger a esa población vulnerable, algunos grupos como los de mujeres embarazadas han sido tradicionalmente excluidos de los ensayos clínicos. Como resultado de esta exención, algunas mujeres embarazadas están siendo expuestas a medicamentos de los que no hay información basada en la evidencia en cuanto a su eficacia y seguridad. Este hecho las priva de los beneficios del tratamiento que debería protegerlas, a ellas y sus hijos, de un riesgo desconocido. Aunque está muy claro que proteger a una población vulnerable, particularmente a las mujeres embarazadas, es obligatorio en el diseño de un ensayo clínico, los retos de la implementación de este principio no deberían aumentar el vacío entre la introducción de un producto farmacéutico en el mercado y la disponibilidad de información sobre su seguridad para uso en el embarazo.En los países en vías de desarrollo la mortalidad materna es un problema importante de salud pública. La mayoría de muertes maternas ocurren en los países más pobres, particularmente en África Subsahariana. En Mozambique el índice puede ser entre 408-1000 por 100000 nacidos vivos, dependiendo de la fuente de información. Diferentes estudios han señalado diversas causas de mortalidad materna en África, encontrándose la eclampsia y la malaria entre las cinco primeras.Existe una gran evidencia de la eficacia del sulfato de magnesio (MGSO4) en mujeres con pre-eclampsia y eclampsia, sin embargo el fármaco no está disponible en algunos países. El ejemplo del sulfato de magnesio se ha utilizado para describir el fracaso en el traslado de los resultados de la investigación a la práctica y/o política.Para el tratamiento de la malaria, se consideró seguro el uso durante el embarazo de algunos fármacos incluyendo cloroquina, sulfadoxinapirimetamina y quinina. La información sobre seguridad responde a una gran experiencia de uso. El aumento de resistencia de P. falciparum a estos fármacos está limitando su uso en la mayoría de las zonas endémicas. Actualmente se está recomendando el uso de los derivados de la artemisinina en combinación con otros fármacos antimaláricos. Los estudios preclínicos han mostrado sistemáticamente que la artemisina y sus derivados son embrioletales y teratogénicos en animales. La información disponible hasta la fecha no es adecuada para extrapolar los resultados de los animales a los humanos.Los datos limitados en el perfil de seguridad de los fármacos antimaláricos durante el embarazo constituyen un desafío. Hoy en día, estos fármacos se usan en mujeres embarazadas basándose en una valoración retrospectiva acumulativa de riesgo-beneficio. Se necesitarían mecanismos de monitorización prospectiva del uso de los fármacos para proteger a las mujeres de su riesgo potencial.El objetivo de esta tesis es el de describir la disponibilidad o no disponibilidad de los fármacos y sus razones; describir la disponibilidad o no disponibilidad de información sobre la seguridad de estos fármacos que son de uso necesario en el sureste de África. Se pretende también proponer mecanismos efectivos para monitorizar la seguridad de los fármacos en el embarazo en los países en desarrollo.Para alcanzar estos objetivos se llevaron a cabo cuatro estudios. El primero consistía en un estudio cualitativo de casos basados en entrevistas y en una revisión bibliográfica en Mozambique y Zimbawe. Se evaluaron los factores que afectaban a la disponibilidad o no disponibilidad del sulfato de magnesio. El estudio mostró que la evidencia científica respecto a la eficacia del sulfato de magnesio para el tratamiento de la eclampsia y la pre-eclampsia fue ampliamente conocida en los países del estudio. Sin embargo, el registro, aprobación, adquisición y distribución del sulfato de magnesio y como consecuencia, su disponibilidad para los médicos se vio afectada por fallos de mercado y de sistema. Este estudio concluye que el bajo coste del sulfato de magnesio, así como el mecanismo a través del cual se obtiene, significa que las fuerzas del mercado por si solas no pueden asegurar su disponibilidad. Los gobiernos y las organizaciones internacionales deben estar preparados para intervenir y para asegurar una amplia disponibilidad de fármacos efectivos de bajo coste, críticos para mejorar la salud pública en África.El segundo y tercer estudio mostraron que los fármacos antimaláricos se están usando en mujeres embarazadas sin contar con información sobre su perfil de seguridad en este grupo particular. Se necesita claramente una monitorización fuerte y segura en los países en vías de desarrollo para acompañar el despliegue de los nuevos fármacos, especialmente aquellos que conllevan un potencial riesgo teratogénico.El cuarto estudio mostró que el sistema de notificación espontánea puede ser una herramienta para la monitorización de la seguridad de los fármacos. Este sistema se podrá usar para incrementar la consciencia en proveedores de salud y en enfermos sobre las posibles reacciones adversas de fármacos. Ello permitirá desarrollar una cultura de notificación de estas reacciones. La notificación espontánea y los registros de embarazo se presentaron como ejemplos de mecanismos que podrían y deberían ser implementados. Las recomendaciones de cómo estos sistemas podrían ser implementados de forma efectiva en países con recursos limitados también fueron presentadas.Todos estos estudios sugieren que la definición de vulnerabilidad de las mujeres embarazas en los países en desarrollo no se puede restringir a causa del riesgo potencial de daño al feto, o debido a la dificultad de entender por completo los formularios de consentimiento. También son vulnerables por el riesgo elevado de morir por alguna causa relacionada o agravada por el embarazo. La implementación de estos principios éticos necesita tener en cuenta la necesidad de implementar fármacos diana efectivos y seguros para reducir la mortalidad y morbilidad materna.

2006/2007 ; This thesis deals with multimedia communication over unreliable and resource constrained IP-based packet-switched networks. The focus is on estimating, evaluating and enhancing the quality of streaming media services with particular regard to video services. The original contributions of this study involve mainly the development of three video distortion estimation techniques and the successive definition of some application scenarios used to demonstrate the benefits obtained applying such algorithms. The material presented in this dissertation is the result of the studies performed within the Telecommunication Group of the Department of Electronic Engineering at the University of Trieste during the course of Doctorate in Information Engineering. In recent years multimedia communication over wired and wireless packet based networks is exploding. Applications such as BitTorrent, music file sharing, multimedia podcasting are the main source of all traffic on the Internet. Internet radio for example is now evolving into peer to peer television such as CoolStreaming. Moreover, web sites such as YouTube have made publishing videos on demand available to anyone owning a home video camera. Another challenge in the multimedia evolution is inside the house where videos are distributed over local WiFi networks to many end devices around the house. More in general we are assisting an all media over IP revolution, with radio, television, telephony and stored media all being delivered over IP wired and wireless networks. All the presented applications require an extreme high bandwidth and often a low delay especially for interactive applications. Unfortunately the Internet and the wireless networks provide only limited support for multimedia applications. Variations in network conditions can have considerable consequences for real-time multimedia applications and can lead to unsatisfactory user experience. In fact, multimedia applications are usually delay sensitive, bandwidth intense and loss tolerant applications. In order to overcame this limitations, efficient adaptation mechanism must be derived to bridge the application requirements with the transport medium characteristics. Several approaches have been proposed for the robust transmission of multimedia packets; they range from source coding solutions to the addition of redundancy with forward error correction and retransmissions. Additionally, other techniques are based on developing efficient QoS architectures at the network layer or at the data link layer where routers or specialized devices apply different forwarding behaviors to packets depending on the value of some field in the packet header. Using such network architecture, video packets are assigned to classes, in order to obtain a different treatment by the network; in particular, packets assigned to the most privileged class will be lost with a very small probability, while packets belonging to the lowest priority class will experience the traditional best–effort service. But the key problem in this solution is how to assign optimally video packets to the network classes. One way to perform the assignment is to proceed on a packet-by-packet basis, to exploit the highly non-uniform distortion impact of compressed video. Working on the distortion impact of each individual video packet has been shown in recent years to deliver better performance than relying on the average error sensitivity of each bitstream element. The distortion impact of a video packet can be expressed as the distortion that would be introduced at the receiver by its loss, taking into account the effects of both error concealment and error propagation due to temporal prediction. The estimation algorithms proposed in this dissertation are able to reproduce accurately the distortion envelope deriving from multiple losses on the network and the computational complexity required is negligible in respect to those proposed in literature. Several tests are run to validate the distortion estimation algorithms and to measure the influence of the main encoder-decoder settings. Different application scenarios are described and compared to demonstrate the benefits obtained using the developed algorithms. The packet distortion impact is inserted in each video packet and transmitted over the network where specialized agents manage the video packets using the distortion information. In particular, the internal structure of the agents is modified to allow video packets prioritization using primarily the distortion impact estimated by the transmitter. The results obtained will show that, in each scenario, a significant improvement may be obtained with respect to traditional transmission policies. The thesis is organized in two parts. The first provides the background material and represents the basics of the following arguments, while the other is dedicated to the original results obtained during the research activity. Referring to the first part in the first chapter it summarized an introduction to the principles and challenges for the multimedia transmission over packet networks. The most recent advances in video compression technologies are detailed in the second chapter, focusing in particular on aspects that involve the resilience to packet loss impairments. The third chapter deals with the main techniques adopted to protect the multimedia flow for mitigating the packet loss corruption due to channel failures. The fourth chapter introduces the more recent advances in network adaptive media transport detailing the techniques that prioritize the video packet flow. The fifth chapter makes a literature review of the existing distortion estimation techniques focusing mainly on their limitation aspects. The second part of the thesis describes the original results obtained in the modelling of the video distortion deriving from the transmission over an error prone network. In particular, the sixth chapter presents three new distortion estimation algorithms able to estimate the video quality and shows the results of some validation tests performed to measure the accuracy of the employed algorithms. The seventh chapter proposes different application scenarios where the developed algorithms may be used to enhance quickly the video quality at the end user side. Finally, the eight chapter summarizes the thesis contributions and remarks the most important conclusions. It also derives some directions for future improvements. The intent of the entire work presented hereafter is to develop some video distortion estimation algorithms able to predict the user quality deriving from the loss on the network as well as providing the results of some useful applications able to enhance the user experience during a video streaming session. ; Questa tesi di dottorato affronta il problema della trasmissione efficiente di contenuti multimediali su reti a pacchetto inaffidabili e con limitate risorse di banda. L'obiettivo è quello di ideare alcuni algoritmi in grado di predire l'andamento della qualità del video ricevuto da un utente e successivamente ideare alcune tecniche in grado di migliorare l'esperienza dell'utente finale nella fruizione dei servizi video. In particolare i contributi originali del presente lavoro riguardano lo sviluppo di algoritmi per la stima della distorsione e l'ideazione di alcuni scenari applicativi in molto frequenti dove poter valutare i benefici ottenibili applicando gli algoritmi di stima. I contributi presentati in questa tesi di dottorato sono il risultato degli studi compiuti con il gruppo di Telecomunicazioni del Dipartimento di Elettrotecnica Elettronica ed Informatica (DEEI) dell'Università degli Studi di Trieste durante il corso di dottorato in Ingegneria dell'Informazione. Negli ultimi anni la multimedialità, diffusa sulle reti cablate e wireless, sta diventando parte integrante del modo di utilizzare la rete diventando di fatto il fenomeno più imponente. Applicazioni come BitTorrent, la condivisione di file musicali e multimediali e il podcasting ad esempio costituiscono una parte significativa del traffico attuale su Internet. Quelle che negli ultimi anni erano le prime radio che trsmettevano sulla rete oggi si stanno evolvendo nei sistemi peer to peer per più avanzati per la diffusione della TV via web come CoolStreaming. Inoltre siti web come YouTube hanno costruito il loro business sulla memorizzazione/ distribuzione di video creati da chiunque abbia una semplice video camera. Un'altra caratteristica dell'imponente rivoluzione multimediale a cui stiamo assistendo è la diffusione dei video anche all'interno delle case dove i contenuti multimediali vengono distribuiti mediante delle reti wireless locali tra i vari dispositivi finali. Tutt'oggi è in corso una rivoluzione della multimedialità sulle reti IP con le radio, i televisioni, la telefonia e tutti i video che devono essere distribuiti sulle reti cablate e wireless verso utenti eterogenei. In generale la gran parte delle applicazioni multimediali richiedono una banda elevata e dei ritardi molto contenuti specialmente se le applicazioni sono di tipo interattivo. Sfortunatamente le reti wireless e Internet più in generale sono in grado di fornire un supporto limitato alle applicazioni multimediali. La variabilità di banda, di ritardo e nella perdita possono avere conseguenze gravi sulla qualità con cui viene ricevuto il video e questo può portare a una parziale insoddisfazione o addirittura alla rinuncia della fruizione da parte dell'utente finale. Le applicazioni multimediali sono spesso sensibili al ritardo e con requisiti di banda molto stringenti ma di fatto rimango tolleranti nei confronti delle perdite che possono avvenire durante la trasmissione. Al fine di superare le limitazioni è necessario sviluppare dei meccanismi di adattamento in grado di fare da ponte fra i requisiti delle applicazioni multimediali e le caratteristiche offerte dal livello di trasporto. Diversi approcci sono stati proposti in passato in letteratura per migliorare la trasmissione dei pacchetti riducendo le perdite; gli approcci variano dalle soluzioni di compressione efficiente all'aggiunta di ridondanza con tecniche di forward error correction e ritrasmissioni. Altre tecniche si basano sulla creazione di architetture di rete complesse in grado di garantire la QoS a livello rete dove router oppure altri agenti specializzati applicano diverse politiche di gestione del traffico in base ai valori contenuti nei campi dei pacchetti. Mediante queste architetture il traffico video viene marcato con delle classi di priorità al fine di creare una differenziazione nel traffico a livello rete; in particolare i pacchetti con i privilegi maggiori vengono assegnati alle classi di priorità più elevate e verranno persi con probabilità molto bassa mentre i pacchetti appartenenti alle classi di priorità inferiori saranno trattati alla stregua dei servizi di tipo best-effort. Uno dei principali problemi di questa soluzione riguarda come assegnare in maniera ottimale i singoli pacchetti video alle diverse classi di priorità. Un modo per effettuare questa classificazione è quello di procedere assegnando i pacchetti alle varie classi sulla base dell'importanza che ogni pacchetto ha sulla qualità finale. E' stato dimostrato in numerosi lavori recenti che utilizzando come meccanismo per l'adattamento l'impatto sulla distorsione finale, porta significativi miglioramenti rispetto alle tecniche che utilizzano come parametro la sensibilità media del flusso nei confronti delle perdite. L'impatto che ogni pacchetto ha sulla qualità può essere espresso come la distorsione che viene introdotta al ricevitore se il pacchetto viene perso tenendo in considerazione gli effetti del recupero (error concealment) e la propagazione dell'errore (error propagation) caratteristica dei più recenti codificatori video. Gli algoritmi di stima della distorsione proposti in questa tesi sono in grado di riprodurre in maniera accurata l'inviluppo della distorsione derivante sia da perdite isolate che da perdite multiple nella rete con una complessità computazionale minima se confrontata con le più recenti tecniche di stima. Numerose prove sono stati effettuate al fine di validare gli algoritmi di stima e misurare l'influenza dei principali parametri di codifica e di decodifica. Al fine di enfatizzare i benefici ottenuti applicando gli algoritmi di stima della distorsione, durante la tesi verranno presentati alcuni scenari applicativi dove l'applicazione degli algoritmi proposti migliora sensibilmente la qualità finale percepita dagli utenti. Tali scenari verranno descritti, implementati e accuratamente valutati. In particolare, la distorsione stimata dal trasmettitore verrà incapsulata nei pacchetti video e, trasmessa nella rete dove agenti specializzati potranno agevolmente estrarla e utilizzarla come meccanismo rate-distortion per privilegiare alcuni pacchetti a discapito di altri. In particolare la struttura interna di un agente (un router) verrà modificata al fine di consentire la differenziazione del traffico utilizzando l'informazione dell'impatto che ogni pacchetto ha sulla qualità finale. I risultati ottenuti anche in termini di ridotta complessità computazionale in ogni scenario applicativo proposto mettono in luce i benefici derivanti dall'implementazione degli algoritmi di stima. La presenti tesi di dottorato è strutturata in due parti principali; la prima fornisce il background e rappresenta la base per tutti gli argomenti trattati nel seguito mentre la seconda parte è dedicata ai contributi originali e ai risultati ottenuti durante l'intera attività di ricerca. In riferimento alla prima parte in particolare un'introduzione ai principi e alle opportunità offerte dalla diffusione dei servizi multimediali sulle reti a pacchetto viene esposta nel primo capitolo. I progressi più recenti nelle tecniche di compressione video vengono esposti dettagliatamente nel secondo capitolo che si focalizza in particolare solo sugli aspetti che riguardano le tecniche per la mitigazione delle perdite. Il terzo capitolo introduce le principali tecniche per proteggere i flussi multimediali e ridurre le perdite causate dai fenomeni caratteristici del canale. Il quarto capitolo descrive i recenti avanzamenti nelle tecniche di network adaptive media transport illustrando i principali metodi utilizzati per differenziare il traffico video. Il quinto capitolo analizza i principali contributi nella letteratura sulle tecniche di stima della distorsione e si focalizza in particolare sulle limitazioni dei metodi attuali. La seconda parte della tesi descrive i contributi originali ottenuti nella modellizzazione della distorsione video derivante dalla trasmissione sulle reti con perdite. In particolare il sesto capitolo presenta tre nuovi algoritmi in grado di riprodurre fedelmente l'inviluppo della distorsione video. I numerosi test e risultati verranno proposti al fine di validare gli algoritmi e misurare l'accuratezza nella stima. Il settimo capitolo propone diversi scenari applicativi dove gli algoritmi sviluppati possono essere utilizzati per migliorare in maniera significativa la qualità percepita dall'utente finale. Infine l'ottavo capitolo sintetizza l'intero lavoro svolto e i principali risultati ottenuti. Nello stesso capitolo vengono inoltre descritti gli sviluppi futuri dell'attività di ricerca. L'obiettivo dell'intero lavoro presentato è quello di mostrare i benefici derivanti dall'utilizzo di nuovi algoritmi per la stima della distorsione e di fornire alcuni scenari applicativi di utilizzo. ; XIX Ciclo ; 1978

Captura de Radovan KaradzicEl ex presidente de la República Serbia de Bosnia, Radovan Karadzic, de 63 años, es acusado de genocidio y crímenes de guerra . Es uno de los hombres más buscados del mundo, ha sido detenido el pasado martes en Serbia.Apodado el "carnicero de Sarajevo", estuvo prófugo desde 1996, está inculpado por el Tribunal Penal Internacional para la antigua Yugoslavia (creado ad hoc para juzgar los delitos cometidos durante ese conflicto).Se le acusa también de haber orquestado las ejecuciones de hasta 8.000 musulmanes en Srebrenica durante la guerra en Bosnia en 1995.Se ocultaba tras una identidad falsa y un aspecto irreconocible, con barba, pelo largo y mucho más delgado. Ejercía la medicina alternativa en Belgrado, donde ha sido detenido. Varios medios informan al respecto:"CNN":"Fugitive Karadzic hid as bearded medic":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/07/22/serb.arrest/index.html"Time":"Karadzic's Arrest Comes Too Late":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825366,00.html"Karadzic Hid with False Identity":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825377,00.html"Judge Orders Karadzic to UN Tribunal":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825268,00.html"Le Monde":"Karadzic se cachait à Belgrade sous une fausse identité":http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2008/07/22/le-serbe-radovan-karadzic-inculpe-de-genocide-a-ete-arrete_1075780_3214.html#ens_id=1075781"La Serbie solde en partie les comptes de son passé":http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2008/07/22/la-serbie-solde-en-partie-les-comptes-de-son-passe_1075844_3214.html#ens_id=1075781"Radovan Karadzic, fourrier d'un sanglant ultranationalisme serbe":http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2008/07/22/radovan-karadzic-l-icone-de-l-ultranationalisme-serbe_1075820_3214.html"New York Times":"Serb Officials Detail Capture of Karadzic":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/23/world/europe/23serbia.html?_r=1&ref=world&oref=slogin"La Nación": "Satisfacción en la UE por la detención de Radovan Karadzic: Sin embargo, los líderes mostraron prudencia sobre los avances con Serbia a partir del arresto del criminal de guerra más buscado; no declaró en su primer interrogatorio":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032472"Detienen al criminal de guerra más buscado: Es Radovan Karadzic, acusado de genocidio en los Balcanes":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032386"The Economist":"Arrest of a strongman: Radovan Karadzic is arrested at last, in a big boost to Serbia's prospects of joining the European Union":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displayStory.cfm?story_id=11778164&source=features_box_main"Los Angeles Times":"Bosnian Serb war crimes suspect Radovan Karadzic caught":http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-warcrime22-2008jul22,0,7520714.story"Times":"Wanted fugitive Radovan Karadzic developed alter ego as New Age doctor":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4377240.ece"The dark life and times of Radovan Karadzic":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4377484.ece"Eyewitness: the role of Karadzic in Sarajevo's vicious civil war: As a foreign correspondent for The Times, Edward Gorman visited many theatres of war during the 1990s. Here he recalls the dark days of the siege of Sarajevo":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4377963.ece"Factfile: Bosnia's bloody history:The tangled and troubled history to the Bosnian civil war, which saw the worst massacres in Europe since WW2":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4378742.ece"El Tiempo":"Arrestado el ex jefe militar serbobosnio Radovan Karadzic, acusado de genocidio":http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/home/arrestado-el-ex-jefe-militar-serbobosnio-radovan-karadzic-acusado-de-genocidio-_4388156-1"El Universal": "Envían a La Haya a Karadzic: El fiscal Vladimir Vukcevic dijo el martes a la prensa que el juez emitió la orden para la entrega del sospechoso a la corte internacional por 11 crímenes de guerra":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/524272.html"MSNBC":"War crimes suspect quizzed after decade on run: Bosnian Serb leader Karadzic worked as doctor while hunted for massacres":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25793223/"Background, quotes on The Hague, Karadzic: Tribunal facts and what key figures have to say about the fugitive's arrest":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25798405/"El Mercurio":"Presunto criminal de guerra requerido en La Haya: Luego de 12 años de búsqueda detienen a Radovan Karadzic, el "carnicero de Sarajevo"":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/22/internacional/_portada/noticias/B62A3BF4-561F-42DF-B372-E6A97619E49E.htm?id={B62A3BF4-561F-42DF-B372-E6A97619E49E}"El País" de Madrid:"Celebración en Sarajevo, disturbios en Belgrado: Cientos de nacionalistas serbios se enfrentan con la Policía por la detención de Radovan Karadzic, muy celebrada en Bosnia":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Celebracion/Sarajevo/disturbios/Belgrado/elpepuint/20080722elpepuint_13/Tes"Detenido en Serbia Karadzic, el criminal de guerra más buscado":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Detenido/Serbia/Karadzic/criminal/guerra/buscado/elpepuint/20080722elpepuint_2/Tes"Los ministros de Exteriores de la UE esperarán al informe del TPYI para descongelar el pacto de adhesión de Serbia: La detención de Karadzic acerca al país de los Balcanes a Europa":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/ministros/Exteriores/UE/esperaran/informe/TPYI/descongelar/pacto/adhesion/Serbia/elpepuint/20080722elpepuint_9/Tes AMERICA LATINA"MSNBC" publica: "Haiti food aid lags, hunger deepens: As nation starves, aid is stuck in port or inside warehouses":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25773473/"El País" de Madrid informa: "Mueren cuatro militares venezolanos y un boliviano al caer un helicóptero en el centro de Bolivia: La aeronave iba a ser utilizada hoy por el presidente Evo Morales":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Mueren/militares/venezolanos/boliviano/caer/helicoptero/centro/Bolivia/elpepuint/20080721elpepuint_13/Tes"MSNBC" publica: "Helicopter crashes in Bolivia, killing five: Copter was often used to transport Bolivian president":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25785714/"CNN" informa: "Dolly intensifies; Texas and Mexico brace for hurricane":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/US/weather/07/21/tropical.weather/index.html"La Ancion" publica: "La crisis política / La embestida kirchnerista contra el vicepresidente: El Gobierno echó a seis funcionarios de Cobos":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032410"El Mercurio" publica: "El secretario de Agricultura sería la primera baja del gabinete argentino":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/22/internacional/internacional/noticias/217A4F30-1D6C-4B42-9354-B2E194388F5A.htm?id={217A4F30-1D6C-4B42-9354-B2E194388F5A}"CNN" publica: "Chavez set to spend big on Russian weapons":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/07/22/chavez.russia/index.html"La Nación" informa: "Chávez inició una estratégica visita a Rusia: El mandatario realizó una nueva compra de armas y selló importantes acuerdos energéticos tras reunirse con su par ruso, Dimitri Medvedev":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032471"The Economist" analiza: "Deadly masaje: How not to tackle a soaring murder rate":http://www.economist.com/world/la/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11750858"El Mercurio" informa: "20 muertos habría dejado ataque a base de las FARC": http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/22/internacional/internacional/noticias/E029D5C3-F87C-466E-81E2-32434314CDC9.htm?id={E029D5C3-F87C-466E-81E2-32434314CDC9}"The Economist" analiza: "Mending an icon: How Rio's first good governor in decades is starting to renew Brazil's most famous city": http://www.economist.com/world/la/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11750451 ESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADA "New York Times" publica: "Obama Meets Iraqi Officials in Baghdad":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/22/us/politics/22obama.html?_r=1&ref=world&oref=slogin"CNN" informa: "Obama finds 'consensus' in Iraq for U.S. troop withdrawal":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/meast/07/22/obama.mideast/index.html"El Mercurio" de Chile publica: "Campaña electoral por la Casa Blanca: Gira de Obama desata frenesí periodístico en Estados Unidos":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/22/internacional/internacional/noticias/F0B3A5F6-8B0C-4F9B-B389-83E111BEDDB1.htm?id={F0B3A5F6-8B0C-4F9B-B389-83E111BEDDB1}"The Economist" analiza: "The Hispanic vote: ¡Voten por mi!. Latino voters are turning away from John McCain. That's a symptom of a bigger problem for Republicans":http://www.economist.com/world/na/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11750600"Time" informa: "Never Underestimate McCain, But.":http://www.time.com/time/politics/article/0,8599,1825337,00.html"Time" publica sitio web sobre elecciones en los Estados Unidos: "The Page":http://thepage.time.com/"La Nación" informa: "Guantánamo: comenzó el primer juicio: El acusado es el ex chofer de Osama ben Laden, que ayer se declaró inocente ante un tribunal militar":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032343"Time" publica: "Bin Laden Driver Pleads Not Guilty":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825089,00.html"El País" de Madrid informa: "El chófer de Bin Laden niega las acusaciones en el primer juicio en Guantánamo: Salim Ahmed Hamdan se enfrenta a una pena de cadena perpetua por conspiración y apoyo a actividades terroristas": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/chofer/Bin/Laden/niega/acusaciones/primer/juicio/Guantanamo/elpepuint/20080721elpepuint_6/Tes EUROPA "The Economist" analiza: "Bosnia's future: Balkan end-games. The long and winding road towards the European Union":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11751332"El País" de Madrid publica: " Sarkozy transmite a Irlanda su respeto al resultado del referéndum: El mandatario francés, que ejerce la presidencia rotatoria de la UE, se ha reunido con el primer ministro de Irlanda Brian Cowen en busca de una explicación al 'no'": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Sarkozy/transmite/Irlanda/respeto/resultado/referendum/elpepuint/20080721elpepuint_16/Tes"El Mercurio"de Chile informa: "Sarkozy logra estrecha victoria con aprobación a reforma constitucional":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/22/internacional/_portada/noticias/11AF2738-5487-43B6-9D0F-71C578D6BE24.htm?id={11AF2738-5487-43B6-9D0F-71C578D6BE24}"MSNBC" publica: "Spanish police smash 'most wanted' ETA cell: 9 held as raids target Basque separatist group following series of attacks":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25799230/"CNN" indorma: "Nine ETA bombing suspects arrested":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/07/22/spain.arrests/index.html"La Nación" informa: "La lucha contra el terrorismo en España: Desarticulan el comando más activo de ETA. Detuvieron a nueve personas, entre ellos el jefe; serían los responsables de la mayoría de los atentados cometidos tras el fin de la tregua":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032470"El País" de Madrid informa: "España confirma que el Rey sí verá a Chávez: Un comunicado del Gobierno español dice que se reunirán el viernes en Mallorca, a pesar de que el presidente venezolano desmintió ayer que haya confirmado el encuentro": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Espana/confirma/Rey/vera/Chavez/elpepuint/20080721elpepuint_2/Tes"La Nación" publica: "Cerraron el caso Maddie por falta de evidencias: Los padres harán otra investigación":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032387"The Economist" analiza: "Berlusconi fiddles, Italy burns: Silvio Berlusconi's government is turning out to be depressingly similar to his previous one":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11751325Asia – Pacífico /Medio OrieNTE"MSNBC" informa: "Myanmar cyclone caused $4 billion in damage: Country needs at least $1 billion in aid over three years, U.N. says":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25785731/"The Economist" informa: "Business in China: Busting trust. The land of the mega-monopoly is about to adopt an antitrust law":http://www.economist.com/business/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11751042"Time" publica: "China Pulls Troops From Quake Zone":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825310,00.html"MSNBC" analiza: "Olympic city halves traffic to aid polluted skies: Car ban forces Beijing residents to take public transport in clean air bid":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25778988/"CNN" infroma: "Indian government's future on a knife edge":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/07/22/india.vote/index.html"Time" publica: "India MPs to Hold Confidence Vote":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825382,00.html"El País" de Madrid informa: "El tifón Kalmaegi causa 18 muertos en Taiwán: El tifón ha causado graves inundaciones, corrimientos de tierra y pérdidas agrícolas de alrededor de diez millones de euros":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/tifon/Kalmaegi/causa/muertos/Taiwan/elpepuint/20080721elpepuint_1/Tes"Time" informa: "ASEAN Turns Blind Eye to Burma Rights":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825357,00.html"El País" de Madrid informa: "Brown: "La paz entre palestinos e israelíes está al alcance de la mano": El líder laborista, primer 'premier' británico que habla ante la 'Knesset' (parlamento israelí).- Exige de nuevo a Irán que suspenda su programa nuclear":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Brown/paz/palestinos/israelies/alcance/mano/elppgl/20080721elpepuint_11/Tes"La Nación": "Brown pidió a Irán que cese su plan nuclear":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032345"Times" publica: "Bulldozer driver shot dead in Jerusalem after ramming cars":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/article4378076.ece AFRICA"El País" de Madrid publica: "Gobierno y oposición de Zimbabue acuerdan iniciar un proceso de diálogo para salir de la crisis: El líder del MDC, vencedor de las elecciones que nunca reconoció el régimen de Mugabe, firmará en persona el acuerdo":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Gobierno/oposicion/Zimbabue/acuerdan/iniciar/proceso/dialogo/salir/crisis/elpepuint/20080721elpepuint_12/Tes"CNN" informa: "Zimbabwe rivals sign deal on talks":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/07/21/zimbabwe.deal/index.html"Time" informa: "Breakthrough in Zimbabwe: Let's Talk":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825151,00.html"CNN" publica: "Zimbabwe: Inflation 'highest in the world'":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/07/17/zimbabwe.inflation.ap/index.html"The Economist" analiza: "Sudan's leader is accused, but others can expect to follow: Will the indictment of Sudan's president for alleged war crimes help or hinder the prospects for peace in Darfur?":http://www.economist.com/world/africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11751353ECONOMIA"CNN" informa: "Oil jumps $2 on Iran, storm: Crude prices bounce back from $16 slide as Iran nuclear talks end without agreement and traders fear tropical storm in Gulf of Mexico.":http://money.cnn.com/2008/07/21/markets/oil/index.htm?postversion=2008072115"The Economist" publica su informe semanal: "Business this week":http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11751734&CFID=13935362&CFTOKEN=69812019"El País" de Madrid publica: "El rescate de Fannie Mae y Freddie Mac le costará al contribuyente 25.000 millones de dólares: Según la Oficina de Presupuesto del Congreso.- Los dos bancos hipotecarios siguen su desplome en la bolsa":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/rescate/Fannie/Mae/Freddie/Mac/le/costara/contribuyente/25000/millones/dolares/elpepueco/20080722elpepueco_8/TesOTRAS NOTICIAS"El País" de Madrid publica: "Movilización mundial contra las FARC: Ingrid Betancourt pide en París la liberación de todos los secuestrados. Miles de asistentes a un concierto reclaman el fin de la guerrilla en Colombia":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Ingrid/Betancourt/pide/Paris/liberacion/todos/secuestrados/elpepuint/20080721elpepiint_3/Tes"CNN" informa: "World rallies for FARC hostages' freedom":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/07/20/colombia.hostages.ap/index.html"The Economist" publica: "Iran and America: A surprising move. Why America is sending a top man to talk directly to the Iranians":http://www.economist.com/world/africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11751318

2005/2006 ; Serena Fedel's dissertation is focused on gender issues, more precisely she has chosen to analyse the social conditions of employed women and the way they manage to reconcile the duties arising from their job with the ones connected with their role within the family. Geographically speaking she has decided to examine the above mentioned issues in the core of the so called Alps-Adriatic region, i.e. in the three bordering areas of Carinthia, Friuli Venezia Giulia and Slovenia. The aim of the dissertation consisted in analysing gender disparities and the social conditions of working women first in Austria, Italy and Slovenia and then also in of Carinthia and Friuli Venezia Giulia in order to find out which government has proved to be more sensitive to gender issues and has been more committed and successful in promoting a more equal society. Moreover tthe PhD candidate wanted to discover and point out which measures and initiatives have been more useful in order to develop gender equality and equal opportunities for all, so that such best practices could be introduced also in other areas in order to achieve the same goals. Carinthia, Friuli Venezia Giulia and Slovenia are neighbouring regions and to a foreign eye their landscapes must look similar, mainly because of the architectural legacy of a past when the three of them were all part of the Habsburg Empire. Indeed until the end of the First World War [although only until 1866 for the area of Friuli, when it was annexed to the Reign of Italy] these regions there ruled by the same laws and were inhabited by a very Catholic population. Notwithstanding the fact that in general women had to work hard at home as well as outside it in order to help their family make ends meet, the Catholic Church had been very successful in promoting the traditional patriarchal family model of the male breadwinner-housewife, according to which woman's role was defined by the three "K's" [Küche, Kindern, Kirche] kitchen, children and church. Originally such a model was meant for the bourgeois family of the 19th century, but soon it became valid for all the social strata. It prescribed that the husband's role was to work for wage while the woman had to be the care-taker at home; if an employment was compatible with these tasks and/ or if the financial situation of the family required it, only then could she work outside home. The year 1918 marked the beginning of a dissimilar historical, social and economic development for the bordering regions of Carinthia, Friuli Venezia Giulia and Slovenia, even though some features – like the strong feeling of devotion to the Catholic religion by the majority of the people, a peripheral position within their states and in respect to the decisional centres, as well as some internalized attitudes, customs and traditions - represented some common resistant-to-change characteristics. Now less than one century afterwards, the three areas are again under the umbrella of a common institution, the European Union, which counts gender equality among its founding principles, it has introduced the approach of gender mainstreaming in all its policies and programmes, and it requires all the member states to do the same. Moreover the three bordering areas are more or less affected in the same way also by world-wide phenomena such as the globalisation process (of capitals, work, models of reference, cultural trends, etc.) and the process of individualization of society. Given the above mentioned common features as well as the dissimilar historical experiences and social developmental paths which have characterized Carinthia, Friuli Venezia Giulia and Slovenia in the 20th century, the objective of Serena Fedel's dissertation was to investigate whether nowadays women's social condition and their models of behaviour in these areas are still similar, or if they differ and how, and which strategies have been elaborated in order to tackle the problem of gender disparities and discriminations. Through such a comparison it was expected to devise and point out some "best practices" which might be applied in the future in other regions in order to promote equal opportunities and the development of a more equal society. The main hypothesis was that the traditional male-breadwinner-housewife family model had left a legacy in the way household duties are divided between men and women, as well as in the different way men and women are present in the labour force (sectors of employment, hierarchichal position and status and power connected with it, career chances reserved to them, etc.). As a consequence it was expected that the various aspects of gender inequality to be addressed would have been similar, and also that the policies and initiatives devised in order to tackle them would have presented common features. On the other hand it was also expected that Carinthia, Friuli Venezia Giulia and Slovenia would have presented partially different workforce situations and levels of development of care services, to be accounted for mainly by the dissimilar historical experiences through which they went. Given the stress laid by the socialist system (when Slovenia was part of the Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia) on the principle of equality between the different republics (ethnicities) as well as between sexes, and considering that it demanded all of its citizens to work, Serena Fedel assumed that Sloven women should have fared better then their colleagues of Carinthia and Friuli Venezia Giulia. More precisely it was expected that in Slovenia women would have enjoyed more equality with men in the private and in the public sphere, and that the network of care services in support of working parents would have been better developed here than in the other two areas. It must be mentioned that another hypothesis was also taken into consideration, namely that the weight of the socialist legacy could have been partially blunted by the dynamics set off by the process of transition to the market economy - i.e. the distance taken from everything that belonged to the old system, and the process of re-catholization of the population. While the second hypothesis was not confirmed, the first was supported by the results of the analysis carried out on the basis of statistical data concerning the labour force and the network of public care services in Austria, Italy and Slovenia, as well as in Carinthia and Friuli Venezia Giulia. These data matched also with the results of opinion polls carried out in the areas of interest on the topics of gender equalities and inequalities, and about men's and women's roles within family and society, as well as with the results of a survey carried out by the very PhD candidate on 30 women of the Alps-Adriatic area. Coming now to present the structure of the dissertation in details, the first chapter deals with the main sociological theories about social inequalities, starting with the classical ones which adopted a hierarchical approach and focused mainly on people's position within the economic field, and then moving to more recent standpoints, which adopted a horizontal approach in order to give account of the so called new inequalities. These are connected with characteristics such as one's gender, age, race, ethnicity, kind of dwelling, etc, so they cannot be directly connected to or explained by only taking into consideration one's profession, but nonetheless they affect people's life chances and achievements substantially. In the second chapter the focus shifts to the topic of whether and how the main sociologists took into consideration the issue of gender inequalities, and what they wrote about woman's nature and her role compared to man's. Afterwards the principal feminist approaches to the study of gender issues and their main points are discussed, together with the theories that were developed in order to explain the phenomena of the gendered division of work and the existence of patriarchal relations in social structures, focusing most of all on the reasons why women are in a disadvantaged position in the labour market, and on the relationship between welfare policies and women's situation. The third chapter is devoted to women' social condition under the Habsburg monarchy and it is explained how the traditional male breadwinner-housewife model could assert itself and become the leading paradigm for the gendered division of work, notwithstanding the fact that women had always been working, at home as well as outside it. The key role played by the Catholic Church in the affirmation of the traditional patriarchal family model will be highlighted. The fourth chapter deals with the way woman's condition has evolved over time in Europe and more precisely in Austria, Italy, Slovenia and the former Yugoslavia until our days. The diacronical development of the female employment rates together with the different kinds of welfare states that have characterized these nations constitute the main topic of the chapter; their analysis allows to come to outline which kind of gender relations have been fostered in the three states. Moreover it will be given account of the impact that the two phenomena of the process of globalization and of individualization of society have had on women's situation, focussing specially on Western countries. In the fifth chapter the attention will focus on the regional situation: firstly it will be given account of the way the European Union has been dealing with the issue of gender equality, and the principles and policies developed to tackle gender inequalities; on a second step the analysis will concentrate on the regional level and more precisely on the three areas which may represent the heart of the forthcoming Alps-Adriatic region: Carinthia, Friuli Venezia Giulia and Slovenia. After having investigated the way women are present in the labour force there and the care services on which they can count - also contextualizing such data within their national frame, i.e. of Austria and Italy – the focus will move to the policies that have been developed by the regional governments in order to support families, to promote gender equalities and to counter gender discrimination, also describing the national and regional institutional bodies that deal with the issue and their involvement in initiatives co-financed by the European Union such as the program EQUAL. The goal of this part of the work is to detect some best practices which have been elaborated in a specific region and have proved to be effective in helping parents to carry out all their duties, and which may also be successfully adopted by other administrations. The hypothesis is that in the end such policies won't be much dissimilar because of the common membership to the European Union, even if there will be also "national/ regional ways" to cope with the problems, given the fact that the three regions present partially different workforce structure. The sixth chapter is devoted to the presentation of the results of the survey carried out by Serena Fedel in the three bordering regions, thus providing first hand data. In order to compare the social conditions of employed women of Carinthia, Friuli Venezia Giulia and Slovenia the PhD candidate developed a questionnaire, translated it into German, Italian and Slovene, and used it to interview 30 women who have family (children) and are employed at a bank, and working in Klagenfurt, Ljubljana or Udine. All the interviews took place during the months of June and July 2006, thanks to the availability of the 30 women involved in the project and with the precious organizational help of the Human Resources Departments of the Austrian, Italian and Slovene sister-companies of the group. The questionnaire consisted of 32 questions, mostly open ones, through which Serena Fedel wanted to investigate women's actual situation between family and work, their ideas about woman's role in family and society (influenced more or less by their parents' ideas on the same issue), their personal experience as far as unfair treatments suffered because of their sex, and their opinion about gender inequalities. Moreover, she wanted to get to know their assessment about the commitment of their regional and/or national government as far as fostering equal opportunities and helping parents to reconcile professional and family life and about the results that have actually been achieved in the field. One last point concerned their evaluation of the family- and/ or women-friendly attitudes of the bank in each region/nation. As for the hypothesis, again it was expected Slovene women to be the most emancipated, and the ones who enjoy more equal partnerships, where the division of work is not so engendered any more. Indeed it is so, and for a great deal the cultural legacy of socialism and its care institutions are to be held responsible for such a result, since they have gotten people used to taking for granted the fact that women work as men do, which may bring about a higher involvement of men into family life and household duties. It has to be said that also in Slovenia the labour force is still segregated by gender and young women seem to be discriminated against by employers upon hiring, owing to the fact that they may get pregnant and go on leave. Such a phenomenon, together with a still limited number of fathers who make use of the parental leave represent common features of the three analyzed areas and matters of concern of the institutions who deal with gender inequalities. In the conclusion of the dissertation, projects and initiative are pointed out, which have been developed in the analyzed areas and have been effective in promoting a more gender equal society, and in working towards the elimination or at least the reduction of gender discrimination and inequalities. They may represent the starting point of a debate about gender issues to take place within Carinthia, Friuli Venezia Giulia and Slovenia, and therefore in the forthcoming Alps-Adriatic region, which may aid in the development of new answers and solutions.

Unlike a lot of other taxes value-added tax (VAT) has an impact on most people, who are either tax bearers or taxpayers. Taxation should be considered the sign of independence of the state. Taxation is also a part of the general fiscal and economic policy of the state. Tax collection into the state budget makes it possible to fund public expenditures and redistribute income. Taxation forms an economic measure as well. It can be used to affect consumption, increase saving and develop the structure of the business sector. Knowing the principles of taxation is an essential factor in expanding entrepreneurship. As to taxation, the legislation in Estonia does not provide the agreements with tax authorities and the neglect of the taxation conditions may cause irrecoverable loss to the economic agents. Tax policy makes it possible to influence the welfare of different social groups. Tax application can bring about essential social differentiation, but its purposeful and rational application, which is based on comprehensive studies, may relieve it. The aim of the present paper is to study the value added tax, one of the bestregulated taxes in the European Union, and some practical aspects and problems of its imposition in Estonia. The paper as a whole is innovative as it includes a survey of the history of VAT, the analysis of the terminology and most essential problems in imposing the VAT and the methodology used in making special arrangements. The paper also comprises formulas devised by the author and combined into integrated computing methods. These methods are used for calculating VAT in travelling services special arrangements. The novelty of the current paper is emphasized by the analysis made by the author concerning the possibility of VAT rate reduction for food and non-alcoholic beverages and its impact on the household welfare in Estonia. The current paper is compiled as textbook – monograph. In order to perform the analysis, the author has set the following objectives: • study the theoretical basis of taxation and consumer taxes and the historic development of VAT imposition; • analyse the terminology used in VAT Act and some practical problems in imposing the VAT; • analyse the impact of a decrease in the VAT rate on the household welfare. The present paper analyses the history of VAT as a general consumption tax in two different economic regions in the world — in the United States of America and the European Union. The author of the paper has also analysed different factors that have an essential impact on taxation. The concurrence of political decisions and legislative acts on the taxation policy as well as on the taxpayer's well-being was under observation. The paper presents an analysis of the changes induced by VAT reduction on the income of the households as compared to alternative variants. As an alternative, the impact of an increase in the basic exemption on the household income has been studied. The paper has a practical value for the standpoints presented in the paper are not restricted only to the explanations in the problematic areas but offer a practical solution as well. Practical problems are illustrated with explanatory drawings and examples, which make it possible to get a consistent overview of the principles handled. Opinions of recognised experts and researchers on VAT have been taken into account when compiling the paper. Legislative acts regulating the application of VAT or having an essential importance in its application have been looked into. In order to draw up the comparative and empirical analyses, data on the structure of household expenditures from Estonian Statistical Office, United Kingdom Government Statistical Service, Latvian State Statistical Bureau and the Lithuanian Department of Statistics were studied. In order to achieve the objectives set the following steps have been taken: 1. the theoretical basis of taxation in general and consumption taxes was studied; 2. the history of VAT and the reasons that influenced its application or its deferment were looked into; 3. the terminology used for VAT, as well as the practical problems of VAT levy were analysed; 4. the impact of a decrease in VAT reduction and an increase in the basic exemption on the well-being of households was analysed. There are three chapters on this paper Chapter I of the thesis gives an overview of taxation as a sign of an independent state and a part of general economic policy. The overview mostly draws upon taxational and legislative acts regulating taxation and standpoints of taxation experts and researchers. It also expands on the history of VAT imposition in two different economic regions –the United States of America and the European Union. It is analysed why VAT in the given region has been levied or its imposition has been postponed. Chapter II concentrates on the terminological analysis and on solving some practical problems concerning the VAT. Terminological analysis mostly elaborates on the necessity to rename the name of the VAT and Value-Added Tax Act valid in Estonia at present (käibemaks and käibemaksuseadus, respectively) pursuant to the taxation principles derived from the conception of added value. When studying the problems concerning VAT imposition the author of the present paper has paid attention to the bottlenecks encountered in practice. The paper also provides explanations to preclude causes of its origin in the future. In Chapter III the author has studied the effect of tax reduction on the household income. In course of the study a comparative analysis was carried out where the pecuniary savings derived from tax reduction formed a basis for the analysis. As an alternative, pegging basic exemption to the bottom rate of gross earnings and its impact on the household income was studied. The brief summary of the conclusions is as follows: History. The taxation of consumption was first paid attention to in Europe in the 16th century. A counsellor to the Spanish king, Duke Alba, had an idea to levy a tax on the local commodity exchanging. In addition to the price, an obligatory sum was to be imposed on all goods that the vendor would transfer to the state (e.g. tenth penny tax). But such suggestions caused a riot among the people and were never put in practice. At the beginning of the 20th century, in 1918, the United States discussed the possibility of consumption tax introduction, but consumption was first taxed only in 1930s. The introduction of a common VAT system in the European Union can be explained by a number of reasons, which include: the harmonisation of indirect taxes and the avoidance of the cumulative effect of progressive taxes, guaranteeing independent taxation both in national level and between the member states, the formation of a common basis which forms a basis for pooling capital for the common budget. An essential factor that would disfigure the administration of the budget of the EU by the member states is the destination-based taxation of consumption valid at present. Pursuant to this principle those member states whose import of goods surpasses export have a heavier burden in implementing the budget. Transition to the 'country-of-origin' principle is very difficult because it would mean a substantial increase in the tax burden of exporting countries and smaller countries that import most of their commodities would lose an essential part of their present sales tax revenues. Harmonisation is still going on as a system for tax revenue payments satisfying all member states has not been worked out yet. Till then the relatively complicated and full of exceptions transitional provisions that are constantly being changed will be valid. The common value added tax imposed in the European Union as a consumption tax makes it possible for the member states to establish common rules, which might, in some cases, injure the interests of the member states. One of such example might be the imposition of common VAT from January 1, 2006. In the United States of America the most widespread consumption tax (in 45 states) is retail sales tax. The biggest industrial country in the world has not imposed VAT on the central governmental level. This can be explained by both political reasons and the federal system of government: • VAT imposed by the central government would restrict the member states in collecting sales tax • The levy of VAT may establish a new "money machine of the central government" that would make it possible for the central government to spend more money on governance and increase tax rates. Terminology and practical problems The term 'turnover tax' is misleading because turnover tax is a cumulative tax, whereas VAT is not a cumulative tax. The term should be harmonised with the principles of the tax. It is also necessary to harmonise the terminology applied in legislation with the actual content of the term. 'Turnover' tax should be renamed value added tax, in short VAT. Opposition to the change in the name of the tax is not justified. David Williams, a Professor at the London University, seeing the rapid development of the VAT suggested already in 1996 for the states imposing VAT that they should harmonise the term with the concept of the tax. When talking about taxation objects, the term 'turnover' cannot be interpreted as an alienation transaction. In case of VAT 'turnover' can be interpreted as a result of an action or a deed. It can be the thing or the value that is taxed. The term 'turnover' in the form of a VAT differs from the revenue from sales applied in accounting. The objects of VAT are not transactions but the passing of a good in the process of transaction. Professor Williams acknowledges that naming the transaction VAT has caused several problems. In English the word «supply» is used. Its translation into Estonian, when bearing in mind VAT would be 'tarne' (supply, delivery) which quite often does not foresee passage of ownership or title. The moment of delivery marks the moment of handing over the goods. In sense of VAT the sale of basic assets and other irregular transactions that the accounting office handles as sundries may qualify as turnover.There are two foundations that determine the time for the formation of turnover and rendering a service: • dispatch of goods, providing a service • total or partial payment for the goods or services. Time for "intra-community supply" and "intra-community acquisition" differs from the principles mentioned above because intra-community supply and acquisition are considered being originated on the 15th of the month following the dispatch or arrival of the goods or services, or on the date the invoice was issued, if it the latter was performed earlier than the 15th. In this case there are two criteria for determining the time for turnover generation: • dispatch of goods • or issue of the invoice. In practice, the date on which the invoice was issued should form the basis for the determination of the intra-community turnover generation. The invoice should be issued within seven days from the dispatch of goods. Dispatch of goods and rendering them accessible will form a basis on the occasion only when the invoice has not been issued by the 15th of the following months. Tax levied on travelling service as a special arrangement is quite new in Estonia and the common methodology in some aspects is still being elaborated on. Special arrangements in the taxation of travelling services are imposed on the end-customers Following the principles of special arrangements the turnover of the travel agencies offering the service is only the add-on percentage or marginal of the price the travel agency has added to the goods or services when reselling to the traveller. The author of the present paper has explained the main principles in the introduction of the special arrangements and given guidelines and formulas devised by the author for the application of integrated computing methods. The impact of the VAT reduction on the household welfare In order to examine the impact of the VAT rate reduction for food and nonalcoholic beverages on the household income the author of the paper has carried out current analysis in two stages. In the first stage the author has examined which would be an alternative variant that would influence the most households in Estonia if amendments are made in income tax. In the 130 second stage the result of first stage is compared with the expected result of the VAT rate reduction for food and non-alcoholic beverages. The author of current paper is on opinion that the VAT rate reduction for food and non-alcoholic beverages in Estonia is not argumented when alternative variants are applied. The author finds that one of the possible alternatives could be binding the basic exemption in Estonia with the minimum gross wage established by Estonian government. In addition to the application of alternative variants there are other counterarguments to the reduction of VAT on foodstuffs: • the proportional expenditure on foodstuffs in the household consumption expenditures would decrease; • the consumption expenditures structure in the household would change and the relative importance of foodstuffs in the total consumption expenditures would decrease; • the VAT underpayment to the government budget brought about by a decrease in the VAT rate imposed on foodstuffs in the essential part would remain for the retail sales to cover. The reduction of VAT rate on foodstuffs could be considered when alternative variants cannot be applied. The topicality of the problem might increase when in connection with the introduction of the Sixth Council Directive of 17 May 1977 in the Member States the VAT rate in Estonia would increase. The author of the present paper is on an opinion that he has achieved the set objectives and solved the questions raised.

Die Themen 'Alter', 'Bildung', 'Zivilgesellschaft' sind jeweils zentrale Themen des wissen-schaftlichen und politischen Diskurses. Dies trifft für die Altenbildung und für ihr Verhältnis zur Zivilgesellschaft nicht oder nur sehr bedingt zu. Entsprechend hat die Wissenschaft der Altersbildung, die Geragogik, sich noch nicht zu einer eigenen allgemein anerkannten Wis-senschaftsdisziplin etabliert. Allerdings setzt sich zunehmend die Erkenntnis durch, dass Bil-dung im Alter eine Investition ist, die positive psychische, soziale und ökonomische Effekte hat. Bildung ist darüber hinaus einer der wichtigsten Prädiktoren für zivilgesellschaftliches Engagement auch im Alter. Hinzu kommt, dass der Altersstrukturwandel zu ansteigenden (politischen) Aktivitäten von Senioren und zu einer Ausweitung des Berufsfeldes der Arbeit mit älteren Menschen führt. All diese sozialen Prozesse berühren Themen der Altenbildung. Allerdings findet dies kaum eine angemessene Entsprechung in Form der wissenschaftlich beglei-tenden Implementierung, Evaluation von Modellprojekten der Altenbildung, der beruflichen Fort- und Weiterbildung, der Entwicklung von Curricula etc. Aus diesem Grund ist die Gera-gogik wissenschaftshistorisch die adäquate Antwort auf den komplexer werdenden Alters-strukturwandel. So wie sich die soziale Gerontologie ebenfalls im Laufe der gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung des demographischen Wandels herausgebildet hat. Während die Altenbildung wenigstens in Ansätzen in unterschiedlichen Feldern vorhanden ist, so ist das Thema politische Weiterbildung mit älteren Gewerkschaftsmitgliedern ein Desi-derat. Bisherige Altenbildungsansätze bleiben oft auf die individuelle Bewältigung des Über-gangs vom Erwerbsleben zum 'Ruhestand' und der Erschließung individueller Aktivitäten begrenzt. In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird besonders die Frage untersucht, wie eine Altenbil-dung in Theorie und Praxis zu gestalten ist, damit sie sowohl die Identitätsentfaltung als auch gesellschaftspolitische Partizipationsprozesse fördert. Es existiert eine große Forschungslücke im Hinblick auf Bedingungen, Voraussetzungen und Chancen für eine gewerkschaftlich ausgerichtete Altenbildung, die emanzipatorische Po-tentiale im Alter freilegt. Daraus ergibt sich die zentrale Leithypothese dieser Arbeit: Syste-matisch organisierte lebensbe-gleitende Weiterbildung, die sich der Aufklärung verpflichtet fühlt, ist eine wesentliche Voraussetzung, im Alter ein mündiger Bürger zu sein und die Per-sönlichkeitsentfaltung zu stärken. Hieraus leiteten sich zunächst vier erkenntnisleitende Fragestellungen ab:1. Kann kritische Altenbildung einen Beitrag zur Demokratisierung der Gesellschaft leisten?2. Kann kritische Altenbildung einen Beitrag zur Stabilisierung der Per-sönlichkeit leisten?3. Welche praxeologischen Konklusionen ergeben sich aus der Analyse der empirischen Ergebnisse einer gewerkschaftlich orientierten Al-tenbildung am Beispiel der Bil-dungsstätte 'neues alter' in Hat-tingen? 4. Welche konzeptionellen Schlussfolgerungen sind für eine gewerkschaftlich orientierte kritische Altenbildung zu ziehen? Im Zuge des wissenschaftlichen Forschens stellte sich die dringliche Frage, wie Altenbil-dung und - umfassender - Geragogik nicht nur durch alterstheoretische Überlegungen fun-diert, sondern auch meta- bzw. wissenschaftstheoretisch begründet werden kann. Nach wie vor gibt es keine allgemeingültige Alterstheorie, denn Alter gilt als normativ und instrumen-tell unter-bestimmt. Von daher hat die Darlegung der wissenschaftstheoretischen Begründung und des eigenen theoretischen Standpunktes, von dem aus zusätzliche ergänzende Aspekte für eine moderne Alterstheorie entfaltet werden, einen größeren Stellenwert erhalten als ur-sprünglich geplant. Das Anliegen dieser Arbeit besteht dann auch darin, Geragogik stärker theoretisch aus kritischer Perspektive zu untermauern. Die Untersuchung gliedert sich in fünf Haupteile, sowie die Einleitung und den Schlussteil. Nach den einleitenden Ausführungen beschreibe ich im zweiten Teil auf der Phänomenebene die gesellschaftlichen Voraussetzungen einer kritischen Geragogik. Arbeiterbewegung und demographischer Wandel werden in den Kontext ge-sellschaftlicher Umbrüche gestellt, um von hieraus erste Konklusionen für eine kritische Ge-ragogik zu beschreiben.Zunächst verdeutliche ich die Schwierigkeiten der Soziologie bei der Suche nach den Struk-turmerkmalen einer Gesellschaft, die sich in einer epochalen Umbruchsituation befindet. Zwischen den Polen der Individualisierung und Globalisierung gelten alte Orientierungen nicht mehr, ohne dass sie aber bereits von neuen abgelöst wären. Nach neuen Antworten wird allerdings intensiv gesucht: Stichworte sind 'Risikogesellschaft', 'Erlebnisgesellschaft', 'Dienstleistungsgesellschaft', 'Bildungsgesellschaft' etc. Sicher ist, dass im Zuge des gesellschaftlichen Strukturwandels proletarische Milieus erodie-ren und damit weitreichende individuelle Unsicherheiten, aber auch Entfaltungspotentiale verbunden sind. Bildung wird dabei zentrale Ressource individueller und gesell-schaftlicher Entwicklung. In diesem Kontext wird auch über die Diffusion des gesellschaft-lichen Zusammenhalts diskutiert. Die 'Zivilgesellschaft' soll dem entgegenwirken. Eine An-nahme dabei ist, dass sich die Erwerbsarbeitsgesellschaft in die Tätigkeitsgesellschaft wan-delt. Relevant ist nicht mehr die Unterscheidung zwischen Arbeitszeit und Freizeit. Bedeut-sam ist eine neue Zeitstruktur. Danach befindet sich der Einzelne in den unterschiedlichen Zeitzonen der Erwerbszeit, Bildungszeit, Bürgerzeit, Familienzeit und Eigenzeit. Unabhängig von der Richtigkeit der dieser Vorstellung zugrunde liegenden Annahme, dass Vollbeschäfti-gung nicht mehr erreichbar ist, verbergen sich hinter der Debatte um die Bürgergesellschaft Ambivalenzen: Da sind zum einen durchaus Chancen im Sinne der Ausweitung demokra-tischer Beteiligung, der Wohlfahrtsökonomie und der Linderung von Arbeitslosigkeit. Zum anderen besteht aber die Gefahr des Missbrauchs, indem ehrenamtliches Engagement zum Auffangbecken für den Abbau sozialer Leistungen des Staates wird.Für die Arbeiterbewegung und ihre Organisationen sind mit diesem Wandel weitreichende Schwierigkeiten verbunden: Mit dem Wegbrechen der Montanindustrie verliert sie auch die industrielle Arbeiterschaft, die immer den Kern der Arbeiterbewegung bildete. Im Zuge der Individualisierung und der Technisierung der Arbeitswelt ändern sich kollektive Denk- und Handlungsmuster. Es steigen ebenso die Ansprüche an die eigene Organisationen im Hinblick auf Transparenz und Mitgestaltungs-möglichkeiten. Schließlich ist mit dem Scheitern der staatssozia-listischen Länder Osteuropas jede grundlegende Alternative zum Kapitalismus diskreditiert. Neoliberales Gedankengut, dass die betriebswirtschaftliche Sichtweise als Blau-pause für alle gesellschaftlichen Felder nutzen will, ist vorherrschend. Die Gewerkschaften befin-den sich in einer existentiellen Krise. Eine erneuerte Gewerkschaftsbewegung muss sich die Frage nach ihren unabgegoltenen emanzipatorischen Potentialen stellen. Dazu gehören Werte wie zum Beispiel die freie Entwicklung des Einzelnen als Voraussetzung für die Frei-heit aller, die Entfaltung der Demokratie und die allseitige Entwicklung der Persönlichkeit. Gleichzeitig erzeugt der Kapitalismus als einzig vorherrschendes Weltsystem seit der histo-rischen Wende aus sich heraus Widersprüche und Probleme, die die Forderung nach einer sozialeren und demokratischen Regulierung von Wirtschaftsprozessen immer wieder auf die Tagesordnung stellen. Die Gewerkschaften haben sich in ihrem Erneuerungsprozess an einem Paradigmen-wechsel von der Betriebsorientiertheit auf ein politisches Mandat zu orientieren und müssen als Beteili-gungsgewerkschaften eine eigene Vorstellung von gesellschaftspoli-tischer Vernunft ent-wickeln. Die Vorstellung der Dichotomie von Kapitalismus und Sozialis-mus ist nicht mehr aufrecht zu halten. In Zukunft wird es um eine Mischung des Verhältnis-ses zwischen Gesellschaft, Markt und Staat gehen. Zur Bewältigung gesellschaftlicher Um-brüche ist auch der demographische Wandel zu zählen, dem sich die Gewerkschaften eben-falls stel-len müssen.Zentrales Merkmal des Altersstrukturwandels ist nach Naegele und anderen die Differenz des Alters, die sich in der Singularisierung, Entberuflichung, Hochaltrigkeit, Feminisierung etc. ausdrückt. Hierauf sind entsprechend differenzierte sozialpolitikwissenschaftliche Antworten zu finden. In einer erwerbszentrierten Gesellschaft kann es bei dem Übertritt in den 'Ruhe-stand' zu individuellen Krisen kommen. Entscheidend für das Verhalten in der nachberuf-lichen Lebensphase ist die vorangegangene Lebensbiographie. Danach kommt es im 'Ruhestand' lediglich zu einer Ausweitung von Tätigkeiten, die bisher im bisherigen Le-ben in der Freizeit praktiziert wurden (Kontinuitätsthese). Gleichzeitig vollzieht sich ein para-digmatischer Wandel des Alterbildes von der Fürsorge zur Selbstinitiative. Dies kommt in der steigenden Anzahl von Selbsthilfegruppen im Alter und stärkerem politischen Engagement Älterer zum Ausdruck. Senioren sind allerdings eher nach wie vor eine 'latente' Altenmacht. Dazu trägt ihre Vielfältigkeit und Vielschichtigkeit bei, die die Entfaltung gemeinsamer Akti-vitäten erschwert. Außerdem ist im Alter eine deutliche Präferenz für konservative Ein-stellungen festzuhalten. Der medial oft beschworene 'Generationenkrieg' ist em-pirisch nicht nachweisbar. Eher kommt es zu einer 'Verflüssigung' des Generationenverhält-nisses. Das Verhältnis von Jung und Alt wird für den Zusammenhalt der Gesellschaft in der Zukunft zentrale Bedeutung erhalten. Von besonderem Interesse ist das 'ehrenamtliche' Engagement von Älteren. Vermutet man hier doch enorme - auch ökonomische - Potentiale für die Gesellschaft. Allerdings gilt hier die gleiche Ambivalenz, wie sie grundsätzlich für zivilgesellschaftliche Aktivitäten be-schrieben ist: Chancen und Risiken des Missbrauchs bis hin zu einer erneuten Verpflichtung von Älteren liegen hier dicht zusammen. Besonders bei den 'jungen Alten' werden große Ressourcen vor allem für personale Dienstleistungen vermutet.Die Gewerkschaften hat der demographische Wandel eingeholt, ohne dass sie hierauf zum Beispiel innergewerkschaftlich angemessen reagiert hätten. Die 1,5 Millionen 'Ruheständler' im DGB werden eher negativ im Sinne von 'Überalterung' diskutiert. Die Ressourcen bleiben ungenutzt. Es verdichtet sich die wissenschaftliche Erkenntnis, dass mit der 'Altersfrage' die Handlungsfähigkeit der Gewerkschaften zukünftig berührt ist. Dieser erste Teil schließt mit der Erkenntnis, dass Geragogik ein Erfordernis ist, um die Transferprozesse des sich wechselseitig beeinflussenden Bedingungsgefüges von Gesell-schaft, Kultur und Individuum zu organisieren. Geragogik ist Teil eines neuen Lernzyklus, der sich aus den beschriebenen gesellschaftlichen Umbrüchen ergibt. Dabei sind die Chancen für eine kritische Altenbildung mit älteren Gewerkschaftsmitgliedern günstig, denn erstens sind sie oft politisch interessiert und zweitens durch ihr früheres Engagement eher bereit, weitere Aktivitäten zu entfalten. Bildungsarbeit könnte besonders für Personen in der Übergangsphase zur nachberuflichen Lebensphase bedeutsam sein, um zum Beispiel dem Verlust von Mitglie-dern vor-zubeugen. Gleichzeitig eröffnen sich für den Einzelnen Chancen der Identitäts-entfal-tung im Alter durch einen voranschreitenden tertiären Sozialisationsprozess, der zielge-richtet verläuft. Nach der Beschreibung der gesellschaftlichen Bedingungen einer kritischen Gerago-gik wende ich mich im Folgenden ihren theoretischen Voraussetzungen zu.Im dritten Teil lege ich in Abgrenzung zu gängigen soziologischen Modellen meinen eigenen Theorieansatz dar. Dies begründet die An-lage der gesamten Untersuchung und ist die Grundlage für den rationalen Diskurs. In der Metatheorie wird die Wissenschaft selbst zum Ge-genstand der Wissenschaft. Wissenschaftstheorie befasst sich mit dem wissenschaftlichen Erkenntnisprozess: Danach gilt ein Aussagesystem als wissenschaftlich, wenn es empirisch gestützt ist, soziale Prozesse erklärt und weitere Entwicklungen prognostiziert. In der Analyse des Theorie-Praxis-Verhältnisses wird herausgearbeitet, dass sich die Diesseitigkeit einer Theorie an ihrer praktischen und problemlösenden Kompetenz erweist. Des Weiteren wird Wissenschaft metatheoretisch als soziales System betrachtet. Sie hat die soziale Funktion, die Existenz und die Fortentwicklung der Gesellschaft zu gewährleisten. Damit ist Wissenschaft als Teil von Wissenschaftsgeschichte zu betrachten. Im Unterschied zur Kunst, in der große Werke nicht veralten, ist es das 'Schicksal' der Wissenschaft, dass ihre Erkenntnisse im Laufe der Zeit anachronistisch werden. Ausgenommen sind hiervon die Methoden der Wissenschaften. Diese Bezogenheit der Wissenschaft auf Gesellschaft und Geschichte führt zum Werturteils-streit in der Soziologie, der auf Weber zurückgeht, aber noch heute wiederzufinden ist. So vertritt zum Beispiel Habermas einen normativen Universalismus, wonach sich Aufklärung an der besseren Gesellschaft zu orientieren hat. Dagegen steht für Luhmann die Frage nach der Funktion von Gesellschaft angesichts der Vielfalt von Problemen im Vordergrund. Für ihn geht es um gesellschaftliche Selbstbeobachtung. Letztlich wird hier der Meinungsstreit über das Selbstverständnis der Soziologie ausgetragen: Sieht sie sich als Ordnungswissenschaft oder als kritische Gesellschaftstheorie mit der Anmaßung des Ganzen? Eine methodologische Schlussfolgerung besteht in dieser Untersuchung darin, dass Werturteile nicht in den unmit-telbaren Forschungsprozess einfließen dürfen: Es existiert eine Dichotomie zwischen Wert-urteilen und Erkenntnissen von Zusammenhängen. Allerdings kommt der Wissenschaftler angesichts der Vielzahl der Probleme ohne Wertbeziehungen nicht aus (Dezisionismus): Wertfragen des Forschers sind bei der Auswahl des Forschungsgegenstandes und der Inter-pretation von Daten bedeutsam. Nach diesen metatheoretischen Überlegungen gehe ich über zur Beschreibung soziologischer Sozialisationsforschung, da meiner Untersuchung die These von Veelken zu Grunde liegt, dass Entfaltungsmöglichkeiten im Alter im Rahmen von 'tertiären Sozialisationsprozessen' zu betrachten sind. Es werden grundsätzliche Überlegungen zur interdisziplinären Anlage der Sozialisationsforschung dargelegt. Deutlich wird: Leistungsfähige Sozialisationstheorien haben das Verhältnis von Individuum und Gesellschaft als Prozess der Individuation und Vergesellschaftung zu betrachten. Der Sozialisationsforschung liegen wiederum unterschiedliche soziologische Theoriemodelle zu Grunde: In der Systemtheorie nach Parsons und fortentwickelt durch Luhmann interessiert die Frage, unter welchen Bedingungen Gesellschaft und soziale Pro-zesse zu einem gleichgewichtsregulierenden Wirkungszusammenhang kommen. Das Ganze besteht aus gleichrangig angeordneten Subsystemen, die sich im Prozess der Autopoiesis selbsterhalten. Sie bleiben autonom und müssen gleichzeitig ihre Anschlussfähigkeit zu ande-ren Systemen herstellen. Systemisches Denken bedeutet Reduktion von Komplexität ange-sichts einer zunehmend komplexer werdenden Gesellschaft. Subsysteme befinden sich in einem dauernden Austauschprozess. Dadurch wird die Dynamik des gesellschaftlichen Wan-dels erklärt. Ein Vorwurf an diesem Ansatz ist, dass das Individuum vernachlässigt wird. Hier hilft der handlungstheoretische Ansatz des 'symbolischen Interaktionismus' nach Mead weiter, der besonders die individuellen Handlungsoptionen betont. Allerdings besteht hier das Problem, dass der Realität keine eigene Seinsqualität mehr zukommt und nur noch qua sub-jektiver Interpretationen besteht. Im Ansatz der Gesellschaftstheorie, der sich auf den Theo-rietypus Marx bezieht, wird herausgearbeitet, dass 'Arbeit' als bewusste soziale Tätigkeit das Gattungswesen des Menschen ausmacht. Die Verknüpfung von Individuum und Gesellschaft erfolgt über die Tätigkeit, die durch historische Gesellschaftsformationen bestimmt ist. Der historische Prozess wird als voranschreitende Entwicklung der Vernunft begriffen. Im Abgleich der verschiedenen soziologischen Ansätze und ihrer Konsequenzen für die So-zialisationsforschung kritisiere ich, dass das Verhältnis Individuum und Gesellschaft zwischen den Polen der Nach- und Vorrangigkeit des Einzelnen betrachtet wird. Positiv ist hervorzuheben, dass eine sozialisationstheoretische Herangehensweise das Individuum in seinen Entfaltungsmöglichkeiten und seiner permanenten Lernfähigkeit sieht. Für den eigenen Theorieansatz versuche ich diese vorwärtsweisenden Aspekte der Sozialisationstheorie aufzu-nehmen und sie mit einem gesellschaftstheoretischen Gedankengebäude zu verknüpfen. Gesellschaftstheoretisch wird von folgenden Eckpunkten ausgegangen:· Wissenschaft durchdringt die Erscheinungsform eines Phänomens auf sein Wesen.· Die Dialektik ermöglicht die Analyse der Gesellschaft in ihrer Widersprüchlichkeit und Totalität. Das gesellschaftliche Ganze wird durch die Arbeit erzeugt. Somit sind ökonomische Prozesse und Interessen sowie ihre Auseinandersetzungen wesentlich für die Explikation sozialer Vorgänge. · Anthropologisch ist die teleologische, bewusste und soziale Tätigkeit das Gattungsmä-ßige des Menschen.· Geschichte ist ein Prozess menschlicher Selbstverwirklichung auf immer höheren Stu-fen. Mit Bourdieu begründe ich den emanzipatorischen Charakter meines Theorieansatzes. Für ihn ist Soziologie politisch und historisch und hat einen Beitrag zu mehr Demokratie zu leisten, damit sozial Ausgegrenzte zu politischen Akteuren ihrer Interessen werden. Er überwindet die Dichotomie zwischen Individuum und Gesellschaft durch ein relationales Denken. Das heißt: Gegenstand der Soziologie ist nicht der Einzelne oder die soziale Gruppe, sondern sind ihre Bezüge untereinander, ihre Relationen. Er fordert, dass kritische Intellektuelle gegen den vor-herrschenden Neoliberalismus 'wissenschaftliche Gegenautorität' erzeugen. Eine 'neutrale' Wissenschaft hält er für eine interessengeleitete Fiktion. Dazu will er einen 'Generalstand sozialer Bewegungen' formieren, der auch die zu erneuernden Gewerkschaften einschließt. Metatheoretisch versucht er die Antinomien in den Sozialwissenschaften zu überwinden. So geht er von einem praexeologischen Theorieverständnis aus, nach dem Theorie und Praxis sich wechselseitig durchdringen. Aus der Selbstreflexivität der Soziologie erschließt sich ihr emanzipatorischer Charakter: Der Soziologe gewinnt ein Teil Freiheit, indem er Gesetzmä-ßigkeiten sozialer Felder erkennt und sie als veränderbar begreift. Die Analyse sozialer Felder praktiziert er mit seinen theoretischen Werkzeugen 'Kapital', 'Habitus' und 'Feld'. In sozialen Feldern finden Kämpfe um Macht und Einfluss statt. Die Positionen der sozialen Akteure sind in diesem 'Spiel' durch ihre Verfügungsmacht über Kapital bestimmt. Zustimmung zu Herrschaftsstrukturen erklärt er durch den Habitus. Er ist ein inneres Regulativ, das soziale Feldbedingungen inkorporiert, soziale Vorgehen bewertet und interpretiert und soziale Praxis generiert. Der Habitus ist sozial bestimmt und begründet die Relation zwischen Lebensstil und sozialer Position. Die Unterscheidung zwischen sozi-alen Gruppen drücken sich in Distinktionsbeziehungen aus. Gesellschaft besteht aus der Summe sozialer Felder, die relativ autonom sind. Bourdieus politische Soziologie zielt auf eine universell intellektuelle Freiheit, die zu einer rationalen und humanen Veränderung der Gesellschaft führt.Meinen eigenen gesellschaftstheoretischen Ansatz wende ich im vierten Teil auf das Phäno-men 'Alter' an. Zunächst beschreibe ich verschiedene Alterstheorien und arbeite den Para-digmenwechsel von der Theorie des Disengagement zur Aktivitätstheorie heraus. Eine zen-trale Argumentationslinie ist dabei der Ansatz der tertiären Sozialisation. Er impliziert die Möglichkeit für den Einzelnen, seine Identität auch im Alter durch tätige Auseinandersetzung mit der Umwelt fortzuentwickeln. Gleichzeitig sind Ältere als eine sehr differenzierte Grup-pierung zu beschreiben. Die Theorien über das Alter haben sich allerdings noch nicht zu einer allgemein gültig anerkannten Alterstheorie verdichtet.Gemäß meines eigenen dialektischen Ansatzes versuche ich unter soziologischer Perspektive das Verhältnis von Alter und Gesellschaft in seiner Widersprüchlichkeit zu erfassen. Dies impliziert auch eine relationale Betrachtung, die Alter nur im gesellschaftlichen Kontext erfasst. Danach ist die negative Konnotation von Alter vor dem Hinter-grund des wachsenden Widerspruchs zwischen Alter und Gesellschaft zu betrachten, wie dies Backes erläutert. Grund hierfür ist ein Vergesellschaftungsmodell 'Alter', das mit seinen zwei Komponenten der materiellen Abgesichertheit und des 'Ruhestands' hinter den wachsenden Anforderungen Älterer an ihr Leben zurückbleibt. Gemäß des eigenen materialistischen Ansatzes erläutere ich die Zusammenhänge zwischen Alter und Ökonomie, sowie der im Kapitalismus spezifischen Interessen. Ich lege am Beispiel der Analyse der letzten Rentenreform dar, warum eine Politik des Neoliberalis-mus den Wi-derspruch zwischen Alter und Gesellschaft verschärft und hier eine tendenzielle Erosion des Generationenvertrages droht. Schließlich ordne ich die Ausweitung der berufsfreien Lebens-phase in der Jugend und im Alter historisch ein und zeige, dass aufgrund der fortschreitenden Pro-duktivkraftentwicklung in langfristiger Perspektive die Le-bensarbeitszeit potentiell weiter verkürzt werden kann. Hier eröffnen sich Chancen für eine 'Kulturgesellschaft' , in welcher der Einzelne jenseits der Erwerbsarbeit in zunehmender Weise seine Persönlichkeit all-seitig entwickeln kann. Damit wird das Phänomen 'Alter' in den historischen Kontext der wachsenden Selbstverwirklichung des Menschen gestellt.Mithilfe von Bourdieu gehe ich der Frage nach, wer die vordringliche Zielgruppe einer kri-tischen Geragogik sein kann. Hier wird die Verbindung zu den sozialen Bewegungen im all-gemei-nen und den sich zu erneuernden Gewerkschaften im besonderen hergestellt (Bourdieu 2001a). Durch den Bezug auf ältere Gewerkschaftsmitglieder wird auch der Problematik der sozialen Differenz im Alter für gemeinsame politische Aktivitäten Rechnung getragen. Da-durch wird natürlich nicht die Vielfältigkeit im Alter aufgehoben, aber durch den gemeinsa-men gewerkschaftlichen Bezug überdacht. Danach wende ich Bourdieus Kapital- und Habi-tustheorie auf das 'Alter' an, um zu zeigen, unter welchen Voraussetzungen, Senioren sich von einer latenten zu einer realen Macht entwickeln können. Bedeutsam ist hier die These der Herausbildung eines Altershabitus, der durch die Widersprüchlichkeit von Befreiungspoten-tialen und Ausgrenzungstendenzen gekennzeichnet ist und sozial bedingt ist.Zur Beantwortung der Frage, was denn das Sinnvolle im Alter ist, greife ich auf Koflers Tä-tigkeitskonzept zurück und begründe anthropologisch, dass Arbeit im umfassenden Sinn als zielbewusstes Tätigsein das Gattungsmä-ßige des Menschen ausmacht und sich im histo-rischen Prozess als wachsende Selbstverwirklichung realisiert. Daraus entwickle ich ein neues Vergesellschaftungsmodell, das die bisherigen Elemente der sozialen Absiche-rung und der Entpflichtung von Erwerbsarbeit in modifizierter Form enthält und um ein drittes Element zu er-gänzen ist: Dies besteht in der teleolo-gischen, sozialen und be-wussten Tätig-keit, die auch im Alter die Vermittlungsebene zwischen Indi-viduum und Gesellschaft gewährleistet. Diesen Teil beende ich mit Veelkens Ansatz der tertiären Sozialisation. Dieser schließt die Lücke der bisherigen Betrachtungen, die das Individuum eher vernachlässigen. Hiermit wird gezeigt, wie der Einzelne seine Identität im Dreiecksverhältnis zwischen Individuum, Kultur und Gesellschaft entfalten kann. Gleichzeitig eröffnet diese Be-trachtung des Alters den Weg zur Altenbildung. Im folgenden fünften Teil wird der Bogen von der Alterstheorie zur kri-tischen Geragogik gespannt. Dazu werden die sozialisations- und habitustheoretischen Überlegungen auf die Altenbildung übertragen. Altenbildung ist eine zentrale Voraussetzung, damit der Ältere über andere soziale Gruppen seine An-schlussfähigkeit an andere Subsysteme erhält. Kritische Altenbildung knüpft an einem Alters-habitus an, in dem sich lebensbiographische Prozesse mit Einstellungen aus sozialen Her-künften miteinander verbinden. Die Position im sozialen Feld 'Alter' bestimmt sich für den einzelnen Älteren über das Ausmaß der Verfügung über öko-nomisches, kulturelles, soziales und symbolisches Kapital. Entsprechend zielt kritische Gera-gogik darauf ab, die individuelle und gesellschaftliche Handlungskompetenz älterer Gewerk-schaftsmitglieder zu stärken, in-dem sie sich vor allem kulturelles Kapital aneignen. Dieser Aneignungsprozess von kultu-rellem Kapital zielt allerdings nicht auf die Anhäufung abstrak-ten Wissens, sondern ist als Erfahrungslernen zu organisieren. Mit der Reflexion der eigenen Lebensbiographie ist eine visionäre Lebensführung verbunden, die auch im Alter individuelle und gesellschaftliche Zu-kunftsentwürfe erlauben. Dabei kommt älteren Gewerkschaftsmit-gliedern eine besondere Be-deutung zu: Die Gewerkschaften haben aus ihrem Selbstverständ-nis und der Interessenslage ihrer Mitglieder heraus Potentiale für eine Politik gegen den Neoliberalismus. Zudem be-sitzen ältere Gewerkschaftsmitglieder wichtige Lebenserfahrun-gen, die es aufzuheben gilt. Ihre relativ stark ausgeprägten Interessen an politischen Vorgän-gen sind darüber hinaus gute Voraussetzungen für eine politische Weiterbildung im Alter. Anschließend erfolgt die Beschreibung der konkreten historischen Sozialisationserfahrungen der Jahrgänge von etwa 1920 bis ca. 1940. Da bei der vorliegenden Untersuchung Möglich-keiten einer kritischen und politischen Altenbildung ausgelotet werden, be-schreibe ich die kritische Dimension von Bildung und die Bedingungen von politischer und gewerkschaft-licher Weiterbildung im Alter. Daran schließt sich die Schilderung von Eckpunkten einer kri-tischen Geragogik an. Aus der wis-senschaftshistorischen Sicht wird die Herausbildung der Geragogik zu einer eige-nen Wissenschaftsdisziplin als Erfordernis einer zunehmenden Diffe-renzierung des Alters-strukturwandels, der im Kontext gesellschaft-licher Umbrüche zu sehen ist, gesehen. Gerago-gik wird nach Veelken definiert als die Umsetzung der Lehre vom Lebenslauf und Lebensziel in die Praxis des Lehrens und Lernens. Sie befasst sich mit Altenbildung, gerontologischer Aus-, Fort- und Weiterbildung und der Forschung in Theorie und Praxis. Im Zuge der Her-ausbildung der Zivilgesellschaft besteht eine ihre wichtigen Herausforderungen darin, Ältere zu Tätigkeiten zu befähigen, die selbstbestimmt und emanzipatorisch angelegt sind. Damit werden Anforderungen der tertiären Sozialisation mit dem neuen Vergesellschaftungsmodell verknüpft. Insofern ist Geragogik ein wesentliches Element zur Überwindung des Wi-der-spruchs von Alter und Gesellschaft. Weiter werden die Zusammenhänge zwischen Identitätsent-faltung und gesellschaftspolitischer Partizipation ex-pliziert, die zentraler Gegenstand der vorliegenden Untersuchung sind. Ab-schließend werden in diesem Teil die methodisch-didak-tischen Besonder-heiten des Lernens im Alter herausgestellt. Schließlich werden Aussagen zu den Themen der politischen Altenbildung, zur Zielgruppe und zum Verhält-nis von Dozenten und Teilnehmern, die auch die Beziehung von Jung und Alt betrifft, getroffen. Im sechsten Teil werden anhand einer Sekundärbetrachtung empirischer Ergebnisse über ge-werkschaftlich orientierte Altenbildung am Beispiel der Arbeit in der Bildungsstätte 'neues alter' praxeologische Konklusionen ge-zogen, die sich aus dem Kontext des übergeordneten theoretischen Zusam-menhangs ergeben. Dazu werden zunächst die Sozialdaten der Teilneh-mer und ihre politischen Präferenzen erfasst. Die empirischen Daten beantwor-ten die Frage, ob es gelingen kann, bei bildungsungewohnten Personen (Stahlarbeiter), die in der Regel ge-werkschaftlich organisiert sind, über Weiterbildung im Alter die Identitätsentfaltung durch neue Tätigkeiten zu festigen und zu verbessern und zu einem stärkeren politischen En-gage-ment zu kommen. Anhand der Beschreibung unter anderem zweier Projekte zur Ge-schichte und zum Naturschutz werden Handlungsorientierungen für eine kritische Al-tenbildung darge-stellt. Darüber hinaus werden Voraussetzungen für eine erfolg-reiche Altenbildung skizziert. Es wird deut-lich, dass Lernen im Alter erfahrungsbezogen und handlungsorientiert anzulegen ist. Dies kann durchaus dazu beitragen, im Alter neue Hand-lungsfelder zu erschließen, die in der bisherigen Lebensbiographie unerschlossen geblieben sind. Die empirischen Ergebnisse verdeutlichen darüber hinaus, dass das Bildungsprogramm durch eine große Nähe zu den Teilnehmern, die die direkte Beteiligung an der Planung des Bildungsprogramms impliziert, eine starke Akzeptanz erfährt. Es wird der Lebenslagean-satz bestätigt und die Notwendigkeit einer großen Partizipation im Binnenverhältnis betont. Ebenso ist die Ganzheitlichkeit des Bildungsangebotes, das kognitives, emotionales und so-ziales Lernen beinhaltet, wichtig für die Akzeptanz des Bildungsprogramms. Der empirische Teil weist nach, dass praktische Al-tenbildung, wie sie theoretisch begründet ist, sowohl per-sönlichkeitsstabilisierend als auch demokratiefördernd wirksam sein kann. Im Schlussteil bündele ich die Erkenntnisse der Untersuchung, verknüpfe die Geragogik mit der Alterstheorie in nuce und beschreibe Bausteine für eine kritische gewerkschaftlich ausge-richtete Altenbildung. Wichtige davon sind:1. Alter in seiner neuen historischen Qualität ist Ergebnis eines Sozials

Women and Post-Conflict Reconstruction: Issues and Sources is a review of literature dealing with political, economic and social reconstruction from a gender perspective. One of its objectives is to go beyond conventional images of women as victims of war, and to document the many different ways in which women make a contribution to the rebuilding of countries emerging from armed conflicts. Special attention is given to women's priority concerns, to their resources and capacities, and to structural and situational factors that may reduce their participation in reconstruction processes. A second aim is to shed light on how post-war reconstruction processes influence the reconfiguration of gender roles and positions in the wake of war, and how women's actions shape the construction of post-war social structures. Following the brief Introduction is a chapter on political reconstruction. It raises questions concerning women's participation in peace-building and democratization. In order to illuminate women's expectations regarding their roles and status in post-war society, the chapter opens with a brief discussion of how and to what extent various liberation movements have addressed women's issues. While some movements considered women's issues to detract attention from the main goal of their struggle, many movements regarded women's liberation as an integral dimension of their overall struggle for social justice. The fact that women's issues were included on the political agendas and that women themselves were mobilized to participate actively in the fighting is demonstrated to have been instrumental in raising women's political awareness and their expectations of state and society today. The ensuing discussion of women's participation in formal and informal peace-building activities shows that in most cases women are excluded from formal peace negotiations. Such high-level negotiations are identified as male domains, which means that they also employ discourses and practices that are closer to men's reality than to women's. As a result, women also lack direct influence in the identification of reconstruction priorities that are usually part of a peace agreement. Nevertheless, women are demonstrated to play an influential role through their work in grassroots organizations working for peace and reconciliation. From within these organizations, women constantly challenge the authorities and other members of society with demands for peace, non-discrimination, accountability, recognition of human rights, etc. While always positioned on the margins, these organizations show their ability to mobilize large numbers of women, and to translate individual grievances into legitimate social concerns. Moreover, many of them play a significant role in building a new culture of peace at the local level by organizing peace education and community-based reconciliation and social reconstruction activities. Democratization processes are generally applauded, because they are assumed to guarantee accountability and to grant all citizens the possibility to participate in political life. However, studies on elections and decentralization demonstrate several flaws when it comes to women's position. Many countries emerging from armed conflict have adopted new constitutions that grant women equal political, social and economic rights, and many governments have developed new quota systems to ensure women equal representation in decision-making institutions at all levels. However, the implementation of these laws and good intentions often runs into major obstacles. At the government level the problems include a lack of financial resources and a lack of gender awareness or political will among staff. Other major problems are to be found at the social level, where the new discourse of gender equality may run counter to existing social norms regarding gender roles. The examples discussed show that, in some cases, local authorities and male members of society may discourage or prohibit women from participating in political activities. Moreover, the fact that the division of labour has not changed in favour of women, but rather added to their burden, also poses practical limitations on the possibilities for active involvement of women. Despite these constraints, women have made remarkable contributions in many countries. In the context of elections women have organized civic education targeting women, and they have convinced women of the importance of their vote. Educated women have organized legal counselling to inform women about their rights and to help them exercise these rights. Chapter three deals with economic reconstruction and the strategies that women develop to cope with war-induced changes in the economic environment and to meet the growing responsibilities for the survival and well-being of family and relatives. The focus is on the relationship between women's economic activities and their socio-economic position. The first section of the chapter concentrates on women's involvement in agricultural production, which often constitutes a major source of income. In addition to problems of landmines, a lack of agricultural inputs and farm implements, a shattered infrastructure and the inaccessibility of markets, etc., which equally trouble male farmers, women face a number of particular challenges. First, women often lack legal rights to land and other resources which, in the context of social disintegration where a large number of women become single providers, may reduce their ability to survive on farming alone. In some countries, women are organizing themselves to lobby state and local authorities for increased access to such resources, but in many cases women are forced off the land and are compelled to seek other sources of income. Another problem facing women in agriculture is the dismantling of traditional work groups due to displacement, divorce, death, etc. This has often resulted in the creation of new co-operative associations and voluntary self-help groups which combine old institutions and current social conditions. When cultivating the family land is no longer an option, some women join the casual agricultural labour force. While this opportunity enables women to employ their skills and to earn an income, recent analyses suggest that this may in fact mean that women come to occupy a marginal position in the new structure of rural social stratification. Another area which proved to be of great importance to women's livelihoods was the burgeoning informal sector, with petty trade and small-scale businesses as major sources of income. The documentation of women's involvement in this sector showed a great variety in experiences. Some women took up activities in which they had also been involved prior to the war, but many engaged in innovative projects, even when it meant a break with existing social norms, as they took up jobs perceived to be male jobs. Some women established businesses on the basis of local resources and demand, while others established elaborate trading networks which cut across ethnic boundaries and national borders. Again, women's capacity to build and mobilize extensive social networks had a positive impact. But while women generally proved to be eager and capable entrepreneurs, the sustainability of their enterprises was often constrained by a lack of capital and marketing skills, not to mention the fact that the sector itself is highly insecure and fluctuating. Moreover, women's economic success would in some cases result in social stigmatization and exclusion, due to clashes with prevailing norms or jealousy. Finally, the formal sector is discussed. For various reasons, societies emerging from war usually experience a high unemployment rate, and women are often particularly marginalized with regard to access to formal employment. In some cases this is a result of the fact that women generally have poorer educational qualifications, but research also suggests that discriminatory practices are still frequent. One of the few areas where women seem privileged is the social sector, but because this sector is often exposed to budgetary cuts, women's access to income and status from this field is reduced. Nevertheless, women continue to perform related tasks, but as semi-professionals or even as volunteers. The fourth chapter focuses on social reconstruction, specifically on the rehabilitation of social services (health care and education) and wider issues of social integration. With regard to the first aspect, the main questions are whether the social sector recognizes women's particular needs, and whether it seeks to build on women's skills and capacities. The discussion on social integration shifts the focus to how women are positioned in processes of inclusion and exclusion, and to how women's strategies and activities influence social integration. Studies on the rehabilitation of social services suggest that even though women's needs and rights are increasingly recognized officially, women continue to be discriminated against with regard to access to education for social and cultural reasons. Health care and other social facilities also remain inadequate, with consequences not only for women's health, but also for their ability to participate in political and economic life. The material clearly demonstrates that social issues were generally given high priority by women themselves, and many women in post-conflict societies make a major contribution to their rehabilitation. In rural as well as urban areas, women have re-established primary education for children as a means to build local capacities and influence their socialization, and women are often involved in providing primary health care and socio-economic assistance on a self-help basis to people in crisis. However, as noted above, while such activities are generally welcomed, they are often considered but a natural extension of women's domestic obligations and hence are not remunerated or responded to with offers of training. In addition to ordinary health care problems, intrastate wars produce a number of specific health problems known as psycho-social traumas. These traumas may stem from experiences of forced displacement, torture, rape, violence, witnessing killings, etc. In some cases, women have been particularly vulnerable to this kind of assault on mind and body. But women have also been very active in addressing the scars that such experiences leave, organizing voluntary organizations which offer medical and psychological treatment. Moreover, they have helped former victims to overcome their distress and reintegrate, by offering skills training and income-generating activities. Another issue which has been addressed by women's organizations is the growth of violence within post-war societies. Through classroom education and workshops, women have sought to raise awareness about violence against women and to change the attitudes that consider such violence acceptable. As the discussion on social integration points out, there has long been a tendency to focus exclusively on the reintegration of returnees, internally displaced persons and demobilized soldiers, or of persons who have become marked and marginalized due to torture, disability, widowhood, etc. However, to the extent that any post-war society is inevitably undergoing profound changes in its socio-economic and political composition, the issue of integration is relevant to all members of society. This chapter focuses on this aspect from a gender and family perspective, and shows how integration often also has disintegrative aspects. Newly gained economic freedom and independence, long years of separation and exposure to new social environments and attitudes, new perceptions of the role of the family and its members, and forced migration in search of employment, all contribute to continued dismantling of existing social institutions and the establishment of new ones. Social integration, in other words, is not simply about "coming home", but about defining new guiding social values and establishing corresponding relationships and institutions based on a combination of factors including kinship, socio-economic interests, and shared experiences and circumstances. In the final chapter, conventional conceptualizations of women in conflict and post-conflict situations are examined. The chapter also contains some suggestions for alternative concepts and approaches which appear to be better tools for our understanding of women's situation and thus for the development of programmes that will assist women in their multiple efforts to rebuild their lives. It is pointed out that our understanding of women's roles in post-war societies and of their contributions to post-war reconstruction must go beyond the universalistic narrative of "women's experience of war". The specificity and diversity of women's experiences must be acknowledged. Only on this basis can we conduct comparative analyses and begin to develop a deeper general understanding of post-war reconstruction from a gender perspective. Second, the concluding chapter stresses the need to supplement the image of women as vulnerable victims with an image of women as a highly differentiated group of social actors, who possess valuable resources and capacities and who have their own agendas. Women influence the course of things, and their actions are constitutive of post-war societies. The reduction of women to targets and beneficiaries both fails to recognize their contributions and contributes to their marginalization. A third point stressed in the conclusion is the need for gender-specific data and gender-focused analysis. While special attention is given to women throughout the publication, so as to make visible the previously invisible, the aim has been to see women's situation within a gender framework which pays attention to how gender roles and relationships are continuously constructed and contested by different actors, and which recognizes the gender dimension inherent in all aspects of post-war reconstruction. The gender perspective is also relevant for the achievement of sustainable peace. As the analysis strongly suggests, the failure to recognize gender issues may produce new social tensions and contribute to the differentiating struggles over identity, status and power that are so distinctive for societies which have recently achieved peace.

Crowded and isolated Black and Latino neighborhoods are marked by economic deprivation and social depression. Many residents of these neighborhoods are disconnected from the larger society, no longer able to share in the values or social norms of majority America. The study of this concentrated poverty has become a new mini-industry. There has been a spate of books, reports, and articls on the phenomenon, which is variously known as "persistent poverty,", the underclass," or the "new poor." The authors of this book reject the label "underclass" because it is demeaning and "new poor" because it is inaccurate. We find it more profitable to focus on the problem of separation. Poverty has always afflicted America, and even long-term poverty has been an issue during other periods of the nation's development. Today, American society faces a period of growing social and economic separation, caused by worsened opportunities for the poor and resulting in more destructive long-term consequences for them and the society as a whole. We begin with the idea that global economic restructuring has since about 1975 altered the way political and social institutions work at every level in America. Until politics and economics are again reshaped, the problems of urban poverty will remain severe. Reshaping may begin as the pressures from urban separation force community-level institutions should be strengthened, restructured, and redirected. Multi-local coalitions should be formed to press for re-allocation of federal resources in favor of domestic needs and for re-regulation of the national economy in favor of workers and common citizens. Only then can a successful attack begin on the problems of persistent poverty. To set the stage for directing the reader's attention to the conditions under which neighborhood organizations and municipal governments can mount a successful attack that will modify the structure and management of the national political economy, we have collected props from a wide-ranging survey. We begin by looking at such broad concerns as the behavior of the global economy, and we conclude with a focus on such narrow questions as the viability of particular municipal programs to alleviate poverty. In the middle sections, our survey shows in detail how persistent poverty in American cities is connected to various influential structures and processes: the global economy, the U.S. industrial structure, federal social policy metropolitan labor markets, and finally, local politics and policy. We imagine a network of connections. At each of five nodes some of these processes are going through changes, being "restructured" or reorganized. Until quite recently it was assumed that basic needs -- such as housing, education, health care, neighborhood safety, and jobs -- could be made available to nearly all Americans. Programs to provide these necessities had been expanding for over 50 years, the guarantee becoming over time more accepted as a social responsibility; but suddenly this basic commitment to a social contract has been changed. American society now promises little and delivers less to people or communities who cannot provide for themselves. In the process of transformation, the world's richest nation is creating a third-world sub-society within its own borders. Policymakers have adopted three ways of thinking about these emerging problems. Some hold to the notion that poverty is increasing because a lax welfare state has generated a large group of "non-participants," "marginal people," bums. Probably a larger group of policymakers think the rising problems of the poor are caused simply by cutbacks in resources devoted to social equity. A third group sees poverty as an almost inevitable consequence of the vagaries of the market, made worse in recent years by globalization of the economy and lack of a national economic plan. Our argument is that the recent upsurge in persistent urban poverty has been generated by a particular set of American political responses to transformations in structure of the global and domestic economies, exacerbated considerably by a long process of highly subsidized suburbanization and by racism. The purpose of this book is to support this argument by reviewing and interpreting research on the global economy, industrial change, and public policy. In doing this we are able to estimate their combined effects on cities, neighborhoods, and residents. Since the late 1970s the global economy has become increasingly integrated, and American corporations have moved world-wide in search of cheaper ways to produce to meet stiff competition. As a result, American workers have felt a steady erosion of their power and a persistent reduction in their standard of living. There is a trickle-down effect in reverse, a backwash that swamps American labor. Unskilled workers have been marginalized by widespread plant shut-downs and blue-collar lay-offs, and they have found a paucity of good career ladders, stuck instead in low-wage, dead-end, service jobs. At the same time, many poorly prepared immigrants have arrived; many women have come to head families, finding themselves unable to support households on their own;) and discrimination against minorities has continued. While some Americans have benefited financially from the post 1970 changes, the poorest have been pushed down or cut adrift. The federal government, preoccupied with global-economy issues, and careful to be responsive to the growing demands of its new, upper-middle-class, suburban constituencies, has sacrificed the urban poor. State and local governments have also retrenched, adding to the crisis, by responding to demands for austerity from business, tax-paying voters and public officials alike. When the squeeze came from the global economy, public institutions were unprepared to relieve the inevitable difficulties the poor would encounter. Corporate redeployment and government economizing insured that city labor markets would turn sour, especially for basic jobs. Federal funds for cities and poor people were cut and guarantees for benefits and services were reduced. The tax revolt was managed by new politics that coalesced after 35 years of white, middle-class suburbanization; the budget reductions hit hardest of all on public jobs and services in central cities. In the scramble to survive from shutdowns, contractions, layoffs, and budget cuts, everyone with any power tried to get out and get ahead, and those with less power got left farther and farther behind, increasingly separated from the main society. The majority of Black Americans and Latinos already were subjected to relatively low wages, bad housing, and poor schools. Most women supporting children by themselves already had great difficulties. New immigrants from Latin America and South East Asia were already near the bottom. In earlier years, economic growth and the development of a more liberal society had allowed some in such situations to escape the poverty of the ghetto and the bad barrios, and because many believed in this promise, some communities had an aura of hopefulness. But with the job losses and the program cuts replacing around economic growth, and the new self-interest replacing community and collective interests, the situation worsened for those left behind; their expectations plummeted, and their communities became isolated. We find that cities and even neighborhoods have had to turn more and more to their own energies and resources. It is true that they are strapped tightly to small budgets, have made little dent so far on the most serious problems, and will ultimately have to depend on private-sector job growth and re-established, well-funded, federal transfer programs. But local governments and community-based organizations are close to problems, and they have both the opportunity to become involved and the need to revitalize these poor communities. Their role in solving community problems has escalated over the last two decades, along with rising expectations for them to intervene. City halls and community organizations are therefore forced to innovate, press demands, and represent neighborhoods. From this pessimistic dilemma arises the main line of our optimism, our principle recommendation for policy. At the national level, action to reduce poverty is at a standstill, or worse. At the local level, resources are not available. But because problems are deep, apparent, and threatening to local authorities, local political movements have grown more successful; both community organizations and city halls have turned seriously to the task of dealing with poverty. As they well know, on their own they cannot succeed; but through cooperation, through state and national coalitions, and by means of other influences on national politics, these progressive local political movements can move toward success. New policies should be directed toward strengthening such possibilities. In Chapter One, after a cursory review of theories of poverty, we lay out our major thesis and preview the various arguments and findings of the book. In Chapter Two we document the appalling conditions of poor and minority people in central cities, explaining why persistent, concentrated, urban poverty ought to be seen in relation to the separations that result from inequalities in the entire distribution of income and wealth. In Chapter Three we analyze the connections between the structure and movement of the new global economy and the dilemma of the poorest Americans. There we examine widely dispersed, globalized markets and production arrangements that are managed by the tightly centralized control systems of major corporations. In Chapter Four we extend the arguments and see how changing industrial patterns have worsened the structure of opportunities facing most American cities and workers. Simultaneous dispersal of jobs and centralization of management have removed good jobs from cities and left behind minorities and women, and their children. With limited social contact outside their embattled neighborhoods and with weakened social contracts tying them to the larger community, these people have settled into a persistent poverty that leaves few routes for escape. In Chapter Five we first see how economic changes have led to a new, conservative politics. We then examine policies of the federal government, local government, and community-based organizations, finding what is innovative about them and what constrains them. There we argue that only through local reconstruction and a new organization of politics, involving grass-roots and neighborhood groups in new ways, will pressure build up for the required transformation in national politics that will rechannel funds toward domestic needs. In the end, democratic participation and politics will have to take control of the economy, or else poverty will indeed persist. The sources for new change are to be found in coalitions formed from below. Finally, in Chapter Six we propose specific ways that new energy and attention can be refocused in improved policies at all levels of government. There is a tension throughout this study. We are faced with a conflict between two findings. On the one hand, powerful global economic forces play a major role in determining the life chances of American citizens. On the other hand, the situation of the poor can be radically improved through a staged process of local empowerment, the formation of new political coalitions, and the consequent reformation of a national agenda. The reader may find, concerning the first view, that the arguments in Chapters Three and Four appear to be top-down and accepting of the force of structural arrangements like competitive markets, and too despairing of the potential good influence of human agency, through social movements, political action, and the like. The arguments in these chapters display our deep concern that global economic forces be better understood by the nation's policymakers, so that global contributions to severe poverty in American cities can be traced through to corporate behavior in a newly expanded, more competitive, and highly integrated world market. At the other extreme, the reader may find that the tasks we set in Chapters Five and Six for changed local governments and coalitions of local forces are too demanding; chances for challenging and improving federal policy may seem remote. We acknowledge this risk of asking the reader to examine both sides of the question, but do so because the problems of urban poverty in the United States today are immense, and their resolution will require complex solutions and far-reaching changes. This study began in 1989 for a report to the Rockefeller Foundation on the current state of research on persistent and severe urban poverty. The idea grew out of the authors' discussion with James Gibson and Erol Ricketta, who were concerned with the relationships among economic structure, local institutions, and persistent poverty. The Foundation's Equal Opportunity Division provided generous financial support. Our survey of research and analysis was done together with a team of graduate students at Cornell University and the University of California at Berkeley; Lisa Bornstein, David Campt, and Elizabeth Mueller researched and drafted chapters; Robert Letcher, Sharon Lord, Susan Sullivan, and George Washington assisted. The work was done mainly under the auspices of the University of California's Institute of Urban and Regional Development. We thank Marie Floyd, David Van Arnam, and Demetra Dentes (et Cornell) for editing and typing; and Cathy Girardeau and Arieda Martinez, who efficiently helped with typing.

Building no. 02. The Regiment House has been called by many names. Although small in stature, it has a diverse history. Not only has its use and title changed many times since it was built, it has also misled some local historians into reporting it as being located at different places. Once affectionately known as "The Little Chapel at Fort Brown," it originally stood with its back to the Rio Grande and faced the parade grounds near the present Gateway International Bridge and Customs facilities. Sources noted it had "been moved from its original location to a point near the international bridge." Another account described the chapel as once being located near the Jefferson entrance and used as a school for African-American soldiers. These minor errors that crept into historical record made Building No. 2. an interesting study. There were actually two chapels; each one moved one time and still in use today. The first chapel was originally built to be used as a school and library. In 1889, plans were originally designed for it to be made of wood. However, a hurricane in 1880 may have convinced the Army that a brick building would last longer. Maps showed that building No. 2 was built between 1882 and 1884. It was used as a school until 1907. Between 1907 and 1922 its use is uncertain. From 1922 to 1941 it was used as a Post Chapel, N.C.O. "Bachelors'" Quarters, Officers' Guests Quarters, Post Office and N.C.O. Quarters, and the Chaplain's office prior to October 1941 as will be explained later. Earliest Post Engineer's records show that a single 20' x 30' ft. bedroom and 16' x 18' living room comprised the floor space with an open porch. At that time it listed a capacity for 50 persons. "The larger room was the chapel's auditorium, while the smaller room was its vestry." Later records show the building was divided with a hall to make three bedrooms and small kitchen to house a single family by 1938. It was also painted at one time. By then, the. porch was screened. In 1951, the Little Chapel at Fort Brown was remembered at the time for being a "popular place for weddings of soldiers and local girls" when it was transferred by the city of Brownsville as a museum to the Brownsville Historical Association. The BHA restored the building and opened it in 1952. The BHA was organized in 1946 and granted a charter by the state of Texas in 1947. They were granted use of the Chapel as a museum for 50 years. However, by 1958, the Stillman house at 1305 E. Washington Street was purchased by Chauncey Stillman, a great-grandson of Charles Stillman, and donated to the BHA as their permanent home. When businessmen in downtown Brownsville heard about this, they petitioned to oppose the BHA relocating there under the charge that "a museum would stifle the growth of the immediate area." The BHA restored the home and moved in by 1960. Now with the expanded Brownsville Heritage Complex, the BHA continues to organize a wide range of activities to promote local history and preserve historical records. From 1960 to 1991, Building No. 2 was used as an office for the General Services Administration (GSA) and a tool and maintenance building. Little maintenance had been done on the building and after thirty years of neglect, the building had seen better days. In 1992 when expansion of the U.S. Customs facility would require that it be removed, the "Little Chapel" was suddenly in need of a few small miracles. Mark Lund, Director of City Planning, (Heritage Officer for Brownsville at the time) had first hand experience from the initial dismantling, storage, and restoration of Building No. 2. He stated that the city had a contract with the GSA to remove (demolish) the building. When the Texas State Historical Commission became involved, the "Planning staff and Heritage Council persuaded the City Commission to intervene such that the building's demolition (disassembly) was done carefully to allow it at a future date to be possibly reassembled." The GSA was anxious to remove Building No. 2 because it delayed construction by standing in the way of a road that had to be widened for trucks to make a sharp turn from the bridge for inspection. Once the Historical Commission was satisfied assessment requirements were met, the process to demolish was approved. When the city was contracted by the GSA to demolish Building No. 2, Mr. Lund involved the Heritage Council and Planning Director Joe Galvan, who spoke with Butch Barbosa of the City Commission, to find what could be done to save the little building. Bricks were not numbered as previously believed. Instead, temporary workers were hired and instructed to carefully remove the bricks and place them on pallets to be stored for future use. The City Manager, Kirby Lellijedahl, sent Parks Department trucks to transport brick and wooden pieces, which were labeled and protected by tarps. There was no funding to immediately relocate the building. One ideal plan was to situate the building near the entrance at the Fort Brown Memorial Golf Course as a visitor's center. Until Building No. 2's fate would be known, components would be temporarily stored in Brownsville Compress warehouses free of rent for several months by compress owners. After several months, the city was asked to begin paying rent. Since the building was eligible to receive funds from the Community Development Block Grant – Community Development Funds (CBDG), approximately $1,200 was used to keep the parts in storage until it could be decided where it would be rebuilt. Around this time Los Caminos Del Rio was producing a film to highlight significant architectural buildings along both sides of the Rio Grande Valley to be aired by the Public Broadcasting System (PBS). The Dallas-based philanthropic Meadows Foundation supported this production and representatives were visiting Brownsville. After learning about Building No. 2, they advised the City to write a formal grant proposal. Once funding by the Meadows Foundation was assured, TSC got involved with the Texas Historical Commission and the City Planning Department in planning a new site for the building on the historical campus. TSC officials must have considered Building 2 as an inherent part of the historical assemblage of fort buildings and that it would be turned over to them, even though it had fallen under ownership of the GSA and later, transferred to the City. The project was entitled "Building Number Two" by the City and an Inter-Local Agreement was signed between the City and TSC under which the City would pay all costs once a $50,000 grant was secured by the Meadows Foundation. Construction was to be supervised by Heritage Officer Mark Lund and progress of the work would be reported to Michael Putegnat, TSC Executive Director. Once the job was completed, the City would "turn over title and control to TSC. Costs involved for TSC would be time and landscaping." Bricks were delivered near the parking lot on the site it would be rebuilt. This pile caused rainwater to flood the parking lot and Michael Putegnat, was pressured to correct this situation. For a short while, stagnant water became known as "Putegnat's Pond." Bricks had to be reset aside to allow for proper drainage. During reconstruction, the contractor became dissatisfied with the amount of his reimbursement when the small building proved to be a bigger challenge than he anticipated. He had stored some of the wooden pieces from the Brownsville Compress in his garage and held up construction. Mark Lund was faced with two problems: One was to hire a new contractor to complete the half-finished project with the amount of funds that were left over (most contractors would not want to bid on a halffinished job) and the second was to get the wooden pieces back. Lund had the police called in as a precautionary measure to ensure parts would be delivered. The Parks Department was used again to deliver wooden parts to the second contractor, Carroll Adams, who saw the project to the end. (His nephew, Jearel Adams, worked on the Cavalry building). Some wooden pieces had become damaged from being taken apart, stepped on, or exposed to moisture. Carroll Adams, having worked on historic building restoration jobs before and seeing Mark had been scraping pieces of interior wood trim so that they may be used again, took it upon himself to purchase wood pieces with his money to see the job be done correctly. Another obstacle to rebuilding was met below the ground on which Building No. 2 now stands. Because of its heavy 12" brick walls, a continuous concrete brick foundation had to be placed below the ground. Utility pipes obstructed digging and created problems for re-builders: Boxed openings were made in the reinforced concrete foundation. Steel pieces were placed on the top of the openings after the concrete cured. This was done to handle the loads of substantial masonry walls. The City sidewalk crew (under the direction of Santana Vallejo) built this concrete foundation. They did very well in dealing with the challenges presented by the existing utilities. The foundation design was done by the City Engineer, P. J. Garcia, P. E. The private contractor was hired to do the subsequent work… after the foundation was completed. Mark Lund also had the odious task of placing insulation from the crawl space beneath the floor of Building No. 2. Work was completed by 1993 and it now sits near the Art Annex Building No. 89. Most peculiar about this building is that there is no historical subject marker on the Little Chapel for visitors to inform them where the building was once located, what it was used for, and to memorialize the people who all worked together to save it. A second Post Chapel (Building No. 62) once stood in the area between Tandy Hall and the Lightner Student Center, next to the Post Theater. This chapel was the actual "Regimental" chapel. It had a larger capacity to hold services for a larger number of men. The large wood-frame structure with a steeple was built in 1941 and had a 350 person capacity. It measured 81'-3" long and 37' wide. The Quartermaster record lists it as a "temporary" building and classify it as a "Regimental Chapel" on the floor plan. It was dedicated on Sunday, October 26, 1941. There was a movable altar for Jewish, Catholic, or Protestant services. Before that, services were held in the service club near Building No. 2. Chaplain Stephan K. Callahan moved his office from Building No. 2 into the new chapel the following Monday. In 1947, the two chapels and other buildings at Fort Brown were declared surplus property by the War Assets Administration (WAA). An appeal was made to the WAA to secure Building No. 2 (The Little Chapel) as a museum for the BHA that had just had its first annual meeting at the Brownsville Chamber of Commerce after being chartered by the State of Texas. Immaculate Conception Church bought Building No. 62 for the St. Joseph Church on the corner of Sixth and 555 W. St. Francis. Luke Waters of Harlingen took the job of moving the building from the fort to its new site. For a job that would have normally lasted a few days or couple of weeks at the most, it actually took nearly five months. It was a burden Mr. Waters carried to the end. Waters began the task in October of 1947. To move it presented a problem because streets were only 30 feet wide. Weighing 150,000 pounds, it was moved by heavy trucks. Telephone cables were either lowered or raised to make way for the chapel. Electric lines were also cut. This upset some people who found themselves temporarily without electricity. The weather caused the greatest problems. Whenever it rained, the job would be halted, as the earth was too soft to move over without getting the load stuck in the mud, which it did at various points. The "front end" was pulled out of one of Water's trucks. Two winch trucks were damaged and cable lines broke several times. Mr. Waters also broke his arm in a fall on January 2nd. Asked if he remembered the exact route that was followed in moving, his reply was "I certainly do. I'll never forget it." After leaving Fort Brown, the building proceeded on Jefferson to East Ninth, turned north to Madison, west on Madison to Seventh, north on Seventh to Van Buren, west on Van Buren across the Southern Pacific railroad tracks to Ninth, south on Ninth to Jackson, west on Jackson between the Resaca and City Cemetery, across Palm Blvd. to West First, south across vacant lots to Jefferson, west on Jefferson to W. Seventh, south to Elizabeth, east to half-way between W. Fourth and Fifth, west again to Seventh, south on Seventh to St. Francis, and finally to its destination at W. Sixth and St. Francis. For the "wandering church" to reach its destination, brush had to be cleared on some vacant lots to move it. It finally reached its destination on February 17, 1948. Father Chateau officiated services and Father Casey was appointed first pastor in 1953. It remained a parish until 1962 when a new church was built across the street. Research material showed that historian A. A. Champion and his wife, Isabel, were members of this church. The church has been covered in brick with an addition on its west side and the steeple has been removed. It now serves as a youth center for the church. ; https://scholarworks.utrgv.edu/ftbrown/1511/thumbnail.jpg

Letter from Mr. Jorge Almada Salido from the Almada Sugar Co. to Rodolfo Elías Calles requesting to give to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles $3,291.52. Correspondence between Rodolfo Elías Calles and Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles in which they treat several matters: cane sowing in 300 hectares of the Almada Sugar Company and a strike in Hermosillo. Mr. Almada asks to tell Epigmenio Ibarra to change the vouchers of the company "La Proveedora" and suggests to visit the building in Parque Melchor Ocampo. He says he is waiting for the settlement of the house in Lomas de Chapultepec and asks for a loan of $10,000 to finish the construction of the building in Parque Melchor Ocampo. He informs the car business is going well. The situation with the workers in Sonora is getting better and that the political situation is quiet but he believes that Gen. Pedro Almada has the support of Governor Anselmo Macías and the federal government. Correspondence related to the shipment of a Buick car to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles. Mr. Jorge Castellanos informs Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles that the car has not arrived and that Mr. Fernando Torreblanca is interested in buying the general's car if the price is fair. He also informs that Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles is suggesting getting in contact with Mr. Enrique del Castillo. Letter from Mr. Jorge Rodríguez to Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles apologizing for not writing more often and informing that he sent messages regarding orders for car parts. He informs the construction work of the apartments in Parque Melchor Ocampo is almost done and that he is working to rent the apartments soon. He asks to send to the Mexico Tractor company the old pistons since the factory does not have the material to manufacture new ones. He sends the account statement corresponding to August 25, 1942. Letter from Rodolfo Elías Calles to Mr. Fernando Torreblanca sending a letter he wrote to Mr. Francisco de P. Corella, regarding the birth certificates. He asks Rodolfo to send all the information needed to get the certificates. Letter from Rodolfo Elías Calles to B.A. Aarón Sáenz asking him to pay to Mr. Rodríguez the amount corresponding to the sale of construction material at the Hacienda El Mante. Telegram from Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles to Rodolfo Elías Calles informing that Mr. del Castillo will go see him. He tells him to use the Ouija board to clarify some things and that Alicia is suitable for the job. Letter from Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles to Rodolfo Elías Calles telling him that he knows he has had issues with the cane sowing and that the spirit he contacted is Mr. del Castillo, who will become his guide and will protect him. Telegram from Mr. Abelardo B. Sobarzo to Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles sending wishes for a soon recovery. Telegram from Mr. Fernando Dworak to Rodolfo Elías Calles asking him to send the receipt of the payment of the car insurance. Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles replies he has not received the insurance policy. Memorandum signed by B.A. Fernando Yllanes Ramos with the sentence of Mr. Alfonso Padilla Gilbert for the crimes of homicide and injuries. Telegram from Rodolfo Elías Calles to Mr. Crisógono Elizondo informing that he sent the tractor parts. Telegram from Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles to Mr. Jorge Almada informing that he will go to Navolato, Sinaloa. Deposit slip from the Mexican Bank Ltd. for a deposit made by Mr. Francisco Terminel to Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles. Letter from Mr. Gustavo Elías Calles, Manager of the "Importadores y Exportadores S. de R.L. y de C.V." company to the "Automotriz Regional" Ltd. Company asking the shipment of ten "Swift" machines to be tested. Letter from the Mexico Tractor & Machinery Co. to Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles sending two invoices. Letter from Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles to Mr. Luis B. Oro confirming his trip, asking to have the offices and the workshop ready for a visit and reminding him about the payment of $25,000 due to him. He informs him he sent ten machines and asks him to inform him if he considers convenient to get more. Letter from Rodolfo Elías Calles to Engr. Luis Arturo Romo informing that Gen. Cazares got the license to extend canal four. He knows they began the work in canal six and asks him to help him find his lot. Telegrams from Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles to Mr. Luis B. Oros asking to tell Flavio to see the lot no. 727 to know if it is convenient to get it. Telegram from Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles to Mr. Luis Arturo sending the message he sent to Mr. Richardson Obregón in which he expresses his approval to get 400 hectares on block 727. Letter from Mr. Luis B. Oros to Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles informing he received the letter and telegram related to the purchase of lot on block 727. He says he needs parts for the tractor and that Mr. Terminel agrees with the payment they talked about. He also tells him about different issues at the "Automotriz Regional" Ltd. and says there is a problem with the income statements. Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles replies he sent the tractor parts he needed and that he hopes that the missing parts can be manufactured in Mexico City. He says it is important that he travels to Navolato for the cane harvest and clarifies things about the settlement payment of Mr. Terminel. He informs about his health. Letter from Mr. Agustín Rivas to Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles informing he received his letter and the tractor parts. The matter with the Farmall tractor nor the matter of the seed sold to Urrea have been solved. He continues working in the cane sowing. Telegram from Mr. Rodolfo Elías Calles to Mr. Luis Oros informing he traveled to Ciudad Obregón and asking to reserve a double room. // Carta que envía el señor Jorge Almada Salido, de la Cía. Azucarera Almada S.C. en Liqu. Jcl., a Rodolfo Elías Calles solicitándole que entregue al general PEC la suma de $3,291.52. Correspondencia en la que Rodolfo Elías Calles le trata al general PEC diversos asuntos y negocios: la siembra de caña en 300 hectáreas de los terrenos de la Compañía [Azucarera Almada S.C.], en Culiacán, Sin.; una huelga en Hermosillo, le pide que le diga a Epigmenio Ibarra que cobre los cupones restantes de [la Proveedora General] Popo, le sugiere que visite el Edificio del Parque Melchor Ocampo y le dice que espera su pronta instalación en la casa de las Lomas de Chapultepec; le pide que le preste $10,000.00 para la terminación del Edificio del Parque Melchor Ocampo, dinero que espera recuperar sin contratiempos, pues espera que el edificio sea un buen negocio; le informa que el negocio de la venta de automóviles ya comenzó a dejar utilidades, que la situación obrera en el estado de Sonora ya regresó a la normalidad y que la cuestión política se encuentra en calma pero persiste la creencia de que el general Pedro Almada cuenta con el respaldo del gobernador [Anselmo] Macías y del gobierno federal. Correspondencia relativa al envío, por orden del señor Rodolfo Elías Calles, vicepresidente de Automotriz Regional, S.A., que se hizo al general PEC de un automóvil Buick sedán; contestándole el señor Jorge Castellanos que el auto no ha llegado y diciéndole que el señor Fernando Torreblanca se interesa en comprar el automóvil de su padre, siempre y cuando el precio sea justo; también le dice que su padre recomienda que intente establecer comunicación con el maestro Enrique del Castillo. Carta que envía el señor [Jorge Rodríguez] a Rodolfo Elías Calles diciéndole que lamenta no haberle escrito con mayor regularidad pero que sí le ha enviado mensajes relativos a pedidos de refacciones; también le dice que las obras de los departamentos del parque Melchor Ocampo están por concluir y que ya trabaja para su pronto arrendamiento; por último le pide que envíe a la Mexico Tractor los pistones viejos, pues la fábrica carece de aluminio para fabricar unos nuevos; le adjunta el estado de cuenta correspondiente al 25 de agosto de 1942. Carta que envía Rodolfo Elías Calles al señor Fernando Torreblanca adjuntándole la carta que dirigió al señor Francisco de P. Corella, relativa a la obtención de las actas de nacimiento de todos sus hermanos, para que le remita a ese señor todos los datos necesarios a fin de obtener dichos documentos. Carta que envía Rodolfo Elías Calles al licenciado Aarón Sáenz solicitándole que le pague al señor Rodríguez el importe de la factura que les presentó, correspondiente a la venta de los materiales de la bodega de la Hacienda El Mante. Telegrama que envía el general PEC a Rodolfo Elías Calles diciéndole que el maestro [Enrique del Castillo] estará con él, que use la tabla para aclarar puntos de su carta a Castellanos y que Alicia es la indicada para trabajar. Carta que envía el general PEC a Rodolfo Elías Calles diciéndole que se enteró de sus dificultades para sembrar caña y que es indiscutible que se trata del maestro del Castillo la entidad con la que ha establecido contacto, quien será su guía y protección. Telegrama que envía el señor Abelardo B. Sobarzo al señor Rodolfo Elías Calles deseándole su completo restablecimiento. Telegrama que envía el señor Fernando [Dworak] a Rodolfo Elías Calles solicitándole que le remita el recibo que acompaña la póliza automotriz que le envió; contestándole Rodolfo Elías Calles que no ha recibido la póliza a que se refiere. Memorándum suscrito por el licenciado Fernando Yllanes Ramos, del Bufete Yllanes Ramos, en el que consigna los hechos relativos al homicidio y lesiones que cometió el señor Alfonso Padilla Gilbert respectivamente en las personas de Francisco L. Padilla -su medio hermano- y licenciado Lorenzo Rosado Domínguez -abogado de éste-, con motivo de un desacuerdo en la herencia de la sucesión de su padre, el señor José G. Padilla; asimismo aduce las razones por las que debió de haberse aceptado la procedencia de la excluyente de responsabilidad, pues el señor Alfonso Padilla delinquió en un estado de inconciencia de sus actos -se encontraba bajo el influjo del alcohol- y por lo tanto es procedente se le conceda el amparo y la protección de la Justicia Federal. Telegrama que envía Rodolfo Elías Calles al señor Crisógono Elizondo diciéndole que ya salieron las refacciones de su tractor. Telegrama que envía Rodolfo Elías Calles al señor Jorge Almada diciéndole que pasará a Navolato, Sin. Ficha de depósito realizado en el Banco Mexicano, S.A. por Francisco Terminel en favor de Rodolfo Elías Calles. Carta que envía Gustavo Elías Calles, gerente general de Importadores y Exportadores, S. de R.L. y de C.V., a Automotriz Regional, S.A. diciéndoles que les remiten diez máquinas sumadoras marca "Swift" para que prueben su desempeño. Carta que envía la Mexico Tractor & Machinery Co., S.A. a Rodolfo Elías Calles diciéndole que le adjuntan dos facturas, cuyo importe ya fue cubierto. Carta que envía Rodolfo Elías Calles al señor Luis B. Oros confirmándole su viaje, pidiéndole que arreglen la Automotriz [Regional, S.A.] para darle una mejor presentación y diciéndole que debe pagársele el cargo de $25,000.00 por la aceptación que le firmó Terminel; concluye informándole que le envió diez máquinas sumadoras para que le diga si es conveniente adquirir más. Carta que envía Rodolfo Elías Calles al ingeniero Luis Arturo Romo diciéndole que el general Cazares informó que consiguió permiso para la prolongación del canal cuatro, que entiende que se iniciaron los trabajos del canal seis y solicitándole su ayuda para definir la localización de su terreno. Telegrama que envía Rodolfo Elías Calles al señor Luis B. Oros solicitándole que le pida a Flavio que vea el cuadro setecientos veintisiete para poder precisar si conviene adquirirlo. Telegrama que envía Rodolfo Elías Calles al señor Luis Arturo Romo trascribiéndole el mensaje que dirigió a Richardson Obregón, en el que manifiesta su conformidad con la localización de su solicitud de 400 hectáreas sobre la manzana 727. Carta que envía el señor Luis B. Oros a Rodolfo Elías Calles diciéndole que recibió la carta y el telegrama relativos al lote que desea adquirir en el cuadro 727, que faltan refacciones para el tractor de Elizondo y que Terminel está de acuerdo con el pago del giro del que hablaron; también le numera diversos asuntos acerca de la Automotriz Regional, S.A. y le dice que existe un problema respecto a sus comprobantes de ingresos, pues debido a que Astiazarán destruyó los archivos de comprobantes resultó que tienen mayores ingresos que los que indica la General Motors; contestándole Rodolfo Elías Calles que le envió por correo las piezas para tractor que faltaban, y que las restantes confía en que puedan ser fabricadas en la ciudad de México; también le dice que urge su viaje a Navolato por el inicio de la zafra y le aclara algunos puntos sobre el pago de la liquidación que le hará Terminel; por último le comenta algunas aspectos sobre su enfermedad. Carta que envía el señor Agustín Rivas a Rodolfo Elías Calles diciéndole que recibió su carta y las refacciones para tractor, que no se ha resuelto lo de los aditamentos para el tractor Farmall ni lo de la semilla vendida a Urrea y que sigue trabajando en la siembra de caña. Telegrama que envía Rodolfo Elías Calles al señor Luis Oros diciéndole que salió rumbo a Ciudad Obregón y solicitándole que le aparte una habitación doble.

Building no. 62. Constructed in 1941-10-10. O.q.m.g. plan no. 7033-787-1; Regiment chapel. The Regiment House has been called by many names. Although small in stature, it has a diverse history. Not only has its use and title changed many times since it was built, it has also misled some local historians into reporting it as being located at different places. Once affectionately known as "The Little Chapel at Fort Brown," it originally stood with its back to the Rio Grande and faced the parade grounds near the present Gateway International Bridge and Customs facilities. Sources noted it had "been moved from its original location to a point near the international bridge." Another account described the chapel as once being located near the Jefferson entrance and used as a school for African-American soldiers. These minor errors that crept into historical record made Building No. 2. an interesting study. There were actually two chapels; each one moved one time and still in use today. The first chapel was originally built to be used as a school and library. In 1889, plans were originally designed for it to be made of wood. However, a hurricane in 1880 may have convinced the Army that a brick building would last longer. Maps showed that building No. 2 was built between 1882 and 1884. It was used as a school until 1907. Between 1907 and 1922 its use is uncertain. From 1922 to 1941 it was used as a Post Chapel, N.C.O. "Bachelors'" Quarters, Officers' Guests Quarters, Post Office and N.C.O. Quarters, and the Chaplain's office prior to October 1941 as will be explained later. Earliest Post Engineer's records show that a single 20' x 30' ft. bedroom and 16' x 18' living room comprised the floor space with an open porch. At that time it listed a capacity for 50 persons. "The larger room was the chapel's auditorium, while the smaller room was its vestry." Later records show the building was divided with a hall to make three bedrooms and small kitchen to house a single family by 1938. It was also painted at one time. By then, the. porch was screened. In 1951, the Little Chapel at Fort Brown was remembered at the time for being a "popular place for weddings of soldiers and local girls" when it was transferred by the city of Brownsville as a museum to the Brownsville Historical Association. The BHA restored the building and opened it in 1952. The BHA was organized in 1946 and granted a charter by the state of Texas in 1947. They were granted use of the Chapel as a museum for 50 years. However, by 1958, the Stillman house at 1305 E. Washington Street was purchased by Chauncey Stillman, a great-grandson of Charles Stillman, and donated to the BHA as their permanent home. When businessmen in downtown Brownsville heard about this, they petitioned to oppose the BHA relocating there under the charge that "a museum would stifle the growth of the immediate area." The BHA restored the home and moved in by 1960. Now with the expanded Brownsville Heritage Complex, the BHA continues to organize a wide range of activities to promote local history and preserve historical records. From 1960 to 1991, Building No. 2 was used as an office for the General Services Administration (GSA) and a tool and maintenance building. Little maintenance had been done on the building and after thirty years of neglect, the building had seen better days. In 1992 when expansion of the U.S. Customs facility would require that it be removed, the "Little Chapel" was suddenly in need of a few small miracles. Mark Lund, Director of City Planning, (Heritage Officer for Brownsville at the time) had first hand experience from the initial dismantling, storage, and restoration of Building No. 2. He stated that the city had a contract with the GSA to remove (demolish) the building. When the Texas State Historical Commission became involved, the "Planning staff and Heritage Council persuaded the City Commission to intervene such that the building's demolition (disassembly) was done carefully to allow it at a future date to be possibly reassembled." The GSA was anxious to remove Building No. 2 because it delayed construction by standing in the way of a road that had to be widened for trucks to make a sharp turn from the bridge for inspection. Once the Historical Commission was satisfied assessment requirements were met, the process to demolish was approved. When the city was contracted by the GSA to demolish Building No. 2, Mr. Lund involved the Heritage Council and Planning Director Joe Galvan, who spoke with Butch Barbosa of the City Commission, to find what could be done to save the little building. Bricks were not numbered as previously believed. Instead, temporary workers were hired and instructed to carefully remove the bricks and place them on pallets to be stored for future use. The City Manager, Kirby Lellijedahl, sent Parks Department trucks to transport brick and wooden pieces, which were labeled and protected by tarps. There was no funding to immediately relocate the building. One ideal plan was to situate the building near the entrance at the Fort Brown Memorial Golf Course as a visitor's center. Until Building No. 2's fate would be known, components would be temporarily stored in Brownsville Compress warehouses free of rent for several months by compress owners. After several months, the city was asked to begin paying rent. Since the building was eligible to receive funds from the Community Development Block Grant – Community Development Funds (CBDG), approximately $1,200 was used to keep the parts in storage until it could be decided where it would be rebuilt. Around this time Los Caminos Del Rio was producing a film to highlight significant architectural buildings along both sides of the Rio Grande Valley to be aired by the Public Broadcasting System (PBS). The Dallas-based philanthropic Meadows Foundation supported this production and representatives were visiting Brownsville. After learning about Building No. 2, they advised the City to write a formal grant proposal. Once funding by the Meadows Foundation was assured, TSC got involved with the Texas Historical Commission and the City Planning Department in planning a new site for the building on the historical campus. TSC officials must have considered Building 2 as an inherent part of the historical assemblage of fort buildings and that it would be turned over to them, even though it had fallen under ownership of the GSA and later, transferred to the City. The project was entitled "Building Number Two" by the City and an Inter-Local Agreement was signed between the City and TSC under which the City would pay all costs once a $50,000 grant was secured by the Meadows Foundation. Construction was to be supervised by Heritage Officer Mark Lund and progress of the work would be reported to Michael Putegnat, TSC Executive Director. Once the job was completed, the City would "turn over title and control to TSC. Costs involved for TSC would be time and landscaping." Bricks were delivered near the parking lot on the site it would be rebuilt. This pile caused rainwater to flood the parking lot and Michael Putegnat, was pressured to correct this situation. For a short while, stagnant water became known as "Putegnat's Pond." Bricks had to be reset aside to allow for proper drainage. During reconstruction, the contractor became dissatisfied with the amount of his reimbursement when the small building proved to be a bigger challenge than he anticipated. He had stored some of the wooden pieces from the Brownsville Compress in his garage and held up construction. Mark Lund was faced with two problems: One was to hire a new contractor to complete the half-finished project with the amount of funds that were left over (most contractors would not want to bid on a halffinished job) and the second was to get the wooden pieces back. Lund had the police called in as a precautionary measure to ensure parts would be delivered. The Parks Department was used again to deliver wooden parts to the second contractor, Carroll Adams, who saw the project to the end. (His nephew, Jearel Adams, worked on the Cavalry building). Some wooden pieces had become damaged from being taken apart, stepped on, or exposed to moisture. Carroll Adams, having worked on historic building restoration jobs before and seeing Mark had been scraping pieces of interior wood trim so that they may be used again, took it upon himself to purchase wood pieces with his money to see the job be done correctly. Another obstacle to rebuilding was met below the ground on which Building No. 2 now stands. Because of its heavy 12" brick walls, a continuous concrete brick foundation had to be placed below the ground. Utility pipes obstructed digging and created problems for re-builders: Boxed openings were made in the reinforced concrete foundation. Steel pieces were placed on the top of the openings after the concrete cured. This was done to handle the loads of substantial masonry walls. The City sidewalk crew (under the direction of Santana Vallejo) built this concrete foundation. They did very well in dealing with the challenges presented by the existing utilities. The foundation design was done by the City Engineer, P. J. Garcia, P. E. The private contractor was hired to do the subsequent work… after the foundation was completed. Mark Lund also had the odious task of placing insulation from the crawl space beneath the floor of Building No. 2. Work was completed by 1993 and it now sits near the Art Annex Building No. 89. Most peculiar about this building is that there is no historical subject marker on the Little Chapel for visitors to inform them where the building was once located, what it was used for, and to memorialize the people who all worked together to save it. A second Post Chapel (Building No. 62) once stood in the area between Tandy Hall and the Lightner Student Center, next to the Post Theater. This chapel was the actual "Regimental" chapel. It had a larger capacity to hold services for a larger number of men. The large wood-frame structure with a steeple was built in 1941 and had a 350 person capacity. It measured 81'-3" long and 37' wide. The Quartermaster record lists it as a "temporary" building and classify it as a "Regimental Chapel" on the floor plan. It was dedicated on Sunday, October 26, 1941. There was a movable altar for Jewish, Catholic, or Protestant services. Before that, services were held in the service club near Building No. 2. Chaplain Stephan K. Callahan moved his office from Building No. 2 into the new chapel the following Monday. In 1947, the two chapels and other buildings at Fort Brown were declared surplus property by the War Assets Administration (WAA). An appeal was made to the WAA to secure Building No. 2 (The Little Chapel) as a museum for the BHA that had just had its first annual meeting at the Brownsville Chamber of Commerce after being chartered by the State of Texas. Immaculate Conception Church bought Building No. 62 for the St. Joseph Church on the corner of Sixth and 555 W. St. Francis. Luke Waters of Harlingen took the job of moving the building from the fort to its new site. For a job that would have normally lasted a few days or couple of weeks at the most, it actually took nearly five months. It was a burden Mr. Waters carried to the end. Waters began the task in October of 1947. To move it presented a problem because streets were only 30 feet wide. Weighing 150,000 pounds, it was moved by heavy trucks. Telephone cables were either lowered or raised to make way for the chapel. Electric lines were also cut. This upset some people who found themselves temporarily without electricity. The weather caused the greatest problems. Whenever it rained, the job would be halted, as the earth was too soft to move over without getting the load stuck in the mud, which it did at various points. The "front end" was pulled out of one of Water's trucks. Two winch trucks were damaged and cable lines broke several times. Mr. Waters also broke his arm in a fall on January 2nd. Asked if he remembered the exact route that was followed in moving, his reply was "I certainly do. I'll never forget it." After leaving Fort Brown, the building proceeded on Jefferson to East Ninth, turned north to Madison, west on Madison to Seventh, north on Seventh to Van Buren, west on Van Buren across the Southern Pacific railroad tracks to Ninth, south on Ninth to Jackson, west on Jackson between the Resaca and City Cemetery, across Palm Blvd. to West First, south across vacant lots to Jefferson, west on Jefferson to W. Seventh, south to Elizabeth, east to half-way between W. Fourth and Fifth, west again to Seventh, south on Seventh to St. Francis, and finally to its destination at W. Sixth and St. Francis. For the "wandering church" to reach its destination, brush had to be cleared on some vacant lots to move it. It finally reached its destination on February 17, 1948. Father Chateau officiated services and Father Casey was appointed first pastor in 1953. It remained a parish until 1962 when a new church was built across the street. Research material showed that historian A. A. Champion and his wife, Isabel, were members of this church. The church has been covered in brick with an addition on its west side and the steeple has been removed. It now serves as a youth center for the church. ; https://scholarworks.utrgv.edu/ftbrown/1388/thumbnail.jpg

HOTEMBEB, 1904 VOL. XIIL HO. 6 GETTYSBURG COLLEGE GETTYSBURG, PA. '»! OH. EL wtmiom, onmiun i IB^BBi'BB'i'ffiaiiU'mnvuBlTtliU I U u . i , nlUlk/li I 11/ 1 HELP THOSE WHO HELP US. The Intepcollepte Bureau or Academic Costume. Chartered igoz. Cottrell 6 Leonrard Albany, N. Y. v-vvvvw^rv-v-Nrvv-wwwwTrw Makers of Caps, Gowns, Hoods 9oll indeed, the affection of the individuals differ according to the disposition and environment of each. Let us first consider Orlando and Rosalind, for they are the leading characters in the play, and their love is typical of the extreme romance. There are those who laugh to scorn the idea of love at first sight, yet in his description of these characters, as well as in the courtship of Oliver and Celia, and the sudden passion aroused in Phebe, upon the appearance of the supposed Gany-mede, the great artist seems to encourage at least the possibility of such a condition. With both Rosalind and Orlando, pity is an aid of passion. She fears for his youth, and is sorry to see him in the supposed power of Charles the Wrestler, from which she thinks he may not escape; she also hears rumors of his brother's unkindness and base schemes, and her sympathy hav-ing been aroused, causes her to make the first advances. He, flattered by the attention of Rosalind, is next interested in her lineage, and finally pities her because of her position at the court of her father's banisher. Thus, love, already aroused through mutual admiration and sympathy, is depicted as well under way after the first meeting. Orlando cannot conceive of love for a peasant; he is at-tracted by Rosalind as Ganymede, but cannot understand his brother's love of Celia. It is a question whether he would 196 THE MERCURY. have loved Rosalind had she came to him in the forest dis-guised as a simple shepherdess. Perhaps he would have seen through the disguise at once in that case, as he eventually did with Ganymede ; otherwise his sense of refinement alone would, we believe, have kept him true to Rosalind, no matter how at-tractive the peasant might have been. The nature of Orlando was full of a sensitiveness which was entirely lacking in Oliver; and, although there was nothing of the " snob " in his disposi-tion, we cannot imagine him as the lover of a common shep-herdess, even a disguised one. So much for the influence of previous life and environment upon the love passion. Al-though Orlando had never received the training of a gentleman, the instincts of one were paramount with him. Rosalind also showed her instinctive pride of birth. It mattered not to her how many peasants saw her in manly garb, she did not care for them, but as soon as she met Orlando and Jacques, men of her own rank, in the forest, an underlying feeling of shame be-gan to assert itself, and she was truly content only after she had introduced Hymen and could greet her lover as her natural self. Thus the passion of Rosalind and Orlando is typical of that highly refined romance which, although it is often overlooked by the present-day enthusiast, (who would bring the principles of " free and equal creation " even into the home circle) yet has made, and will continue to make, the happiest and, most en-during of wedlocks. In fact, this romance constitutes all the great principles of " Kind to Kind," and proves only too well the saying that " Ordinary men generally prefer ordinary women, and vice versa." That there are exceptions, as far as the knowledge of birth is concerned, is shown by the courtship of Oliver and Celia. True love was here, undoubtedly, but its annals are commonplace when compared with those of Rosa-lind and Orlando. Celia is typical of many women of yester-day, to-day and to morrow; she was satisfied with little. Per-haps she would not have understood that higher degree of passion which can give up everything for its object; and, find-ing that object unworthy, die a death which is far worse than that of material things. It is well that there are many Celias • • ■MHIIU1'1' THE MERCURY. 197 ' in the world; without them life would be too hard for every-day living. The love of Silvius for the capricious Phebe po- ' sesses true romance. He is a type of that lowly love which remains faithful to its object despite all drawbacks, the." love which knows not fear;" recognizing the glaring faults of his sweetheart, and making no attempt to conceal them, he yet re-mains true to her, and in the end is rewarded. Silvius, although a peasant, is one of the most interesting characters on account of the strength of his dog-like devotion which, contrasted with the behavior of William, who weakly allowed a fool to carry off the object of his affection, is truly charming. And now comes the saddest example, yet alas, it is also quite a portrayal of human desire: The relationship between Audrey and Touchstone. He was a fool, this is his only excuse, and with him let us class all those who would seek entertainment and relief from dullness in the name of love's sacred passion. That he did not really care for Audrey, and wished to marry her in such a way that he might be easily rid o! her should he so desire, he does not attempt to deny. And she,; her only reason in leaving her rustic lover for the court fool was to be-come " a fine lady." Is not even Phebe, with all her faults and impetuosity, superior to Audrey ? The object of her desire, however unnatural it may seem, was, she believed, genuine love, while that of Audrey was pure ambition. So we would say that Jaques' idea of the stage of life and its many actors is only too true. Not a single one renders the great drama of love perfectly, yet each one is perhaps but play-ing an appointed part, and, despite the many different kinds of it in life, let us hope that the poets are right in saying: "'Tis love that makes the world go 'round." I 198 THE MERCURY. THE SPIRITUAL SIGNIFICANCE OF DANTE. BY CHARLES FRY. [Contributedfor the Pen and Sword Prize Essay Contest,.] DANTE was born of noble parentage in Florence in 1265. He was given the best education that his day could af-ford. He took an active part in the politics of his city and while he was away at Rome his enemies took possession of the government and passed a sentence exiling him, only permitting him to return, provided he paid a heavy fine within two months. Dante spurned the offer. However, within two months a second sentence was passed which condemned him to be burned at the stake if he should ever be found in Florence. During the re-mainder of his life he became a wanderer. He died in 1321 at Ravenna after completing his immortal poems. Within the last decade renewed interest has centered itself in Dante. Today the American people are applying themselves more assiduously to the power of spiritual conception. Dante, the great poet of spiritual truths, has touched the hearts of the people. In him they find a balm for their troubled souls. He leads his reader upward through various experiences until his faith finds its culmination in God. To realize the deep spiritual power of Dante, every event of his life must be clearly traced. He lived a life of spiritual en-thusiasm. There are three distinct periods of his life. First, his simple faith in God; Second, infidelity and pride rule his soul, and Third, the triumph of his spiritual power in God. In his early youth Beatrice transformed his whole life. She was his vision of an ideal girl. Her life became an inspiration to him. She led his soul upward toward God. He worshipped God in simple child-like faith. Beatrice died at the age of twenty-four. For the first time in his life he received his greatest sorrow. His whole life be-came changed. Thus he entered upon the second epoch in his life. Doubt clouded his soul. God seemed to be a venge-ful monster. Pride ruled his heart. For a time he seemed to lose control of himself. Where were those lofty ideals which MHMHMb THE MERCURY. 199 ■marked his earlier days ? Gone ? Ah, they were not gone forever! At last Dante realized his own peril in the stand he had taken against God. Beatrice appeared to him in a vision and pointed out the way to him. She had guided him through Heaven after Heaven where he learned his world wide message. Even St. Peter and Caceiaguida appeared to him and charged him to deliver his message. He felt that he was a prophet sent from God, and that he had a divine mission to fulfill. He had a message for the world from the most high God. He de-livered his message to the world through his greatest immortal poem—the " Divine Comedy." Thus began the third epoch of his life. The message of the poet-prophet was, that a man's soul •bound to the earth by sinful passions, and realizing its danger, •can only gain spiritual happiness 'and bliss by seeking com-munion and fellowship with the Infinite. The " Inferno," the first great book of the poem, pictures the horrors of sinful lives. In this horrible black place there is •" wailing and gnashing of teeth." Into such a place Dante entered. The " Inferno" is an experience. In writing his poem Dante draws largely upon his own life when he was beset ■with sin and associated with evil. He knew the suffering sin created. Sin has its various powers. Dante strongly believed the greater the sin the farther away the sinner was separated from God. Sin caused the judgment of God to pass upon the evil doer. Dante continually points out that sin creates a foul atmos-phere. When the soul breathes such air it becomes tainted .and destroys the purity in it. Sin causes the fairest rose to become brown and seared. Men who lead lives hostile to God are punished. The philosophers of Dante's day taught that the soul's noblest work was the quiet contemplation of God. The bondage of sin prevented this contemplation. Sin binds its followers to deep suffering. Dante followed Virgil very closely as he journeyed through 200 THE MERCURY. the terrible place fearful of the awful suffering around them. He was happy when they left those unhappy scenes behind. Dante continues in his search for freedom from sin. Guided by Divine Help he comes to Purgatory. In the " Inferno" he painted the hideous nature of sin. The effects of sin upon the soul are clearly described in the " Purgatorio." Here he per-formed the acts of expiation. Throughout the poem when he comes to rugged paths and tortuous ways God gives him help. A deep spiritual problem which confronted Dante was : How could he forget the evil things which he had done ? Although God had forgiven his terrible sins yet they were deeply rooted in his own memory. How rid his memory of them forever?" Many of the world's greatest philosophers have been unable to solve this question. Although there is a change of life yet . alas, how often comes the recollection of a Godless past! Dante solved the question for himself. With true poetic power he drew a beautiful picture. He drank of the waters of the river Lethe, and then the knowledge of his sins was forgotten. There is both a poetic and practical lesson to be drawn from this scene. Dante realized it was through the kindness of God that he forgot about the past. The " Paradise-," the last portion of the grand poem is the culmination of his spiritual joy. Dante considered the " Para-diso" his greatest triumph. With Beatrice he learns the glories of the Most High God. His deep study of religious problems led him to know God is- " Light, Life and Truth." Upon these foundations, Dante built his noble poem. He insisted that a strong point in religious life is to be con-tent with the lot God has given one. The human will must acquiesce to the will of God. Too often discontentment has led to the abuse of God's teachings. Peace and happiness are two fundamental principles in a Christian's life. Dante's spirit truly became content when he was compelled to be a wanderer on the earth.ljj^He learned it from deep experience. At last Dante and Beatrice pass into the resplendent Empy-rean. Here they see God in all his glory. Peace, joy and love THE MERCURY. 20I reign there. He is at first blinded by the dazzling light, but as he is a true worshipper of the most High his eyes are given power to see the Empyrean beauties. Dante discovered in his various experiences that behind all suffering and trouble there is a God of love and justice, and an interceding Saviour. Dante occupies an unique place in the history of the world. He stood at the opening of a new epoch. The debt the world owes him can never be repaid; fie popularized literature ; he raised the standard of literature so high that few have been able to attain it; he helped to settle questions concerning church and state; and his greatest achievement was that by his won-derful intellectual endowments he was able to grasp spiritual ideals. He worked with a spiritual enthusiasm that has never been equaled. He pondered and thought until he understood. Thus the world has received the " Divine Comedy "—an im-perishable monument of honor and glory. York Street, Gettysburg:, Pa. 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HEGELS LEBEN, WERKE UND LEHRE. [8. BAND. ERSTER THEIL] Geschichte der neuern Philosophie (-) Hegels Leben, Werke und Lehre. [8. Band. Erster Theil] (8,1 / 1901) ( - ) Einband ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) [Abb.]: Kuno Fischer. ([II]) Titelseite ([III]) Impressum ([IV]) Vorrede. (V) Inhalzsverzeichniß. ([VII]) Erstes Buch. Hegels Leben und Werke. ([1]) Erstes Capitel. Herkunft und Lehrjahre. ([3]) I. Die erste Jugendzeit in Stuttgart. ([3]) 1. Elternhaus ud Schule. ([3]) 2. Der Präceptor Löffler. (4) 3. Rhetorische Uebungen. (5) 4. Studien und Lectüre. Tagebücher. (6) II. Die akademischen Lehrjahre in Tübingen. (10) 1. Studiengang. Magisterium und Candidatur. (10) 2. Kant und die Revolution. (11) 3. Freundschaften. Der politische Club. (12) Zweites Capitel. Hegel als Hauslehrer in Bern. (14) I. Lebensplan und Wanderjahre. (14) 1. Die Hauslehrerperiode. (14) 2. Aufenthalt in Stuttgart. Stäudlin und Hölderlin. (15) 3. Die Schicksale und Zustände Berns. (16) 4. Das Geschlecht der Steiger. (18) II. Hegels Fortbildung in der Schweiz. (20) 1. Sprache, Sitten und Politik. (20) 2. Alpenwanderungen. (21) Drittes Capitel. Fortsetzung. Hegels Studien in der Schweiz. (24) I. Die einflußreichen Zeitbegebenheiten. (24) 1. Philosophie. Fichte und Schelling. (24) 2. Deutsche Dichtung. Schiller. (25) 3. Das neue Weltalter. (26) II. Philosophische Studien. (28) 1. Theologische Probleme. (28) 2. Orthodoxie und Philosophie. (31) 3. Schelling als Führer. (32) 4. Die Frage des Monismus. (33) Viertes Capitel. Das Ende des Aufenthaltes in der Schweiz. Hegel und Hölderlin. Uebersiedlung nach Frankfurt. (35) I. Die neuen Mysterien. (35) 1. Der dritte im Bunde. (35) 2. Eleusis. (37) II. Hölderlin im Hause Gontard. (39) 1. Die Katastrophe. (39) 2. Irrfahrten und Ende. (40) III. Hegel im Hause Gogel. (41) 1. Stellung. (41) 2. Der verleidete Aufenthalt. 3. Tod des Vaters. Oekonomische Lage. (42) 4. Zukunftspläne. (42) Fünftes Capitel. Hegels Frankfurter Studien und Arbeiten. (45) I. Die Urform des Systems. (45) 1. Die Aufzeichnungen. (45) 2. Grundthema. Die Religion als Weltproblem. (45) II. Die Religionsentwicklung. (47) 1. Das Endziel. (47) 2. Philosophie und Religion. Schleiermachers Reden. (48) 3. Die Weltreligion. (49) 4. Charakter der christlichen Religion. (51) III. Religion und Philosophie. (52) 1. Die neue Aufgabe. (52) 2. Die Grundidee: der absolute Geist. (53) 3. Die Gliederung des Systems. (54) 4. Ein politischer Entwurf. (54) Sechstes Capitel. Hegel in Jena. Die ertsen Sechs Jahre seiner litterarischen und akademischen Wirksamkeit. (57) I. Litterarische Wirksamkeit. (57) 1. Philosophische Schriften. (57) 2. Eine politische Schrift. (58) II. Akademische Wirksamkeit. (62) 1. Vorlesungen. (62) 2. Beförderungen. (64) III. Jenaische Zustände und Personen. (65) 1. Der litterarische Rückgang. (65) 2. Immanuel Niethammer. (65) 3. Philosophische Docenten. (66) 4. Gesellige Kreise. (67) IV. Die Phänomenologie und die Schlacht. (68) 1. Das Werk und der Streit mit dem Verleger. (68) 2. Die Schlacht bei Jena. (69) 3. Die erste Differenz zwischen Schelling und Hegel. (70) V. Neue Lebenspläne. (71) 1. Der Brief an J. H. Voß. (71) 2. Die Berufung nach Bamberg. (72) Siebentes Capitel. Hegels publicistische und pädagogische Wirksamkeit im Königreich Bayern. Die Gründung seines Hausstandes. (74) I. Die Bamberger Zeitung. (74) 1. Das Redactionsgeschäft. (74) 2. Die Weltbegebenheiten. (75) 3. Ein drohender Conflict. (76) II. Der Uebergang zu einem neuen Lehramt. (77) 1. Die Zeitungsgaleere. (77) 2. Nürnberg, Altdorf, Erlangen. (78) 3. Der neue Schulplan. (78) III. Das Rectorat des Gymnasiums in Nürnberg. (79) 1. Berufung und Lebenswendepunkt. (79) 2. Amtliche Verhältnisse und Uebelstände. (80) 3. Logik, Propädeutik und Rectoratsreden. (81) IV. Die Gründung des Hausstandes. (85) 1. Die Frage des ehelichen Glücks. (85) 2. Maria von Tucher. (86) Achtes Capitel. Alt- und Neu-Bayern. Die bayrische Finsterniß und Reaction. Hegels Zeit- und Weltanschauung. (90) I. Bayrische Mängel und Uebelstände. (90) 1. Die bureaukratische Centralisation. (90) 2. Der Mangel an Autorität und Publicität. (91) 3. Die altbayrische Finsterniß. (93) 4. Der fanatische Hyozoismus. (94) II. Die bayrische Reaction. (94) 1. Die Conflicte in der Studiencommission. Niethammers Niederlage. (94) 2. Monteglas' Entlassung und das Concordat. (97) 3. Hegels Zeitanschauung und Hoffnung. (97) Neuntes Capitel. Hegels der Philosophie ind Heidelberg. (1816 - 1818.) (98) I. Drei Berufungen. (98) 1. Erlangen. (98) 2. Berlin. (99) 3. Heidelberg. (100) II. Zwei Jahre in Heidelberg. (101) 1. Die Encyklopädie. (101) 2. Vorlesungen und Amtsgenossen. (102) III. Die heidelbergischen Jahrbücher. (105) 1. Fr. H. Jakobis Werke. (105) 2. Die württembergischen Landstände. (107) IV. Philosophische Einwirkungen. Die Anfänge der Schule. (116) 1. Yxkfüll. (116) 2. Hinrichs. (117) 3. Carové. (118) 4. Cousin. (119) 5. Daub. (123) Zehntes Capitel. Hegels Berufung nach Berlin. (124) I. Das Ministerium Altenstein. (124) 1. Steins Reformen. (124) 2. Altensteins Denkschrift. Der erste preußische Cultusminister. (125) 3. Universitäten. Gründungen und Gefahren. (125) 4. Das zeitgemäße System. (127) II. Johannes Schulze. (130) 1. Bildungsgang und Jugendschicksale. (130) 2. Die Verdächtigungen. (136) III. Hegel und Johannes Schulze. (137) Elftes Capitel. Hegels Wirksamkeit in Berlin. (138) I. Akademische und litterarische Wirksamkeit. (138) 1. Die Anfänge. Solger. (138) 2. Die Antrittsrede. (140) 3. Die Vorrede zur Rechtsphilosophie. (142) 4. Der Gang der Vorlesungen und die Einführung neuer. (145) II. System und Schule. (146) 1. Repetitorien und Conversatorien. Henning. (146) 2. Der geschichtsphilosophische Character des Systems. (148) 3. Marheineke, Gans, Henning, Michelet, Hotho, Rötscher, Werder. (149) 4. Vatke, Strauß, Brunno Bauer, J. Ed. Erdmann, Rosenkranz, Hinrichs und Gabler. (151) III. Freunde und Feinde. (153) 1. Die heidelberger Freunde. (153) 2. Anonyme Feinde. (154) 3. Ein philosophischer Gegner: Ed. Beneke. (155) 4. Goethe und Hegel. (158) 5. Heiberg. (160) IV. Die Prüfungscommission und der philosophische Gymnasialunterricht. (161) Zwölftes Capitel. Hegels Ferienreisen nach Brüssel, Wien und Paris. (163) I. Ausflüge nach Rügen und Dresden. (163) II. Die Reise in die Niederlande. (163) 1. G. van Ghert. (163) 2. Die Fahrt nach Brüssel und die Rückkehr. (165) III. Die Reise nach Wien. (168) 1. Der Aufenthalt in Wien. Die italienische Oper. (168) 2. Die Rückreise. Dresden. (169) IV. Hegels Verhältniß zu Cousin und Reise nach Paris. (170) 1. Cousins Aufenthalt in Berlin. (170) 2. Hegels Reise nach Paris. (173) 3. Die Rückkehr. (174) V. Der letzte Aufenthalt in Weimar. (175) Dreizehntes Capitel. Auf der Höhe seiner Wirksamkeit. (176) I. Die letzten fünf Jahre. (176) 1. Die Geburtstagsfeier. (176) 2. Die Jahrbücher für wissenschaftliche Kritik. (177) 3. Hegels Wirksamkeit in den Jahrbüchern. Hamann. (181) 4. Göschels Aphorismen. (183) 5. Verdächtigungen und Anfeindungen. "Das Gesindel." (185) 6. Eine "schäbige Polemik". (187) 7. Ludwig Feuerbach. (188) II. Das Ende der Wirksamkeit und des Lebens. (191) 1. Das Rectorat. (191) 2. Die Julirevolution. (193) 3. Die englische Reformbill. (194) 4. Die Choleraepidemie. Der Brief an H. Beer. Das Schreiben an Gans. (197) 5. Tod und Begräbniß. (199) Vierzehntes Capitel. Hegels Werke und deren Gesammtausgabe. (201) I. Die von Hegel selbst herausgegebenen Werke. (201) 1. Jena. (201) 2. Nürnberg. (203) 3. Heidelberg. (203) 4. Berlin. (204) II. Die Gesammtausgabe. (205) 1. Die Aufgabe. (205) 2. Die Herausgeber und die Ausgabe. (205) III. DIe Quellen zur Ausgabe der Vorlesung. (207) 1. Die Philosophie der Geschichte. (207) 2. Die Aesthetik oder Kunstphilosophie. (208) 3. Die Philosophie der Religion. (211) 4. Die Geschichte der Philosophie. (212) IV. Hegel auf dem Katheder. (214) 1. Die Persönlichkeit. (214) 2. Der Kathedervortrag. (215) Zweites Buch. Hegels Lehre. ([217]) Erstes Capitel. Hegels Ausgangspunkte und Aufgaben. Die Idee der Weltentwicklung. (219) I. Monismus und Identitätslehre. (219) 1. Die englische Entwicklungslehre. Der Darwinismus. (219) 2. Der deutsche Darwinismus. (220) 3. Zoologische Philosophie und philosophische Zoologie. (220) 4. Die philosophische Entwicklungslehre vor Kant. Leibniz. (221) 5. Die kantische Entwicklungslehre. (222) 6. Die fichtesche Entwicklungslehre. (223) 7. Die schellingsche Entwicklungslehre. (224) II. Das absolute Identitätssystem. (225) 1. Der Durchbruch. (225) 2. Der Stufengang der Welt. (226) 3. Schelling und Spinoza. (227) 4. Die neuen Aufgaben. (228) 5. Der Weg zur Wahrheit. (230) Zweites Capitel. Hegel im Bunde mit Schelling. (231) I. Die ersten Schriften. (231) 1. Die Planetenbahnen. (231) 2. Die philosophische Differenz zwischen Fichte und Schelling. (235) 3. Die philosophische Differenz zwischen Schelling und Hegel. (242) Drittes Capitel. Hegels Aufsätze im kritischen Journal. (245) I. Philosophie und Unphilosophie. (245) 1. Die philosophische Kritik. (245) 2. Der gemeine Menschenverstand. (248) 3. Der neue Scepticismus. (250) II. Glauben und Wissen. Die Reflexionsphilosophien. (255) 1. Die kantische Philosophie. (256) 2. Die jacobinische Philosophie. Schleiermacher. (259) 3. Die fichtesche Philosophie. (265) Viertes Capitel. Fortsetzung. Die wissenschaftlichen Behandlungsarten des Naturrechts. (270) I. Die empirische Behandlungsart. (271) 1. Die Hypothesen vom Naturzustande. (271) 2. Die praktischen Zwecke. (272) 3. Die untheoretische Praxis und die unpraktische Theorie. (273) II. Die reflectirte Behandlungsart. (273) 1. Die große Seite der kantisch-fichteschen Philosophie. (273) 2. Die Unsittlichkeit der kantischen Sittenlehre. (274) 3. Der fichtesche Rechtszwang. Strafe und Ephorat. (276) III. Die absolute Sittlichkeit. (278) 1. Das Volk und die Völker. Der sittliche Organismus. (278) 2. Die sittliche Gesundheit und der Krieg. (280) 3. Die Organisirung der Stände und Individuen. (280) 4. Tragödie und Komödie. Die Zonen des Sittlichen. (284) 5. Naturrecht, Moral und positive Rechtswissenschaft. (286) Fünftes Capitel. Die Phänomologie des Geistes. Vorrede, Einleitung und Eintheilung. (289) I. Vorrede. Die Aufgabe der neuen Lehre. (289) 1. Die Form der Wissenschaft. (289) 2. Die Substanz als Subject. Das Princip als Resultat. (291) 3. Die Leiter. Die Entwicklung des Wissens. (294) 4. Vourtheile und Selbsttäuschung. (294) II. Einleitung. (296) 1. Das Erkenntnißvermögen als Werkzeug und Medium. (296) 2. Die falsche Grundlage des Zweifels. Das erscheinende Wissen. (297) 3. Die Methode der Ausführung. (300) III. Der Stufengang des Bewußtseins. (304) 1. Hauptstufen. (304) 2. Die triadische Ordnung. (305) 3. Die Grenzen. (305) Sechstes Capitel. Das gegenständliche Bewußtsein. (306) I. Die sinnliche Gewißheit. (306) 1. Die objectivste, reichste und concreteste Wahrheit. (306) 2. Die subjectivste, ärmste und abstracteste Wahrheit. (306) 3. Das Aussprechen und das Aufzeigen. (308) II. Das wahrnehmende Bewußtsein. (309) 1. Das Ding und die Eigenschaften. (309) 2. Das Aufheben und Aufgehobensein. (310) 3. Das Thema und Problem der Wahrnehmung: die Einheit des Dinges und Die Vielheit der Eigenschaften. Die Täuschung. (311) 4. Die Vielheit der Dinge und Eigenschaften. Die Logik und die Sophistereien der Wahrnehmung. (313) III. Das Reich des Verstandes. (314) 1. Kraft und Aeußerung. Das Spiel der Kräfte. (314) 2. Das Innere und die Erscheinung. (316) 3. Das Innere als Gesetz. Das Reich der Gesetze. (317) 4. Erscheinung, Gesetz und Kraft. (318) 5. Die Thätigkeit des Erklärens. (320) 6. Uebergang zum Selbstbewußtsein. (320) Siebentes Capitel. Das Selbstbewußtsein. (321) I. Das Selbstbewußtsein und sein Object. (321) 1. Vergleichung mit dem gegenständlichen Bewußtsein. (321) 2. Das Selbstbewußtsein als Begierde. (323) 3. Die Objecte als lebendige Dinge. (323) II. Herrschaft und Knechtschaft. (324) 1. Verdoppelung des Selbstbewußtseins. (324) 2. Der Kampf auf Leben und Tod. Die Todesfurcht. (325) 3. Herr und Knecht. Gehorsam und Dienst. Arbeit und Bildung. (327) 4. Die Abhängigkeit des Herrn und die Unabhängigkeit des Knechts. (328) 5. Die Befreiung des Denkens. (329) III. Die Freiheit des Selbstbewußtseins. (329) 1. Stoicismus. (329) 2. Skepticismus. (330) 3. Das unglückliche Bewußtsein. (332) Achtes Capitel. Das Vernunftbewußtsein. A. Die beobachtende Vernunft. (338) I. Thema und Aufgabe. (338) II. Die beobachtende Vernunft. (339) 1. Der Standpunkt des Idealismus. (339) 2. Das künstliche und natürliche System der Dinge. Gesetz und Experiment. (340) 3. Die organische Natur und der Zweckbegriff. (Kielmeyer und Schelling.) (342) 4. Logische und psychologische Gesetze. (346) 5. Physiognomik und Schädellehre. (348) Neuntes Capitel. Das Vernunftbewußtsein. B. Die thätige Vernunft und das Reich der in sich befriedigten Individuen. (353) I. Rückblick und Vorblick. (353) II. Die thätige Vernunft. (355) 1. Die Luft und die Nothwendigkeit. (Faust.) (355) 2. Das Gesetz des Herzens und der Wahnsinn des Eigendünkels. (357) 3. Die Tugend und der Weltlauf. (361) III. Das Reich der in sich befriedigten Individuen. (363) 1. Das geistige Thierreich. (363) 2. Die gesetzgebende Vernunft. (368) 3. Die gesetzprüfende Vernunft. (369) Zehntes Capitel. Der Geist. A. Das Reich der Sittlichkeit und der Rechtszustand. (371) I. Das Gemeinwesen. Das göttliche und menschliche Gesetz. (371) 1. Familie und Staat. (371) 2. Mann und Frau, Eltern und Kinder, Bruder und Schwester. (373) 3. Der tragische Conflict. Die Schuld und das Schicksal. (375) II. Der Rechtszustand. (378) 1. Der Uebergang. (378) 2. Die Personen. (379) 3. Der Herr der Welt. (379) 4. Die Frau im Rechtszustand. (380) Elftes Capitel. Der Geist. B. Der sich entfremdete und der seiner selbst gewisse Geist. (381) I. Die Welt des sich entfremdeten Geistes. (381) 1. Das Reich der Bildung. (381) 2. Staatsmacht und Reichthum. Das edelmüthige und das niederträchtige Bewußtsein. (382) 3. Das zerreißende und zerrissene Bewußtsein. (Rameau's Neffe.) (385) 4. Das glaubende Bewußtsein. (389) 5. Die Aufklärung. (391) II. Die absolute Freiheit und der Schrecken. (398) 1. Die Gleichheit und die Vernichtung. (398) 2. Die Faction und die Schuld. (399) 3. Schrecken und Tod. (400) III. Der seiner selbst gewisse oder moralische Geist. (402) 1. DIe moralische Weltanschauung. (402) 2. Die Verstellung. (405) 3. Das Gewissen, die schöne Seele. Das Böse und seine Verzeihung. (407) Zwölftes Capitel. Die Religion und das absolute Wissen. (413) I. Wesen und Stufen der Religion. Die natürliche Religion. (413) 1. Religionsstufen und Religionsgeschichte. (414) 2. Indische und ägyptische Religion. (414) II. Die Kunstreligion. (415) 1. Der Kultus. Das abstracte Kunstwerk. (417) 2. Das lebendige Kunstwerk. (418) 3. Das geistige Kunstwerk. (419) III. Die offenbare Religion. (423) 1. Der Untergang der Kunstreligion. (423) 2. Die Menschwerdung Gottes. (425) 3. DIe Gemeinde. (426) IV. Das absolute Wissen. (429) 1. Religion und Wissenschaft. (429) 2. Phänomenologie und Logik. Das System der Philosophie. (431) Dreizehntes Capitel. Der Gegenstand und die Methode der Logik. (433) I. Der Gegenstand der Logik. (433) 1. Die Werke. (433) 2. Aufgabe und Thema. (434) 3. Einleitung. (435) II. Die Methode. (439) 1. Die Kategorien. Die Denkbestimmungen und die Denkthätigkeit. (439) 2. Der dialektische Proceß und die Entwicklung. (440) 3. Die Eintheilung. (442) 4. Der Begriff Gottes in der Logik. Das Reich der Schatten. (444) 5. Die Logik und die Geschichte der Philosophie. (445) 6. Der Anfang. (446) Vierzehntes Capitel. Die Lehre vom Sein. A. Die Qualität. (448) I. Das reine Sein. (448) I. Sein und Nichts. (448) 2. Das Werden. Entstehen und Vergehen. (449) II. Das Dasein. (451) 1. Qualität. Etwas und Anderes. (451) 2. Endliches und Unendliches. Die Veränderung. (452) III. Das Fürsichsein. (456) Das unendliche Sein. (456) Fünfzehntes Capitel. Die Lehre vom Sein. B. Die Quantität. (460) I. Die reine Quantität. (460) 1. Continuität und Discretion. (460) 2. Zeno, Aristoteles, Kant. (461) II. Das Quantum. (463) 1. Anzahl und EInheit. Zahl und Zählen. (463) 2. Zählen und Rechnen. (464) 3. Das extensive und intensive Quantum (Grad). (465) III. Die quantitative Unendlichkeit. (467) 1. Die schlechte quantitative Unendlichkeit. (467) 2. Die erste kantische Antinomie. (468) 3. Die Unendlichkeit des Quantums. (468) IV. Das quantitative Verhältniß. (471) 1. Die Verhältnißarten. (471) 2. Der doppelte Uebergang. (473) 3. Die Zahlenphilosophie. (474) Sechszehntes Capitel. Die Lehre vom Sein. C. Das Maaß. (475) I. Die specifische (qualitative) Quantität. (475) 1. Das specifische Quantum. Der Maaßstab. (475) 2. Die Mathematik der Natur. (478) 3. Das specificirende Maaß. Die Regel. (479) II. Das reale Maaß. (480) 1. Die Reiche der Maaßverhältnisse. (480) 2. Die Knotenlinie von Maaßverhältnissen. (482) III. Das Maaßlose. (484) 1. Das auschließende Maaß und das abstract Maaßlose. (484) 2. Der Uebergang zum Wesen. (485) 3. Die Kategorien des Seins und die Entwicklung. (486) Siebzehntes Capitel. Die Lehre vom Wesen. A. Die Reflexion. (488) I. Die Reflexionsbestimmungen. Die Identität. (488) 1. Schein, Erscheinung, Wirklichkeit. (488) 2. Die Denkgesetze. (490) 3. Die Identität. (491) II. Der Unterschied. (492) 1. Die Verschiedenheit. (492) 2. Der Gegensatz. (494) 3. Der Widerspruch. (497) III. Grund und Folge. (499) 1. Der zureichende Grund. (499) 2. Materie und Form. (500) 3. Die Existenz. (502) Achtzehntes Capitel. Die Lehre vom Wesen. B. Die Erscheinung. (503) I. Das Ding und seine Eigenschaften. (503) II. Erscheinung und Gesetz. (507) III. Das wesentliche Verhältniß. (509) 1. Das Verhältniß des Ganzen und der Theile. (509) 2. Das Verhältniß der Kraft und ihre Aeußerung. (511) 3. Das Verhältniß des Aeußeren und Inneren. (512) Neunzehntes Capitel. Die Lehre vom Wesen. C. Die Wirklichkeit. (516) I. Das wahrhaft Wirkliche. Das Absolute. (516) II. DIe innere und äußere Wirklichkeit. (517) 1. Das Reich der Möglichkeit. (517) 2. Das Reich des Zufalls. (518) 3. Die Nothwendigkeit. (519) III. Das absolute Verhältniß. (521) 1. Die Substantialität. (521) 2. Die Causalität. (522) 3. Die Wechselwirkung. (524) Zwanzigstes Capitel. Die Lehre vom Begriff. A. Die Subjectivität (527) I. Der Begriff des Begriffs. (527) 1. Vom Begriff im Allgemeinen. (527) 2. Der allgemeine Begriff. (530) 3. Der besondere Begriff. (531) 4. Das Einzelne. (532) II. Das Urtheil. (534) 1. Das Urtheil des Daseins. (536) 2. Das Urtheil der Religion. (537) 3. Das Urtheil der Nothwendigkeit. (538) 4. Das Urtheil des Begriffs. (538) III. Der Schluß. (539) 1. Der Schluß des Daseins. Die Schlußfiguren. (539) 2. Der Schluß der Reflexion. (541) 3. Der Schluß der Nothwendigkeit. (543) Einundzwanzigstes Capitel. Die Lehre vom Begriff. B. Die Objectivität. (544) I. Ontologie und Kosmologie. (544) II. Der Mechanismus. (546) 1. Der Determinismus. (546) 2. Die Centralisation. (547) 3. Der absolute Mechanismus. (548) III. Der Chemismus. (548) IV. Die Teleologie. (550) 1. Mechanismus und Teleologie. Der subjective Zweck. (550) 2. Das Reich der Mittel. Die List der Vernunft. (551) 3. Der ausgeführte Zweck. (553) Zweiundzwanzigstes Capitel. Die Lehre vom Begriff. C. Die Idee. (554) I. Die Idee als Proceß. (554) II. Das Leben. (556) 1. Das lebendige Individuum. (556) 2. Der Lebensproceß. (559) 3. Die Gattung. (560) III. Die Idee des Erkennens und des Wollens. (561) 1. Die Idee des Wahren. (561) 2. Die Idee des Guten. (565) 3. Die absolute Idee. (568)

Issue 42.3 of the Review for Religious, May/June 1983. ; Notes on LitUt~!y REVIEW FOR REIAGtOUS ( ISSN 0034-639X~, published every two months, is edited in collaboration with the faculty members of the Department of Theological Studies of St. Louis University. The editorial offices are located at Room 428:3601 Lindell Blvd.: St. Louis, MO 63108. REVU-:W FOR REI.IGIOt~S is owned by the Missouri Province Educational Institute of the Society of Jesus, St. Louis, MO, © 1983 by REVIEW FOR RE~.~G~O~JS. Composed, printed and manufactured in U.S,A. Second class postage paid at St. Louis, MO. Single copies: $2.50. Subscription U.S.A.: $9.00 a year: $17.00 for two years. Other countries: add $2.00 per year (postage). For subscription orders or change of address, write: REVIEW I.'OR REI,W,~OtrS: P.O. Box 6070:, Duluth, MN 55806. Daniel F. X. Meenan, S.J. Dolores Greeley, R.S.M. Daniel T. Costello, S.J. Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Jean Read Editor Associate Editor Book Editor Questions and Answers Editor Assistant Editor May/June, 1983 Volume 42 Number 3 Manuscripts, books for review and correspondence with the editor should be sent to REVIEW FOR RELtGtOUS; Room 428; 3601 Lindell Blvd.; St. Louis, MO 63108. Questions for answering should be sent to Joseph F. Gallen, S.J.; Jesuit Community; St. Joseph's University; City Avenue at 54th St.; Philadelphia, PA 19131. Back issues and reprints should be ordered from REVIEW t'O~t RELIGIOUS; Room 428; 3601 Lindell Blvd.; St. Louis, MO 63108. "Out of print" issues and attic, s not published as reprints are available from University Microfilms International; 300 N. Zeeb Rd.; Ann Arbor, MI 48106. Kierkegaard on Purity of Heart Paul J. Joncas Rev. Joncas, whose M.Div. is from the Northwestern Lutheran Theological Seminary, is pres-ently pursuing doctoral studies at Fordham University. He describes this paper as an exposition of Kierkegaard's Purity of Heart Is to Will One Thing in which each discourse carries a consistent theme of Complexit'y and Simplicity as opposing modes of life. Tracing each of these modes through the book provides a picture of the style of life that Kierkegaard regards as exemplary. Rev. Joncas may be addressed at 102 Washington St.; Morristown, NJ 07960. When a woman makes an altar cloth, so far as she is able, she makes everyflower as lovely as the graceful flowers of the field, as far as she is able, every star as sparkling as the glistening stars of the night. She withholds nothing, but uses the most precious things she possesses. She sells off every other claim upon her life that she may purchase the most uninterrupted and favorable time of the day and night for her one and only, for her beloved work. But when the cloth is finished and put to its sacred use, then she is deeply distressed if someone shouM make the mistake of looking at her art, instead of at the meaning of the cloth; or make the mistake of looking at a defect, instead of at the meaning of thk cloth. For she could not work the sacred meaning into the cloth itself, nor could she sew it on the cloth as though it were one more ornament. This meaning really lies in the beholder and in the beholder's understanding, if he, in the endless distance of the separation above himself and above his own self, has completely forgotten the needle-woman and what was hers to do. It was allowable, it was proper, it was duty, it was a precious, duty, it was the highest happiness of all for the needlewoman to do e~brything in order to accomplish what was hers to do; but it was a trespass against God, an insulting misunderstanding of the poor needlewoman, when someone looked wrongly and saw what 321 322 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 was only there, not to attract attention to itself, but rather so that its omission would not distract by drawing attention to itself.1 The needlewoman of this story serves as an example of what Kierkegaard sets out to develop in his book Purity of Heart Is to Will One Thing. In her concern for the work that is set before her the needlewoman approaches it with a reverence, straightforwardness, unity of thought and purpose, and simplicity that speaks not of her, but of the duty which she was fulfilling. The viewer who looked on her work as something more than she had intended is the example of what it is to be guilty, as we all are, of double-mindedness and thus unable to see the beauty of what lies before them. It is my purpose in this paper to examine the guilt of the viewer in terms of a life of Complexity. This life is filled with double-mindedness, duplicity, evasion, attention to "the crowd," and a denial of the self. All of this is set up by pride which presents the person with many difficult pitfalls. There is also another side to what Kierkegaard has to say in his book which will be discussed in this paper. That is the story of the needlewoman, or the person who wills one thing. This is evidenced by a life of Simplicity. This life unfolds as one which is a unity, through which the "individual" is capable to "will one thing" and have a knowledge of self that enables the person to take risks. The result of this life is a sense of humility which is transparent, pointing to the "Good." I will discuss these two opposing modes of life under the titles 1 have assigned to them: Complexity and Simplicity. After describing how they each have an influence upon us, 1 will conclude with some more general observa-tions about the two categories and their relationship to one another. Complexity Throughout his book, Kierkegaard remains true to the Lutheran notion that humanity by nature is sinful. This sinfulness is lived out within the tem-poral order of the creation, and has a natural resistance to the "Eternal." In resisting the Eternal we are confronted with a multiplicity of life choices that may give the appearance of leading us to the "Good," but they are only delusions and actually hide the true, the Eternal from the seeker. We are led down the blind path of complexity that cuts us off from that for which we were created and we attempt to postpone what we know to be inevitable in our journey toward God. Alas. the temporal order and the press of busyness believe that eternity is so far away. And yet not even the foremost professional theatrical producer has ever had all in such readiness for the stage and for the change of scenes as eternity has all in readiness for time: all--even to the least detail, even to the most significant word that is spoken; has all in readiness in each instant--although eternity delays? Busyness, the continual search for meaning in the temporal order, the continual search for permanence in what is only transitory, the constant run- Kierkegaard on Purity of Heart ning in search of what is already before the seeker. It looms over the entirety of life and "clouds the heart, keeping it ever unknowing and bound to the tem-poral. We look on the procession of life and see the changes that occur in relation to the temporal. The fear that feeds the life of Complexity reminds us over and over that we are approaching the end. We turn in upon ourselves and try to find the key to not changing. We live with the false hope of delaying that which, in view of the Eternal, never happens. "For in relation to the Eternal, a man ages neither in the sense of time nor in the sense of an accumulation of past events."3 In.relation to the Eternal we are set free from the burdens of temporal existence and begin to see the Good and in turn the Good becomes visible through us. This temporal life is characterized by double-mindedness which draws us into an endless maze of dead ends that prevent us from apprehending the Good, the Eternal. Kierkegaard calls this double-mindedness by many names: pride, passion, denial of sell fear, cleverness, self-deceit, despair, impatience, the "crowd," evasion, and false humility. They are names of conditions we all know intimately. Kierkegaard shows us his magisterial knowledge of the human condition by naming those things which we all share in common, those things which tie us all together in our state of sin, and lead us down the path away from God. In order to understand the gu.ilt of the above mentioned viewer, and ourselves, we need to take a close look at the life of Complexity and the conditions that define our human situation. Pride 1 begin with pride because it appears in Kierkegaard's system that pride sets us up to fall into the other traps of double-mindedness. Once we have established what we consider to be our worth in the world we can begin to evaluate all our other actions in light of this worth. In this fashion the lazy man always has a disproportionate power of imagination. He thinks immediately how he will establish himself, and how fine it will be for him when now this and now that is done: he is less given to thinking that he should do this and that. And in reflection this logks very inviting, but when he must step out upon the road (for reflection is up above the road) then all is changed.4 Once the road is entered upon and the true demands of the journey are seen, as prideful people we begin to reassess our position and conclude that the course we are undertaking is act.ually beneath us. Pride plays to our predilec-tion to overvalue ourselves. It whispers to us ever so quietly, "Oh, you poor soul, just see what the world is asking of you. You have more important things to be involved with. Why go about wasting your time on what is trivial?" In listening to this voice we become further enamored with ourselves and we fall prey to grandiose dreams of what we can give to the worl~d, as if we had anything of our own to give. He wills that the Good shall triumph through him. that he shall be the instrument, he 3~4 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 the chosen one. He does not desire to be rewarded by the world--that he despises: nor by men--that he looks down upon. And yet he does not wish to be an unprofitable servant. The reward which he insists upon is a sense of pride and in that very demand is his violent double-mindednessP We exhibit our sinfulness since we do not just want to be an instrument of the Good in the world, but we want to be the instrument. We insist that God's will should be our will, his way should be our way--and we stretch the dis-tance separating us from God even further than before. That is the only power we have. The power to drive ourselves further away from God and think that we are drawing ever nearer. Kierkegaard does not let up in his insistence that the greatest damage we do is, above all, to ourselves. The grandness of our dreams, to be more than what we actually are, is the banner of our sinfulness that we carry into eternity. Pride widens the gulf between humanity and God by its pervasive nature: It creeps into every facet of our existence and tricks us into thinking how right we are when we are actually wrong. This is the self-deceit which pride leads us toward, and after we have already turned our backs on God, we begin to turn the tables on ourselves. For when hate, and anger, and revenge, and despondency, and melancholy, and despair, and fear of the future, and reliance on the world, and trust in oneself, and pride that infuses itself even into sympathy, and envy that even mingles itsdf with friendship, and that inclination that may have changed but not for the better: when these dwell in a man--when was it without the deceptive excuse of ignorance?. This ignorance is called self-deceit. : And to be ignorant of the fact that there is one thing and only one thing, and that only one thing is necessary, is still to be in self-deception.6 Self-deceit exists as a precipitate of pride. It is the only thing that is left after the ashes rendered by pride are sifted. Self-deceit has a way of turning everything upside down and it tries to give us the excuse we need when our efforts come to nothing. This overturning by self-deceit is much like the words of St. Paul "For the good that 1 wish, I do not do; but 1 practice the very evil that I do not wish" (Rm 7:19).7 This self-deceit has a way of masking our efforts so they may appear noble to ourselves when they actually bring about harm. Not only harm to others, but harm to ourselves. We are open to the suggestions of the world and hear a voice that appeals to our pride and thus we deceive ourselves again. But there is a wisdom which is not from above, but is earthly and fleshly and devilish. It has discovered this common human weakness and indolence; it wants to be helpful. It perceives that all depends upon the will and so it proclaims loudly, "Unless it wills one thing, a man's life is sure to become one of wretched mediocrity, of pitiful misery. He must will one thing regardless of whether it be good or bad. He must will one thing for therein lies a man's greatness.TM It is in the willingness to do even what we know to be bad that we start the process of selling out to whatever whim or fancy the world throws before us and we enter deeper into the self-deception that has already grasped us. The greater our self-deception the more we become oblivious to the "Good" and we enter into the next realm that dominates our earthly life--fear. Kierkegaard on Purity of Heart / 325 Fear And spiritually understood there is a ruinous illness, namely not to fear what a man should fear: the sacredness of modesty, God in the heavens, the command of duty, the voice of conscience, the accountability to eternity.9 Our pride and self-deception have led us to the point of forgetting the things which we know to be desirable and the absence of these elements in our lives is not viewed as a great loss. The eternal element of our life is gone and we no longer understand what true fear is all about. Our concept of fear becomes entangled with what we perceive to be punishment. "For punishment is indeed not what a man should fear. He should fear to do wrong.''~° The concern we have is not for our eternal life but for our temporal life. "Yet double-mindedness seldom dwells on eternity's punishment. The punishment it fears is more often understood in an earthly and temporal sense."~l How often do we find ourselves doing things, not out ofthe goodness of our hearts, but out of fear for the punishment that may be inflicted upon us if we do not do it. This type of fear seems to be inbred from childhood when parents gladly point to the threat of punishment in order to get even a small degree of cooperation from the child. A full life cannot be lived from a defensive posture and God's attempts to break through our self-protection fall on ears that are deaf. Kierkegaard is trying to show that in taking away the will for the "Good" the person lives a second-class life that inhibits the individual in all rela-tionships with and in the world. What a terrible existence it would be to fear every action we take not knowing if we will receive accolades or be stoned. Kierkegaard rightfully puts this condition into the category of illness. But then, in a spiritual sense, there is another illness, a still more destructive one: to fear-what a man should not and ought not to fear. The first illness is defiance and obstinacy and willfulness. The second is cowardice and servility and hypocrisy.~' We are slaves to our fear and jump to its command. We are cowards in our actions, afraid to take any risks that may bring about punishment. We are hypocrites who smile in order to disguise our fear, thinking that we are being judged by the world while at the same time we are judging and condemning it. Kierkegaard wants to make clear the incredible power that sin can have over us in this world, it has a way of creeping into our lives silently, and just as silently tears our lives apart. We soon start to exhibit another means of self-defense which is not to risk anything. Another says, "1 have not the strength to risk all." Again evasion, an evasion by the aid of the word "all." For the Good is quite capable of reckoning and computing its demand in relation to the strength that this man has.~-~ We are unwilling to take risks because we cannot adequately judge the scope of the task. We do not truly know the risk that we are called upon to take since we stand in fear of what may happen to us if we do take the risk. Our lives are paralyzed by fear and that which is in us to lead us to the Good begins to atrophy. The result is to take even more desperate measures that lead us further away from the Good. 326 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 Cleverness The above mentioned evasion is not solely a device to escape risk but also starts us on ihe road to thinking we are very clever. By the help of evasion, namely, one does not come into danger, and neither does he lose his honor by running away in danger--on the contrary one does not come into danger--that is one advantage. And one wins great honor as being especially clever-- that is a second advantage.~4 In our cleverness we have the ability to weave a complex of schemes that isolate us from the world. We are able to construct an ivory tower out of our plotting and slowly raise ourselves up in the eyes of the people who see us. Our cleverness allows us to look down upon the world below and gives us the illusion of achievement. The other poor souls we look down upon are seen as a threat, but as a threat that is a long way off. These same schemes also play into one of the primary traps of cleverness. Alas, there is in every man a power, a dangerous and at the same time a great power. This power is cleverness. Cleverness strives continually against the commitment.~5 Since we are not committed we give the appearance of being free but that is all we have, the appearance of freedom. We have no idea of what we may have lost in exchange for this appearance. We are not free as a true Christian enjoys freedom. We live in a cloud that, like a drug, keeps us temporarily sedated until it dissipates. The lack of commitment through cleverness does not affect the temporal life alone. Kierkegaard sees an even greater danger ahead. If he uses cleverness to hinder commitment to the Eternal, he is double-minded. He is and he remains double-minded, even if temporal help did come and he did revel in the Cleverness by which he managed his shrewd escape: yes, one should still believe that it was a calamity that he cleverly managed to evade commitment to the Eternal. Com-mitment to the Eternal is the only true salvation.~6 We have now achieved the dubious distinction of having temporarily escaped from a moment of danger and at the same time cutting ourselves off ¯ from salvation. What is left for us? Do we simply wander aimlessly through time being free from any commitment or does something else arise to take the place of this commitment to the Eternal? Kierkegaard would say that there is something else that fills in the gap created by lack of commitment and that is the passion that lives inside each of us. For if passion continues in a man, it changes his life into nothing but instants and as passion cunningly serves its deluded master, it gradually gains ascendancy until the master serves it like a blind serf.17 We are now slaves to our passions and are led about without regard for the people around us. Our passions consume us like a ravenous wolf that leaves the refuse behind. What could be left for us once we have descended to these depths? It seems that we have lost the last thread of our humanity, but there is still something more towards which Kierkegaard points the reader. Kierkegaard on Purity of Heart Despair Now that we have been blinded by our passions we no longer see what lies before us. We are now ready for the final descent. We have left the world behind and our attention is turned to the only place left for us, that is, totally into ourselves. When the attention has been focused within, it brings with it the danger of not being able or willing to accept what is found therein. It is as if our attention has been focused to the point of a laser and it holds the potential to destroy. In our nonacceptance we find that we are "at variance with our-selves." Kierkegaard uses the.following example of the gravity he sees in this moment of "variance." ¯. at each man's birth there comes into being an eternal vocation for him, expressly for him. To be true to himself in relation to this eternal vocation is the highest thing a man can practice, and. as that most profound poet has said: "Self-love is not so vile a sin as self-neglecting." Then there is but one fault, one offense: disloyalty to his own self or the. denial of his own better self.~8 We have now reached the point where there is nothing else to which we can turn. We have reached the point in our "double-mindedness" when we can go no further. We have reached the point of despair. "Is not despair simply double-mindedness?'n9 In denying ourselves have we not abandoned ourselves, who we are, our purpose for existence? Will you in double-mindedness of mind despair? Have you considered what it is to despair? Alas it is to deny that God is love! Think that over properly, one who despairs abandons himself (yes, so you think); nay, he abandons God!20 There it is! The terminal point for the life of complexity, the abandonment of God! There is nowhere else to turn. We could turn to the "crowd" but that is just a delaying tactic., a dead end. "For many fools do not make a wise man, and the crowd is doubtful recommendation for a cause.TM In Kierkegaard's estimation, to follow this mode of life is to take the path to eternal death, to be forever outside of the love of God. Now that the discussion of the life of Complexity has been finished as Kierkegaar&has outlined it in his book it is possible to look at the opposing mode of life--Simplicity. Simplicity It would be a dangerous mistake to think that the life of Simplicity is a life characterized by naivete. There is no room for an unsophisticated meandering through life. That would only serve as an invitation to the elements of double-mindedness in the world, alerting them that a pigeon is on the loose. A life of Simplicity has many facets to it bht it is "simple" in the fact that all of these facets are present for the cause of the' Good. The Good is the all-consuming goal of the person who lives a life of Simplicity. Our every atten-tion and energy is directed toward the Good and finds its telos in eternity. The move from Complexity to Simplicity is not just a shifting of gears but rather: 3211 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 It is indeed like a changing of raiment to lay off manyness, in order rightly to center down upon one thing: to interrupt the busy course of activity, in order to put on the quiet of contemplation and be at one with oneself. And this being at one with oneself is the simple festival garment of the feast that is the condition of admittance. The many-hess, one may see with a dispersed mind, see something of it, see it in passing, see it with half closed eyes, with a divided mind, see it and indeed not see it. In the rush of busyness, one may be anxious over many {hings, begin many things, do many things at once, and only half do them all. But one cannot confess without this at-oneness with oneself.22 Kierkegaard in giving his advice for preparation to confess points out that it is necessary to leave behind the manyness that presses in and confuses us in our moment of examination. It is necessary that we become focused, simple in our thoughts, in order to come to our confession as whole persons. His notion of "a changing of raiment" is not merely to do so for the moment, but rather, in the fashion of metanoia, it is a complete change of direction. Life is trans-formed and our life takes on the same shape as that of the above-mentioned needlewoman with all of its attendant expressions, The life of Simplicity is not as easy to dissect as that of Complexity. The categories that exist in this life overlap a great deal, with each one helping strengthen the other. Since they all combine to form a unity, a oneness of purpose, a simplicity of expression, any attempt to categorize wouid be arbi-trary and would not remain true to the method of presentation used by Kierkegaard. In view of this, the life of Simplicity will be dealt with as a whole. It is a mode of life that stands in opposition to the life of Complexity and as such it does not exist as a positive response to a negative stimulus. It is a distinct mode that stands on its own without need of outside impetus beyond the call of God to the sinner. In Kierkegaard's schema of the life of Simplicity it becomes clear that the style of life we live reflects the internal unity or disunity we are currently experiencing. True Simplicity reflects an attention to life and the things that are necessary to be done and it does not allow us to be overcome by the miasma of Complexity. We are able to stay in the world without needing to be exclusive in our relationships. We find what is good in life and participate in it fully. Do you live in such a way that this consciousness is able to secure the time and quiet and liberty of action to penetrate every relation of your life? This does not demand that you withdraw from life, from an honorable calling, from a happy domestic life. On the contrary, it is precisely that consciousness which will sustain and clarify and illuminate what you are to do in the relations of life. You should not withdraw and sit brooding over your eternal accounting. To do this is to deserve something further to account for. You will more and more readily find time to perform your duty and your task, while concern over your eternal responsibility will hinder you from being "busy" and busily having a hand in everything possible--an activity that can best be called: time-wasting.23 As we have seen, busyness for Kierkegaard is another expression of double-mindedness. This double-mindedness captures our will and makes the will captive to its perceptions of time available and the talents that we have at our command. We have a distorted view of the task at hand and soon think we Kierkegaard on Purity of Heart / 329 do not have the time needed to do the Good. The life of Simplicity will not stand for this sort of distraction because it is God who calls us to this life and it is God who is left behind in pursuit of the manyness of life. But to will one thing, genuinely to will the Good, as an individual to will to hold fast to God, which things each person without exception is capable of doing, this is what unites.24 Unity is important in order for us to continue in willing the Good. Without this unity it is not possible for our life to become a reflection of the Good nor is it possible for us to "unconditionally serve the Good in action." As persons who are united, there is an awareness of the freedom in our lives for service and commitment to the Good. We no longer fear for what may happen to us since we are now united to the Good, and our concerns have been turned from the temporal to the Eternal. "He that wills the Good in truth even hopes for the punishment;"~5 and this serves as an indication that we have beenset free from the fear that has prevented service and commitment to the Good. Once freed from fear we are empowered to act in a manner that is consistent with our new understanding of duty in relation to the Good. If, then a man in truth wills the Good, then he must be willing to do all for it or he must be willing to suffer all for it.~6 Our commitment to the Good is visible through action or suffering. Suffer-ing in this context does not have the same power it holds over the double-minded person. Suffering is understood in a different way because we now live in a new relationship to the world. It is not something thrust upon an unwilling victim. It is accepted in the knowledge that what happens to us in this world is insignificant when viewed in relation to the Good. When the sufferer, on the other hand, willingly takes up his appointed sufferings, he is willing to suffer all for the Good, that is, in order that the Good may be victorious in him.27 Suffering is not a badge worn before others in order to win accolades. It is worn as a simple garment, It is quietly endured and quickly forgotten." When we suffer for the Good we know deep within ourselves that it is the Good which is being accomplished through us and that our God is right here with us in our suffering. ~ Oh, you sufferer, alone and abandoned as you are by the generation to which you belong, know that you are not abandoned by God, your creator. Everywhere you are surrounded by his understanding ~,hich offers itself to you at each moment. In it you unite your will to the Good. And the edifying contemplation is always ready to remind you of that presence; and its very existence is a source of security to the living.28 As sufferers who "will one thing" we live in the world knowing that what we are experiencing will be long forgotten in ~he realm of the Eternal,, and in this knowledge we receive consolation while still in the temporal order. This is the only reward we are willing to accept because the "understanding of God" is sufficient. There is nothing more necessary since, in time, everything will be 33[~ [ Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 finished for us in the temporal order. If we are forgotten by the world, that is no problem. If we are rejected by others, that is no problem. If we lose all that we have in service to the Good, that is no problem. For this world's memory is like the moment: a series of moments. Eternity's memory, that he is certain of. When he leaves the world, he leaves nothing behind him, he takes all with him, he loses nothing, he gains all--for "God is all to him.'~9 The total focus of energy is toward God and God alone. The will is a complete unity with itself and with the Good which resides in the Eternal. We have now reached the point when our unity also reflects a purity of thought and desire. When this point is reached, Kierkegaard begins to talk about the roles of hope, faith, and love in light of "death's decision." And it is here that the evidence of a life that is truly Christian may be seen. Yet sad as it is with the wish, how joyful it is with hope! For there is a hope that is born and dies; a shortlived hope, that tomorrow is forgotten; a childish hope, that old age does not recognize; a hope that one dies away from. But then--in death, in death's decision, a hope is born in death. By this hope the sufferer, under the pain of the wish, is committed to the Good. So it is with the hope in which the sufferer, as though from afar off, reaches out toward the Eternal . With faith it is still more joyful. For there is a faith that disappoints and vanishes; a faith that is lost and is repented of; there is a faith, which, when it droops is like death. But then--in death, in death's decision, a faith is won that does not disappoint, that is not repented of, that does not die: it seizes the Eternal and holds fast to it. By this faith, under the pain of the wish, the sufferer is committed to the Good. So it is with faith in which the sufferer draws the Eternal nearer to himself . But with love it is the most joyous of all. For there is a love, that blazes up and is forgotten; there is a love, that unites and divides--a love until death. But then--in death, in death's decision, there is born a love that does not flame up, that is not equivocal, that is not--until death, but beyond death, a love that endures.~° All of life is understood in terms of the Eternal and the very being of the individual is grounded in eternity. All of the trappings of this world are seen for what they are in their impermanence. A new permanence is given to be understood by us in our new found unity and depth of being. We no longer seek for anything for ourselves in this world and it is that which seeks nothing for itself that is truly transparent and pure. The Good alone is visible in and through us. The entirety of our being is bonded with the Good. For commitment to the Good is a whole-souled decision, and a man cannot, by the craft and the flattery of his tongue, lay hold of God while his heart is far away. No, for since God is spirit and truth, a man can only draw near to him by sincerity, by willing to be holy, as he is holy: by purity of heart. Purity of heart: it is a figure of speech that compares the heart to the sea, and why just to this?. On this account we compare the heart with the sea, because the purity of the sea lies in its constancy of depth and transparency)~ To achieve true depth of mind, true depth of will, true depth in unity, is to be transparent as Kierkegaard regards the true Christian to be. Everything is done for the sake of the Good ~ind it is, at the same time, a complete uniting of the will with the Eternal, and the will has reached its telos with the Eternal. This is the end point of the life of Simplicity, bringing us to wholeness in the Kierkegaard on Purity of Heart / 331 presence of God as opposed to losing "self" in the manyness of the "crowd" as in the life of Complexity. Conclusion Kierkegaard wrote his book as a collection of addresses which could be read at different times, with the reader still finding them of value. The result is that many of the same themes are used over and over. Although each section has a distinct flavor, it is also connected to all of the others. This makes it difficult to identify any clear line of development from the beginning to the end of the book. However, general comments about both styles of life can be made, now that the pattern within each mode has been made clear. For the life of Complexity there is a general shape that could be described as an inward and downward curve. This characterizes a concern to find mean-ing within the person. There appears to be a reliance upon the natural abilities of a person as a means of self-justification. This self-justification is indicative of the notion that everything a person needs for life can be found just by looking inward hard enough to locate it all. Schleiermacher could be used as an example of a theologian who placed a great amount of emphasis on the person being able to find God by looking inward. This mode of life is dependent on the belief that there is an intrinsic value to the person as a separate entity. Once the search is conducted and, as Kierkegaard believes~ the person comes up empty in the inward search, there is a sudden reversal of direction, and the search continues by looking to other people. It is hoped that what could not be found within the person may be found in the "crowd." Once again the empha-sis is on what human beings are capable of doing for themselves, and to Kierkegaard that is unacceptable. The natural shape of the life of Simplicity would be outward and upward. This time there is an emphasis on God, who is outside of humanity, as the basis of movement on the path toward the Good. God provides all that is necessary for the journey and God gives the person value in his sight and at the same time in the eyes of the world. There is no need for justification beyond that which God has given. In the life of Simplicity God is sufficient for the person who "wills one thing." Movement toward the Good is a long, slow process since it is not natural to humanity. On the other hand, movement toward double-mindedness comes easily since it does not fit our sinful nature like a well-worn glove. The tension between the two of them is intense because Complexity has a way of imitating expressions of the Good. Life is not looked upon as a black and white matter. Life has immense areas of grey that the person depends upon God to be led through. There is another contribution that Kierk.egaard makes in his book. There, he preserves the integrity of what it is to be human and, at the same time, acknowledges the absolute sovereignty of God. We do not need to be more than what we are as persons. There is no call to greatness beyond the greatness 339 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 that we have as creations of God. The holiness of our existence is a gift of God to us. We are attracted to God because of the love he has shown for us through his Son. Our humanness has been blessed, and yet God has not been com-promised in any way. Many of the theologians of Kierkegaard's day looked for justification within humanity or within creation as represented by the natural world, but this was not something Kierkegaard could accept. He took on the difficult task of pointing to God who stands over and above all creation, and to humanity, which held a special place in the created order. Kierkegaard was clearly Lutheran in all of his basic presuppositions, and remained consistent in this position. I would suggest that an area for further study would be to see how these modes of life carry over into Kierkegaard's other writings and perhaps into his own life. NOTES ~Soren Aabye Kierkegaard, Purity of Heart Is to Will One Thing. trans. Douglas V. Steere (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1948), pp. 27-28. 21bid. p. 107. 31bid. p. 38. 41bid. p. 116. 5Ibid. p. I00. 7New American Standard Btble. 9Ibid. p. 80. ~2Ibid. p. 8 I. '~Ibid. pp. 126-127. ~81bid. p. 140. 2~Ibid. p. 191. 241bid. p. 206. ~71bid. p. 148. 3°Ibid. p. 150-151. ~Ibid. p. 52. SKierkegaard, Purity of Heart. p. 63. ~°Ibid. p. 79. '~Ibid. p. 88. ~31bid. p. 129. ~4Ibid. p. 127. ~6Ibid. p. 168. ~71bid. p. 51. ~91bid. p. 61. "-°Ibid. p. 151. nlbid, p. 47. "-31bid. p. 197. ~lbid. p. 93. ~6lbid. p. 122. 2Slbid. p. 158. ~91bid. p. 147. 311bid. p. 176. Withstanding Sunbelt Sectarianism David K. O'Rourke, O.P. Father O'Rourke is Associate Director of the Family Life Ministry for the Diocese of Oakland, CA and Adjunct Professor of Pastoral Theology at the Graduate Theological Union of Berkeley. He may be addressed: 2446 Estand Way: Pleasant Hill, CA 94523. In recent months two of America's leading scholars have made statements that bring the current direction of education for religious life seriously into question. Both of them, professors at the University of California at Berkeley, speak out of personal scholarship and accomplishments so respected that their comments merit a hearing. Speaking at the annual meeting of the American Association of Colleges in Boston, Professor Charles Muscatine, a Chaucer scholar and, from our point of view even more important, one of the most respected university educators in the United States, noted that American education has abandoned its proper role of teaching students how to make ethical judgments in favor of a concern with technical skill teaching. Speaking of the bachelor's degree, Professor Muscatine said it has become a "marvelous convenience for a mediocre society, putting passive acceptance.ahead of questioning, and propagating the danger-oias myth that technical skills are more important than ethical reasoning." His address received favorable comment in a New York Times editorial.~ The editorial continued "What am lherefor? is the student's and the teacher's perpetual question. To gain and give life skills and a glimpse of life's larger possibilities seems an appropriate answer to each of them." in a recent article in Commonweal~ Robert Bellah, Ford Professor of Sociology and Sociology Department chairman, described a structural change in American religion. Using categories of Ernst Troeltsch, which are com-monly used by students of religion, he notes that there has been a shift from the "church type" of religion, which ". we may briefly characterize as an 333 3311 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 organic conception of the religious institution for which the defining metaphor is the Pauline image of the Body of Christ," to the "sect type" which ". views the Church primarily as a voluntary association of believers." and which sees itself"., primarily as the gathered elect and focuses on the purity of those within . " This shift, he says, parallels other shifts. There is a shift from the civic and religious ideals which provided the underpinnings to the social ameliorization we saw in our past history in the United States to an "ever growing dominance of bureaucratic individualism." There is the shift in American political power from the eastern establishment to the sunbelt capitalists of Texas and California. And there is the shift in importance from the heavy industries of the north and east to the "technologically innovative industries of the south and west." I believe that we can synthesize the statements of these two scholars into a picture of a culture, both religious and civil, that is changing the religious life we see herein the west. It is also producing the candidates for religious life we are receiving here. And because of California's influence through its control of the media it is influencing the entire United States. The dominant influence in religion is a view of church life that is religiously subjective, personally pious, politically uninvolved, technically skilled and culturally unlettered. I believe that this view can be summarized as sunbelt sectarianism. Living, teaching and ministering in Berkeley for the past fifteen years, I have had the opportunity to see the rise of this new phenomenon. In October of 1966 I joined ten other Dominicans in establishing the first Catholic com-munity at Berkeley's pioneering Graduate Theological Union. Since that day hundreds of other men and women have come here for studies. The Berkeley venture has, itself, become a model for religious, theological and pastoral studies and formation. Those studies and formation, I believe, are more and more becoming a mastery of those same technical skills that Professor Musca-tine described, and less and less a development of the art of ethical reasoning which he sees as the goal of all education. Make no mistakeabout it, the level of skills he is referring to is high, in-deed. The University of California has few equals in its ability to train men and women in the scientific, social and professional skills that make our society run. However, as the Times editorial suggests, it is far less well equipped to teach its students how to answer the question "What am I here for?" The ministerial skills we are teaching in our pastoral training centers are also of high caliber. The art of working in the community as an effective leader and on the one-to-one level is taught at least as well as in other professions, like medicine and law. Current understanding of Scripture is well taught. Tech-niques in liturgical design and performance are also taught. The broader questions, however, like the one posed by the editorial writer of the Times are not explored in a way which allows the Church's traditional answerings of the question to be brought into the discussion. 1 do not dehy Withstanding Sunbelt Sectarianism / 335 that they are answered. I suggest that they are answered from within the context of sunbelt sectarianism. They are not explored within the context of church as Body of Christ. The questions are answered in light of the individual's personal religious experience, frequently an experience that led to entering into religious life. They are not explored in the light of the Catholic theological tradition to which the individual is exposed after his or her arrival into theological educa-tion. The latter may be used to establish some theological foundations for ministry. It is not really used, in my experience, to establish the theological foundations for the minister. These remain what they were when the man or woman arrived. Professor Bellah points out that each of the definitions of church that he uses in his article, including the idea of the organic church and sectarianism, has found a welcome within the Christian tradition. That is true. But within the Roman Catholic tradition the view of the Church as the Body of Christ comes closer to the religious and theological tradition that lies at the heart of the Church's life than do any of the other views of church. I am suggesting, it should he obvious, that we religious have followed much the same route as the universities. In our case, however, the deviation from what we should be about is more serious. An argument could possibly be made for universities devoted to transmitting technical skills. Less°argument can be made for Catholic religious orders that are not concerned, first and foremost, with answering the question "What am I here for?" and trying to answer that question, at least in part, by drawing on the Church's theological tradition. I would like to look a bit more into the situation described by Professors Bellah and Muscatine, especially as it can be related to education for ministry and religious life, by examining three sets of opposed values drawn from their statements. The opposed values are skill mastery versus life purpose explora-tion; creativity versus passivity; ethical reasoning versus affective moral intuitionism. 1 will begin discussing skill mastery versus life purpose exploration by illustrating the differences with a story. When I first began my theological studies many years ago I was taught by one of the country's leading moral theologians. Nearing retirement age, he went on instead to become editor for the moral theology section of the Catholic Encyclopaedia. In his years as a teacher he was respected for his ability to bring speculative principles to bear on concrete issues. We were all gathered in the lecture hall for the first class of the year, and he entered the room and climbed the three steps to the large platform from which the professor lectured. Since this was the first day of class we were all waiting for him to outline the course of lectures he was to deliver. Instead he did something quite different. After walking back and forth, and pausing to look out the window obviously thinking about something, he turned and just looked at us. Then he began to talk. "Increasingly in profes- 336 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 sional education, and commonly in seminaries, it is the practice to give the student enough training and adequate skills so that he can go about his work with competence and confidence. Here," he added, "we are trying to do some-thing fundamentally different. We are trying to provide you with a framework, conceptual and personal, within which you will be able to make sense of your own lives. Then we hope that you will be able to go out and help others do the same." And then, without further comment, he began his lecture. The difference between mastering a curriculum and making sense of life can also be seen as the difference between fitting into a world of someone else's design and establishing the moral and ethical parameters of your own world. I believe that this difference is also the difference between a skilled technician and a religious leader. 'Within the context of religious education it is the difference between accepting someone else's priorities for life and recognizing the need to establish your own, and ~oing this not as a duty but as a real, personal need. Professor Muscatine's statement, translated into the context of pastoral training and religious education, would say that specialization as a self-defini-tion has replaced religious and ethical probing as a means to self-definition. And skill training for ministry has replaced learning the art of making ethical judgments as the model for education itself. The second set of opposed values, passivity versus creativity, follows from the first. The individual learning technical skills begins his learning recognizing that what he wants is the possession of another, the mastery of a technique. What is of value, the particular skill or technique, is in someone else's hands, and the student works to gain what he does not yet have. The message communicated by the learning medium values the technical master's knowl-edge, not the student's lack of that knowledge. Life-purpose clarification, on the other hand, values the student's ability to probe and explore, and assumes that, here and now, he or she possesses creative abilities. In the process of trying to make sense of life all are equal participants. While some are further along in the attempt, and the teacher, in principle, has achieved some mastery of these human arts, all have the oppor-tunity to be creatively involved. The third set of opposed values is ethical reasoning versus affective moral intuitionism. Learning to reason ethically, as opposed to an affectively directed intuition of right and wrong, let it be said, is a supremely difficult task. Deciding what to do through a rational process of assessing the proper goals and the means to those goals is a far cry from deciding, based on feelings. In effect, it means abandoning a non-effort--intuiting right and wrong, based on how the individual feels about it--for the difficult effort of establishing internally coherent and systematically logical principles of human action. 1 submit that this is an effort of prime intellectual and personal asceticism. I believe that in our education for religious life and pastoral work we are institutionalizing affective intuitionism in the place of ethical reasoning, passiv- Withstanding Sunbelt Sectarianism ity in the place of creativity, and skill mastery in the place of life-purpose exploration. I am not so naive as to suggest that the replaced values were realized goals in the past. What I am saying is that they were stated values. Further, I believe that we are moving from these stated values to the newer ones in response to the influence of the current view of the Church as sect. We are living with a view of church in which it is effectively defined, as Professor Bellah describes it, as a voluntary association of believers. The difference between the two views can both be pictured and symbolized by the differing means of entry into each. In the Church seen as the body of Christ new members are baptized into a community of believers and become members of Christ. They are members in the root meaning of the word, a physical part of an organic body. In the Church seen as sect the new members make a decision for Christ, and are members in virtue of that decision. The membership is not organic as much as voluntary. The new values we are institutionalizing in our training for ministry and religious life fit comfortably within the definition of church as sect. They are at odds with the view of church as an inclusive body, the Body of Christ. The values being replaced fit comfortably within the view of church as Body of Christ. They do not fit within the functioning of a church defined as sect. There are obvious advantages to the view of the Church as sect. It draws clear lines between those who will live by its values and those who do not. So it is equipped to judge those who belong and those who do not. And in an age of clashing values, it helps to know who is with you and who is not. The function-ing of the Church as sect fosters clarity of values. Greys are washed out to the advantage of the stronger blacks and whites. There are also disadvantages. A church which distinguishes between the elect and the sinners will leave the sinners behind. Placing a value on the process of making that distinction will also surface a means to do so. Since the traditional theology of the church maintains that the distinction cannot be made, an extra-theological means will have to be found, like an affective in-tuitionism. And such systems, like a zealot's hunches, can prove unreasonable. The organic view of the Church, the Church seen according to the Pauline model of the Body of Christ, has many disadvantages. It is an inclusive Church, and an inclusive church is morally muddy. Combine this moral muddiness with the emphasis on moral decision making which I advocate, and which I admit is an art very difficult to master and beyond many people, and it can be a disheartening combination. It means that we will live beset by the suspicion that our moral decisions may not be definitive. But it is also quite possible that it is this very suspicion which has led religious leaders in the past to stress the importance of learning how to make ethical decisions. Technical skills can be mastered in a way that ethical decision ' making cannot. And this fact may lead some to see skill mastery as a more worthwhile goal than moral decision making. Our current education for reli-gious life and ministry seems to embody this view. But 1 would suggest that 3311 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 religious leadership can be,benefited more by an emphasis on moral decision making, an emphasis that is more at home in the Church seen as Body of Christ than in the Church seen as sect. NOTES I Jan. 22, 1982 2Dec. 3, 1982 The Coming Down ~Going up to Jerusalem . . ." I got used to-- There was such a dearness to it. A digging-in, yes-- A putting-t he-face-to-t he-wind . Going up to Jerusalem had its hardness. But, oh, the coming down . Coming down from Jerusalem The purpose is gone And even the trees forget their bareness and bloom again As if my journey had not been-- As if I did not leave my Love to the wind and the stars Under the snow--on a hillside . "Going up to Jerusalem." had its price, But, oh, the coming down (alone) Is beyond the counting . Sister Ann Maureen, 1.H.M. 11201 Academy Road Philadelphia, PA 19154 Jesuit, Catholic Higher Education: Some Tentative Theses Michael J. Buckley, S.J. Father Buckley gave this as a paper at the annual meeting of Jesuit academic vice-presidents in 1982. This year Father Buckley is Barman Scholar in Residence at the University of Santa Clara, on leave from the Jesuit School of Theology at Berkeley. Introduction In the pages that follow, 1 have tried to suggest certain reflections around the general and troubled topic of the Jesuit, Catholic university. I do so because 1 suspect that a central problem for many administrators of such institutions lies within the vagueness or even chaotic understanding of this governing issue: what it is that they are administering. What do you mean by a "Jesuit university"?. Is it basically the same sort of thing that any Catholic university is--something clear enough in purpose, however imperfect in reali-zation; but at the same time something variant, in that the Jesuit university is staffed in part by a different religious coterie and marked by a particular historical tradition, so that one speaks primarily about "Jesuit presence" when one talks about these institutions? Or are we talking about something that is radically different when we talk about a Jesuit university? Are we talking about a university with a cultural orientation and a peculiar set of emphases that make it profoundly different from other Catholic universities, granted any number of similarities among them all--differences and similarities which the administrator should be at pains to foster? Or is there something in between? When one assumes administration of such an institution, it is not unreas-onable for such questions to be asked. Especially in a university, there is a unique value in knowing what you are doing! 339 ~141~ [ Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 Appropriate as such a set of questions is, however, it presupposes too much. It presupposes that the content of "Catholic university" is itself already determined--a "cluster concept," at least, which all can recognize, agree upon, and discuss within. I think, though, that this presupposition is false. I think that "Catholic university" is as much of an ambiguity as "Jesuit university," and that many of the problems in understanding the latter stem from an incoherence in this more fundamental premise. Since that is my conviction, 1 have structured the theses of this article accordingly. 1 have first set down a series of statements which I think are true about Catholic universities in general, and then I have stated how I think these either have been or could be realized in the Jesuit university. The normal difficulties of such a task of description or definition are increased enormously for American Jesuits by a second fact, one which also touches the presuppositions for a series of questions on the nature of Jesuit higher education: American Jesuits are almost universally unaware of, or indifferent to some central foundational documents in their tradition. A strik-ing example of this was provided by a remark of Father George Ganss~ on the initial options posed byProject One:2 The second feature of Project One (Volume 4) which strikes this writer is the virtually total lack of references to or use of Part IV of Ignatius' Constitutions, the locus where he most succinctly, clearly and authoritatively enshrined his educational theory or rationale. That theory is his own application of the dynamic and apostolic world view towards which God led him . In Part IV of the Constitutions, he applied it to the formation of Christian persons in the secondary schools and universities which he founded and administered.3 In a subsequent discussion with Father Ganss, a prominent Jesuit educator remarked that the Fourth Part of the Constitutions was not only absent from the written reports of Project One, but from almost all of its discussions as well. It would be instructive, perhaps, to discover how many Jesuits have some knowledge of the characteristic elements which Ignatius placed in the Fourth Part of the Constitutions, as distinct from those which subsequent Jesuit educators specified in the Ratio studiorum.4 If Jesuits do not know the unique genius of their own origin in education, they cannot define a present stand for themselves in education by "dialoguing with their tradition." They are left to follow in their adaptations: (a) usages within their own memories and (b) the patterns and directions they find in American secular education. Perhaps the reason for the repeated failures of commissions, conferences and programs for Jesuit higher education is that these have represented individual or collective initiatives at particular periods, but initiatives without continuity with the organic development of the Society. Isolated from this continually evolving tradition, these initiatives lived briefly and died. Whatever be the accuracy of this reading of our present awareness of our Jesuit, Catholic Higher Education / :341 historical meaning, 1 have tried to formulate the theses of this article with one such central foundational document in mind--the most important document, in my opinion: the Fourth Part of the Jesuit Constitutions. 1 do so, not because 1 think that American Jesuits of the twentieth century can or should copy or repeat these individual provisions, but because these spell out in the concrete Ignatius' view of higher education. Perhaps by looking at what might seem, at first blush, quaint or antiquated, the contemporary Society could sketch more perceptively an outline of what it is about today and enrich its self-understanding by drawing from its tradition some of its unrealized possibilities. The difficulty of any de~nitional inquiry is that its language must be prescriptive as well as descriptive, i.e. it must say something about what this thing is to become as well as describe what it de facto is. Consequently, any discussion of the idea of a university will always suffer from the accusation of irreality. But the value of such prescriptive discourse is that it can present something of a vision of what the institution might become and a goal towards which human beings might marshall their efforts. Finally, these theses are insistently entitled tentative. They are my first attempt to do something along these lines, and I am anxious to obtain modifi-cations, corrections, and suggestions of alternatives. The value of the Renais-sance "thesis method" was that positions were laid down which reflected a serious judgment and were stated with a precision and in a common language which made discussion and disagreement possible. The liability of the thesis method was that it tended towards defensiveness, polemics, and inflexibility. Let me attempt to allow for these deficiencies by positing these theses as "exploratory," as being a number of statements that I think are true and which are stated as directly as possible in order to invite the reflections of the reader. Hence, to speak again from the customs of an earlier time: "salvo meliore iudicio . " 1. The Nature of a Catholic University Thesis 1: The problem of the Catholic university is falsely stated if it is framed as if this university and the Church were two distinct, though inter-connected institutions. Counterposition: Father Timothy Healy, S.J., in "Belief and Teaching," Georgetown Magazine (January-February, 1982), p. 3: How does the Church live within a university? How do the two institutions interact on common ground?. The Church also lives here [in a Catholic university] in two distinct ways: first, it leads its own life on our grounds; secondly, the Church joins in, shares and influences the life and the work of the university itself. Comment: Such an understanding does not do justice either to the historical nature of the Catholic university or to its intrinsic uniqueness. Father Healy's "two distinct ways" could describe the presence of the Church within any major secular society, such as the City of New York. Catholic universities, in 342 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 contrast, are institutions founded by the Church, supported by the Church, and oriented to a unique service of the Church. Such a university is "Catholic" in a way that no city or state could be. Thesis 2: The Catholic university cannot be defined simply as a university where there is a strong Catholic presence. Counterposition: Father Ladislas M. Orsy, S.J., "A Catholic Presence," Amer-ica, (5 April 1969), p. 397: A human institution is not transformed into a supernatural one; it simply offers an opportunity to persons with religious belief to share the life and the work of a university community--in freedom and sympathy that supports them . The quality and intensity of their presence will make its mark on the university . To have a Catholic university, then, means to have a Catholic presence at the university. Comment: The same cricitism could be offered of this understanding as of the first, with the added remark that it is actually a description of a secular university with an active and influential Newman or Catholic Faculty Club. Both this and the previous descriptions attempt to determine the Catholic university as being a university in which the Church is one important element. Thesis 3: The Catholic university cannot be described as Catholic simply through the activities of campus ministry, the presence of religious and Catholic lay faculty, and a requirement in religious studies. Counterposition: "Goals and Guidelines of the University of Santa Clara," January, .1979: If we are to honor our heritage, we must assure that Santa Clam remains a Catholic and Jesuit university in more than name only. We do this now in many ways: the activities of the Campus Ministry Office: the involvement of Jesuits and campus lay people in all areas of campus life: the presence of spiritual counselors in the dormitories; the com-mitment of men and women in the Christian Life Community to service of God and mankind; the exposure of all undergraduate students to courses in the Department of . Religious Studies; and the role of the Mission Church as both the symbol of Santa Clam's heritage and a dynamic focus of Christian activity. Comment: In this understanding, the purpose in the Church which the Univer-sity of Santa Clara is to serve is not articulated. Most of the presence of the Church is assigned to campus ministry and segregated off from the formally academic integration of the university and its more general intellectual life. The university exists for mental culture, but, aside from religious studies, Catholic reflection and theology are allotted no pervasive place within the development of such a culture. Thesis 4: The Catholic university is one form of the Church, one of the communities which are integral to the universal Church, as much a Catholic community as is the parish, the monastery, the family, a secular institute, a communidad de base, and a diocese. These differ radically among themselves, each having its own members, constitu-tion, government, origins and purpose. Jesuit, Catholic Higher Education / 3113 Comment: "Such an ecclesial origin of the university cannot have been fortui-tous. Rather it seems to express something more profound. But why does the Church need the university?. The reason for this need should be sought in the very mission of the Church. In fact, the faith which the Church announces is a tides quaerens intellectum: a faith that demands to penetrate human intelligence, to be thought out by the intellect of the human person. Not by placing it alongside what intelligence can know by its own natural light, but by permeating from within this same knowledge" (Pope John Paul II, "The Church Needs the University," March 8, 1982, L'Osservatore Romano, Eng-lish edition [3 May, 1982], p. 6). In the same address, the pope refers to these institutions as a necessity for the Church. Thesis 5: The Catholic university is that Catholic community in which the Church "strives to relate all human culture to the gospel of salva-tion" (Gravissimum Educationis, no. 8). This relationship is con-cretely to be realized both in the development of its students and in the advancement of this integral knowledge by its faculty. Another way of making this claim: "Secondly, the university is Catholic in its deliberate determination to render the Church this unique service: to be a forum where in utter academic freedom the variant lines of Catholic tradition and thought can intersect with the most complex challenges, contradictions and reinforcements of contemporary thought, moving towards a unity of world and Word, that all things be assimilated into the Christ. No other institution within human culture can render this critically important contribu-tion to the Christian community (as a whole), and without it the commitments of faith disintegrate into sectarian polemics whose only strength lies in their isolation from contradicting contact" (Michael J. Buckley, S.J., "The Catholic University as Pluralistic Forum," Thought 46:181 [June, 1971], p. 208). Comment: The Catholic university, then, essentially includes within itself the presence and the unique contribution of non-Catholics as well as the academic freedom which makes open discussion possible. Without the presence of vari-ant tradition it would be impossible that the Church could sponsor this rela-tion of the Gospel with "all human culture." Both Catholic and non-Catholic faculty have an appropriate contribution to. make to the advancement of the life of the Catholic university, and what is asked from faculty and students is not a particular credal affiliation, but that they be willing to enter into the conversations about those questions which constitute the formal academic character of the Catholic university (theses I 1 and 12 below). This integration of the Gospel with .culture demands especially the presence and contribution of non-Catholic Christians whose perspectives p~sh the radical questions about what Christianity really is, and what it really means, in the contemporary world. This means that the Catholic university is not the Church nor a microcosm of the Church nor even a community composed only of believers. Such a 3l~l~ / Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 university is, however, rather one modality or form which the Church in-ternally develops in order to reach its full stature, in order to become what it must be. It is an assimilative sub-community of the Church, i.e. one that assimilates into the reflection consequently upon the Gospel the vast pluralism of persons and persuasions representative of"all human culture,"a community whose institutional determination is to render to the Church universal this unique service. The autonomy of the Catholic university from controls that would be properly exercised over a diocese or a parish is essential. This academic freedom from external controls is essential not only for its authen-ticity as a university, but for that comprehensive, free discourse which alone can offer the Church serious, disinterested, and uninhibited inquiry. Thesis 6: Hence, the Catholic university as a unique Catholic community is, like any Christian communit.v, essentially sacramental, i.e. that community which, with historical continuity and tangible percepti-bility, makes present for all human beings now the realit.v of Christ drawing all human culture to himself. Another way of making this claim: It is in and through the Catholic university that the mission of Christ to draw all human culture to himself is given historical continuity and visibility in the twentieth century. Comment: The Catholic university is not a university in which the Church has a strong presence. The Catholic university is itself, and as a whole, a presence of the Church. Thesis 7: The manner in which this understanding of the university is mani-fested in the Jesuit Constitutions is by (1) stipulating that the entire college[university is a residence of the Society, i.e., the entire college/university is a Christian, religious community (Formula of the Institute (5), (8)," Const. 289)," (2) orienting both the schools of humane letters and of natural science to their integration with theology (446-452); (3) insisting upon the Christian service for which these studies are undertaken, often concretized as .future teaching, and generalized as "the glory of God and the good of souls" (Const. 440; 289-290; 351; 446; 622). Comment: This orientation towards service received striking expression by Ignatius on December I, 1551: From among those who are now merely students, some in time will depart to play diverse roles--one to preach and carry on the care of souls, another to government of the land and the administration of justice, and others to other occupations. Finally. since young boys become grown men. their good education in life and doctrine will be beneficial to many others, with the results expanding more widely every day (Monu-menta Historica Societatis lesu. Epp. Ign. IV. p. 9). II. The Administration of a Catholic University Thesis 8: The academic leadership or administration within a Catholic uni- Jesuit, Catholic Higher Education / 345 versity is essentially a religious ministry. By "religious ministry" is meant something quite specific, namely that it is the. responsibility of the administration that the sacramental finality of the Catholic university be realized: the integration of human culture and the Gospel. This ministry is intellectual leadership, but that does not make it less religious. It bears directly upon the intellectual service of God, a pervasive ministerium verbi (Ministry of the Word), in which the Word is translated into varying cultures, in which a more accurate understanding is gained by its encounter with and advancement of these cultures and in which a new synthe-sis is obtained between faith and all forms of knowledge. This ministerium verbi is the first ministry which the Formula of the Institute lists in its enumer-ation of Jesuit apostolic commitments. The universities have a unique function in this ministry: to advance and to synthesize the Gospel and all forms of human culture. Comment: Thus the president, the academic vice-president, the deans, the provost--whoever de facto preside over the life of the university have a pro-foundly synthetic religious leadership as their primary task. Their leadership is not "religious" as opposed to "academic" or intellectual"---that is precisely the dichotomy that the university is to deny. But it must be stated that if the leader of any Christian community--be it a Catholic university or parish or family or monastery or hospital--is not persuaded of the appropriately religious charac-ter of his or her leadership, then the community drifts into secularization. Thesis 9: The manner in which this understanding of university[college administration is manifested in the Jesuit Constitutions is by the insistence upon the personal religious character of its rector (423) and upon the religious quality of his leadership, with learning and Christian life placed as a single finality (424, 490). Comment: There are no grounds for asserting that separate incorporation removes the essentially religious nature of Jesuit university leadership. It is not the case that the division of functions between rector and president meant that one was religious and the other secular: The rector of the community is the religious leader of the Jesuit commu-nity, and his function is to govern it in such a way that it is Jesuit in its life and supports this apostolate to which it is committed. The president of the Jesuit university is the religious leader of the univer-sity, and his function is to administer it in such a way that its life promotes that intellectual and moral integration of all human culture with the Gospel which is its purpose. See Pedro Arrupe, S.J., "The Image of the Jesuit University President," (August 8, 1975) Documentation 27/2. III. The Formal, Academic Catholic Character of the Catholic University Thesis 10: The formal character of any" university is not constituted by the 346 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 elimination or by the presence ~f any particular discipline. Comment: A university, to be a university, should include whatever passes as serious and disciplined knowledge. The exclusign of theology from a particular university does not mean in itself that it has excluded religious commitment; per se it means that it has fallen that short of being a university. On the other hand, the presence of Catholic theology on a university campus does not necessarily indicate that the university is Catholic; it indicates that it is just that much more a university. Thesis 11: The formal, academic character of any university is constituted by the order of the questions which are entertained and by the kind of knowledge which is considered most worth having. Comment: One would not expect restrictions upon discourse and study at the University of California at Davis, or at MIT, or at the University of Santa Clara. But the priorities in the issues to be investigated or the knowledge considered either fundamental or most important will be different in these different institutions. This trait will constitute the difference among them. " Thesis 12: The Catholic academic character of a university will be constituted by the quality and the influence of its theology, i.e. by the depth, rigor, and thoroughness with which theological inquiry is con-ducted and by the integrating influence of theology upon all of the other disciplines taught in the university. A Catholic university is one in which Catholic theology acts as an architectonic wisdom, one which draws the arts and the sciences and the engagements of the professional schools into an ongoing conversation about pre-suppositions, consequences, and common themes. Thesis 13." The Constitutions exhibit this understanding of the Catholic aca-demic character of the university primarily in the principal empha-sis which they give to theology (446). Literature, natural sciences and philosophy are oriented to this theological wisdom: their study prepares the students for the serious engagement in theology; theology unifies knowledge into a single understanding of the world, into a wisdom; the orientation of all learning tends to the same end ultimately as theology (447-451). Comment: The place of theology given by the Constitutions of the Society of Jesus is really quite different from that allotted to it by, say, Newman's Idea of a University. In Newman, theology would be one element among others in a circle of knowledge which forms the "philosophical habit of mind." In Igna-tius, theology is the principal and governing discipline in which the humane letters and sciences reach their natural completion (446, 450). Thesis 14: The formal academic curriculum of a Catholic university must be sustained by the surrounding presence of a more general Catholic culture that makes the daily life of the university itself. Jesuit, Catholic Higher Education / 347 Comment: Examples of this "more general Catholic culture" would be found in the quality and seriousness of its worship, the character of its collective morality and social concerns, the pastoral care of one member for another, the seminars and general lectures which it fosters, the atmosphere of intellectual and religious interests, and so forth (see Const. 481-489). IV. Agents of Integration of Faith with Culture Thesis 15: Granted this integrating function as the primary work of the administration, the principal administrator must be aided in his responsibility by subordinate officials whose ministry it is to see that this integration permeates the intellectual life (the Academic Vice-President), the social life (Vice-President for Student Affairs), and the religious life of the university (the University Chaplain). Thesis 16: Such an integral view of the Catholic university can never be realized if "campus ministry" is only or principally composed of those who are not part of the academic community and who confine themselves to the ob.viously liturgical and pastoral en-gagements of the university, i.e. if campus ministry confines itself to a "sacristy" or even to an "activist "function. Thesis 17: "Campus ministry" should be that interdepartmental committee whose function it is to assist the president in some aspects of his religious ministry to the Catholic university, i.e. the integration of faith with culture/life. Such a staff or committee is necessary because too many of the possibilities for such an integration can-not be realized in the present departmental divisions: members of the various departments should be invited to become members of this interdepartmental staff, composed of the University Chaplain and members of the university faculty, and full-time staff members. These are some implications and possibilities envisaged by this thesis: 1. The head of "campus ministry" should be the University Chaplain of the school, with the rank of vice-president to assist the president in his general religious ministry of the integration of faith and culture. 2. The majority of the members of the "campus ministry" committee or staff would also be members of other departments and schools. 3. Areas of religious integration which are open to such a "campus ministry" would be for example: a. Sponsorship of a religious/academic bookstore which would be a cen-ter of regular discussions, lectures, and seminars on the integration of faith and culture. b. Introduction into the campus of the great range of prophetic and intel-lectual movements within the Church, such as the Catholic Workers, Charis-matics, liturgical groups, Pax Christi, Rural Life Conference, Christian Family Life, Jesuit Volunteers--for the possibilities both of critique and of assimila- 341~ Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 tion into the life of the university. c. Sponsorship of prolonged engagements in Christian service which would be planned, supervised and reflected upon for their Christian elements and which would be of such an academic quality that the theology department could recognize them as legitimate courses. d. Through the presence of campus ministry on various academic commit-tees, planning groups, and other representative bodies, a continual source of the questions about the integration between these plans or programs and the purpose of the university. e. Through their presence within placement offices, career planning and counseling centers, a challenge to the university community, that the teachers would understand their lives and the students plan their futures as vocations rather than simply careers,.i.e, as a way of life and service within the world which is a response to the call of God in their lives, rather than a positive evaluation of obvious and secularly justifiable options. f. Organization of a rich and full liturgical life, which embodies such possibilities as the Morning and Evening Prayer of the Church, a eucharistic liturgy which follows the variations and harmony of the liturgical year, a series of "university sermons," etc., and which so integrates the university as a whole at certain solemn occasions that it is the university, as this form of the Church, which is at prayer. Thesis 18: To act as an architectonic wisdom, Catholic theolog.v must be restored as an integral discipline, distinct both from the more gen-eral "religious studies "and from an eclectic amalgam of disparate courses in Scripture or ethics or spirituality. "Theology "is here understood as an inquiry into the natu~'e, influence and claims of God as revealed in Christ, and "religious studies "as an investiga-tion of the nature and varieties of religions or confessions which have emerged in human history. Comment: As the architectonic discipline which integrates and marks a Catholic university, theology should be in constant interchange with the other sciences and arts, with the other schools, studies, and activities of the univer-sity. Theology gains in content and in method in its encounters with other disciplines; the other disciplines are drawn beyond themselves into a general academic unity by their discussions with theology. What kind of presence or curriculum-order is necessary to obtain such a dialogue can only be deter-mined by experience, but it should be of such a character as (a) to maintain theology as a serious and systematic study and (b) to constitute it in a synthetic unity with all the other aspects of the university. Thesis 19: Thus both theology and "campus ministry" have an integrating function within the university. Everything within the university is the object of the theological faculty as it attempts to move towards a synthetic vision which is a Christian wisdom, and of "campus Jesuit, Cathofic Higher Education Thesis 21: ministry" as it attempts to introduce that vision into practice and expand it in areas not under the purview of various departments. The manifestation of the sacramental nature of the Catholic uni-versity, i.e., of the historical presence of Christ drawing all human culture to himself, is to be found in every aspect of the university: in the priorities among the questions investigated and in the knowl-edge thought essential," in the quality of the intellectual, moral and religious life on campus; in the criteria by which decisions are reached and investments made; in the kind of recruitment informa-tion, of students admitted, and of faculty hired, and so forth. The Jesuit community is that local community of Jesuits who both collectively and individually minister to this kind of university. How it does so would be the subject of another twenty theses,t NOTES ~The Reverend George E. Ganss, S.J. is the distinguished translator and editor of the English version of the Constitutions of the Society of Jesus. 2Project One was an attempt of the American Jesuits, initiated in 1973 and extending over the next four or five years, to identify and evaluate their goals and efforts in the apostolate of education. 3Project One, Volume #5, pp. 194-195. 4The Ratio Studiorum is the successively revised Jesuit plan of studies, an organization of curricula and of instructional methods rather than an exposition of educational theory. "What Should I Wear Today?" Thomas Ryan, C.S.P. Father Ryan is associate director of the Canadian Centre for Ecumenism. He is the author of Fasting Rediscovered: A Guide to Health and Wholeness for Your Body-Spirit and Tales of Christian Unity (Paulist Press). He may be addressed at the center: 2065 Ouest, Rue Sherbrooke; Montreal H3H IG6; Canada. I got up this morning and stood before my closet and asked: "What should I wear today?" Not so long ago the question felt like a helpful freedom; more and more it is feeling like a bother, and I frequently find myself resenting the loss of time and energy as I stand there in morning grogginess trying to answer the question. Where 1 live we probably face it more than would be the case elsewhere, yet Quebec is certainly not the only place in North America where the religious uniform has been traded in for secular dress. The history here is unique, but some of its consequences are shared with the rest of the continent. Some twenty years ago in a cultural revolution in Quebec, Canada, the Church was perceived to be too friendly with a government that had permitted the English to keep the key positions of economic influence and kept the French down on the farm. Both the Church and English economic dominance were thrown off like unwanted and resented yokes by the increasingly nationalistic French majority. Education and the university became the new place of worship and the leaders of the Parti Qubbbcois, the new high priests of the society. In the period of anticlericalism that followed, the French clergy traded in their clericals for ties and turtlenecks, and the sign of contradiction was reduced to a cross on a suit-coat lapel. "The anticlericalism was so pronounced," explained one sister who lived through it, "that at any public meeting we would go to, we were condemned by our apparent association with the Church before we even opened our mouths. We priests and sisters began dressing in 350 "What Should 1 Wear Today?"/ ~151 civies just to get a fair hearing and have what we were saying evaluated on its own merit." Among the English clergy in Quebec, there are enough "ties" or enough "collars" present to leave one genuinely feeling free in either direction. In other words, there is an unpressured climate for each person to sort through the value questions involved and make a choice, knowing the "tie" will not mean "radical" nor clericals mean "conservative." When I said jokingly to a confrere this evening that 1 was going to submit an article to REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS entitled "What Should 1 Wear Today?" he immediately responded, "Oh, you mean, 'Who am I going to see today?"' He was quite right, and that's part of what bothers me. When l'm going to be meeting with Orthodox clergy, I wear black. When l'm going to be meeting With Protestant clergy, ! wear a tie. When they're both going to be there, 1 find myself playing one off against the other in my mind in a kind of who's-more-important- to-me game. What I am uncomfortable with is that it's my projection of the other's reaction to me that guides the decision. Where are my own convictions in the matter? 1 was thrown back on that question because I caught myself feeling like l'd made the "wrong" (political, not moral) decision. One day I put on a suit and tie to speak at a clergy study-day in the neighboring province of Ontario. When I arrived and saw all the collars and religious habits I was reminded again of what a different world Ontario is from Quebec. "Are you a local minister?" (he meant Protestant) asked one clerically-attired person who turned out to be a permanent deacon. The irony was rich. So I asked myself on the way home, "What are your values on this question?" Some years ago I was in an identity group of seminarians as part of a training program for counselors at the Center for Religion and Psychiatry in Washington, D.C. We spent a few sessions on the question, "What does it mean for me to wear or not wear a collar?" It's certain that not all of the participants drew the same conclusions from those discussions, but the operating principle that evolved for me from our reflections was a variation of "The habit does not make the monk." Dress that identifies me as a religious person is a means. If it will be likely to help advance some pastoral situation, use it. If it is likely to get in the way (as may be the case on college campuses with university students), don't use it. During that formative period, the important thing seemed to be secure enough in my own identity that I didn't need the collar as a crutch. Satisfied that my identity as a priest and religious was anchored within, and not in what I wore without, I proceeded to live these past years with no consistent external mode of dress. Yet, the question is not settled with me. Where the above rationale breaks down is in the presumption that I can always accurately project which mode of dress will be a pastoral asset or liability. In our secularized society, there is a growing Catholic consciousness of our mission for evangelization. We are becoming more aware of the importance of each of us witnessing, according to 359 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 our occupation and way of life,to a faith-centered existence. This awareness is perhaps renewing our appreciation of sacramentals and their potential to be an occasion of reflection for the casual passerby. To the extent that a mode of dress conveys a religious meaning, it qualifies as a sacramental. On this question of sacramentals, Sacramentum Mundi notes that "the statements of the Constitution on the Liturgy point to an emphasis on their character as a sign. But they do not answer the fundamental question, whether the sacramentals are not part of a special religious world which may be outdated by. the present-day experience of existence in the world. This [question]. has particularly far-reaching consequences for the usage of the sacramentals and hence for their theology, which must concen-trate fundamentally on their apt and proper use . Religion must not be seen in purely transcendental terms or merely as a dimension in depth. It must be classified in the category of a sphere of religious manifestations . The difference between nature and grace, and between the present and the coming age, justifies the existence of an order of sacred signs which express and manifest this difference." The habit, the collar, the cross, have not lost their power to be a sign of transcendence or of contradiction, a symbol that casts a question. But I do not always have the courage or the desire to stand apart. Or sit apart, for that matter. When I'm on the bus, I've noticed people will generally not sit next to "a collar" if there's another choice. On a plane, where people don't know who they're choosing to sit next to, 1 often feel more-than-the-usual hesitancy on the part of the other to normal social discourse. Or the reverse happens and one finds oneself in a not-so-private counseling session. And on the street corner while waiting for the light, I try not to notice the out-of-the-corner-of-the- eye glances that indicate one is being coolly appraised: "Hmm! What is a young (median clergy age today: 50!), intelligent-looking (well, at least my sister says that my receding hair line makes me look more 'intellectual'), athletic (I confess: it is getting harder) person like that doing in the priesthood?" When 1 was living for a time with a family in France, the mother said to me one day, "If you catch our guests kind of staring at you sometimes, don't take it personally. It's just that for us a young priest is, well, a very curious beast." What I'm coming to recognize is that there's going to be a negative reaction on the part of some people whichever way one dresses, and a positive reaction on the part of others. Furthermore, the guideline, "What will help or hinder my pastoral effectiveness in any given situation?" seems more and more presumptuous to me. Who can ever really know what happens in the hearts and minds of people when they see a priest in his clericals? If presumptive guesses about what others want, will be pleased by, or will derive benefit from are unreliable, then what is there to guide me? My answer is: my desire to make my life an articulate sign of the gospel I am trying to live. I am closer now than 1 was five or seven years ago to seeing how religious symbolism in dress can be an effective concretization of that desire. But as long "' What ShouM I Wear Today?"/ 353 as religious garb is connected with actions or life-styles that do not clearly reflect gospel living (which will always be the case to some extent), clericals or a religious habit will never be an entirely reliable symbol of communication. Thus it is that my choice on any given day is made with a certain flexibility and tentativeness, and with a sense of its built-in limitations in either direction. I was recently in a conversation with a group of priests and one of them told a story on four of the others that illustrates the point. "When I met you at the port on the first stop of your Caribbean cruise, 1 was surprised to see you were all wearing clericals," said the recounter of the tale. "Ah yes," one of the four affirmed, "we were not pleased with the cabins we'd been given, so we were trying to influence the ship's captain." "And?" "Oh it worked quite nicely. For the rest of the trip we were given any available suite." That's why many of the priests in. Montreal have switched to ties and coats. But I wonder sometimes on the buses and subways and street corners whether anybody sees that little cross on their lapel, and I wonder if we're using all available means of witnessing to the presence of God in a society hungering for meaning and ready to respect people who stand for something. If you and I should meet, what will I be wearing? Well, I'll probably be wearing the question inside and wondering if I made the best choice that day! The Incarnation and Chariots of Fire Halbert Weidner, C.O. Father Weidner published an account of the spirituality of the Oratory in our issue of November, 1979. He continues to reside at South Carolina's Oratory, the mailing address of which is P.O. Box 11586; Rock Hill, SC 29370. The Liturgy of the Hours has been enriched with an appendix of poetry and among the most recent poets represented there are the remarkable British pair of Edwin Muir (1881-1959) and Kathleen Raine (born in 1908). Muir is a poet much admired by such different writers as T.S. Eliot and Thomas Merton. Kathleen Raine's work on William Blake remains current and widely read. Her poetry, autobiographies, and critical works have drawn much praise and attention. Both authors are religious writers in the most profound sense of the term and, as poets and pilgrims, have something to say to both believers and unbelievers. Muir is relatively unknown in this country despite a sojourn at Harvard and, with his wife Willa, being established as the first and most popular translator of Franz Kafka. Muir is not a consciously modern poet. In fact, his devotion to tradition and accessibility may put off the professional literati. Still, T.S. Eliot said of him: He was first and foremost deeply concerned with what he had to say--and by that l do not mean that his purpose was ever didactic or that he was striving to convey a "message." But under the pressure of emotional intensity, and possessed by his vision, he found, almost unconsciously, the right, the inevitable way of saying what he wanted to say.~ The best introduction to the poet is his own story, An Autobiography. He was born in the Orkney Islands, off the north coast of Scotland, and so is claimed by Scots. Muir himself says his native language was really a mixture of Incarnation and Chariots of Fire / 355 Norse, Scots, and Irish. Indeed, such words as creels (fishing baskets), bannocks (a fiat, unleavened bread), and byres (cow-sheds) are evenly woven into the narrative of his childhood. For Muir, the islands were not on the edge of the world, but were the "heart of civilization." The seasons nurtured each their own phase of an ancient culture. The Winter gathered us into one room as it gathered the cattle into the stable and the byre; the sky came close; the lamps were lit at three or four in the afternoon, and then the great evening lay before us like a world: an evening filled with talk, stories, games, music and lamplight? This winter time gave Muir his first introduction to poetry. The early ballads sung in the home came from an oral tradition about James V and Sir James the Rose. These songs were sung with full voice and personal confidence. Other ballads, late in the tradition, were "chanted in a literary way, in honor of the print in which they had originally come, every syllable of the English text carefully pronounced, as if it were an exercise."3 Spring carried the sacred rituals of breeding and killing--both aspects of farm life his mother tried to prevent him from seeing. He made sure, of course, that he saw both--though the activities of the bull and cow were not understood and the excitement was all in the activities of the men directing the affair. He did not, in the slaughtering, pity the animals, but somehow touched the terror and the need which were inextricably bound up in the process. "There was a necessity in the copulation and the killing which took away the sin, or at least, by the ritual act, transformed it into a sad, sanctioned duty.TM The spring, a series of vivid happenings, gave way to the summer, its opposite: a "motionless blue" in which "nothing happened." This nothingness demanded acceptance as the pivot marking the time of growth. This in turn gave way to the hard work of autumn and the feasts that defined the line between harvest and the winter. And so it went with each winter being favorite season of the farmer's child because it was the family time for play and song and story. The family religion was a fundamentalist Calvinism which combined early baptism with the stern demands for a later conversion and personal claim to being born-again. Muir's conversion, under severe pressure from his family, was sincere, but barely a prelude to his lapse from Christianity. His disbelief was, moreover, also the result of pressure. This time the strain came from the deaths of his parents and of two of his brothers when the family moved, in hopes of better employment, to the industrialized city of Glasgow. It was as if the Muir family in a few short years had been required to pay the price of the industrial revolution's whole century of devastation. "All that time," Muir remembered, "seemed to give no return, nothing but loss; it was like a heap of dismal rubbish in the middle of which, without rhyme or reason, were scattered four deaths.''~ The great city of free enterprise could not replace the agricultural community that once bridged birth and death with faith and ritual. As a young man forced out early on his own, Muir moved just south of 356 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 Glasgow to earn his living in what might have been the Checkpoint Charlie of hell: a bone factory. "The bones," he tells us, "decorated with festoons of slowly writhing, fat yellow maggots, lay in the adjoining railway siding and were shunted into the factory whenever the furnaces were ready for them." There was only one major problem: "There were sharp complaints from Glasgow whenever the trucks lay too long in the siding, for the sea gulls could gobble up half a hundredweight of maggots in no time, and as the bones had to be paid for by their original weight, and the maggots were part of it, this meant a serious loss to the firm."~ Thus necessity introduced the factory's most important ritual: a shotgun blast into the air over the trucks each half hour. It was in this atmosphere that Muir began a ferocious personal quest which included reading philosophy seriously. This led to Nietzsche and to a kind of socialism. He abandoned the tough Christianity of his family for a soft belief in "process." "Be hard' was one of Nietzsche's exhortations," Muir tells us, "but I was not hard enough to give up Nietzsche." Muir's hunger for ideas, as well as for communicating them, attracted the attention of A.R. Orage, editor of the New Age and a genius for gathering talented, left-wing, and sometime elitist writers. Muir had a high opinion of Orage, but a low one of his own work for him. Muir's column, "We Moderns," revealed, said Muir, that "whenever I hit upon a paradox which lay conveniently near the surface I took it for the final truth."7 Still, Muir was the rarest of twentieth-century beings: a non-university educated revolutionary. A marriage, "the most fortunate event of my life," led to a move into London for economic reasons. Eventually journalism and translation work allowed them the adventure of moving to Prague. This city became for them what Paris was for American expatriates: a city riding the crest of a billowing tradition and arriving at the edge of revolutionary changes. Now in his mid-thirties, Muir began writing poetry. "I had no training; 1 was too old to submit myself to contemporary influences; and I had acquired in Scotland a deference towards ideas which made my entrance into poetry difficult. Though my imagination had begun to work I had no technique by which I could give expression to it." He was a poet in the middle of life caught between a change in poetic consciousness. "There were the rhythms of English poetry on the one hand, the images in my mind on the other. All I could do at the start was to force the one, creaking and complaining, into the mould of the other."s In Muir's case, the distance provided by his experience of Prague as the far country, and some early psychoanalysis and dream work, led to a recovery of the childhood geography and the roots engendered there. If poetry incarnates meaning, as Muir believed, then this geography literally provided the ground for Muir's poems. He acknowledges this in his life's last poem: I have been taught by dreams and fantasies Learned from the friendly and the darker phantoms And got great knowledge and courtesy from the dead Incarnation and Chariots of Fire / 357 Kinsmen and kinswomen, ancestors and friends But from two mainly Who gave me birth? This healing recovery of his roots and reconcilation with much of his unconscious gave birth to his poetry at the very time that Europeans were destroying their past: "They were lost and on the road to greater loss, and ready to accept any creed which would pull their lives together and give them the enormous relief of finding, even under compulsion, a direction for their existence, whether it had a spiritual meaning or not.''~° Muir saw the political left and right taking over the violent spirit of his native country's religious past: they were like the old Scottish covenanters who went into battle with banners reading "Christ and No Quarter." During the time of no quarter, Muir returned to Britain and began his eight-year association with the British Council, an organization promoting British culture. Prior to the war, Muir's office in Edinburgh set up houses for refugees and introduced them to British life. During this time Muir wrote more poetry in the midst of administration and the central issues of the day than he had in previous and more solitary jobs. British Council work eventually led him to Rome and his first major encounter with cultural Catholicism. It was here that he had his encounter with the Incarnation: During the time when I was a boy I attended the United Presbyterian Church in Orkney. I was aware of religion chiefly as the sacred Word. but nothing told me that Christ was born in the flesh and had lived on earth. [But in Rome] that image was to be seen everywhere, not only in churches, but on the walls of houses, at cross-roads in the suburbs, in wayside shrines in the parks, and in private rooms. I remember stopping for a long time one day to look at a little plaque on the wall of a house in the Via degli Artisti, representing the Annunciation. An angel and a young girl, their bodies inclined towards each other, their knees bent as if overcome by love, "tutto tremante," gazed upon each other like Dante's pair; and that representation of a human love so intense that it could not reach farther seemed the perfect earthly symbol of the love that passes understanding.~ Before Rome, a friend had pointed out to Muir that he was Christian in his images and his metaphysics. It had not occurred to him, but he accepted it. What the encounter in Rome did for Muir was to support him in his conclusion that mystery was at the source of life, that it lived and touched us, incarnate in what were not "mere" symbols, but the final reality. Symbols, which Yeats said united the "sleeping with the waking mind," also unite us to each other and to the generating reality that cares for all, past and present. Incarnation was a delight and good news to Muir, for whom nothing airy and abstract could hold the truth: "A religion that dared to show forth such a mystery for everyone to see would have shocked the congregations of the north, would have seemed a sort of blasphemy, perhaps even an indecency. But here it was publicly shown, as Christ showed himself on the earth."12 In the conclusion to his autobiography, Muir anticipated the theologians of our time in their interest in the theology of story: ~1511 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 As I look back on the part of the mystery which is my own life, my own fable, what 1 am most aware of is that we receive it from the past, on which we draw with every breath, but also--and this is a point of faith--from the Source of the mystery itself, by the means which religious people call grace.~3 When we read of this mystery in Muir's poems, we are struck by the plain language. But the poems demand rereading before the light that comes from the depths of human experience begins to dawn. One poem in the Liturgy of the Hours is called "One Foot in Eden" and may be taken as an example. It is composed of twenty-nine short lines of ordinary words~ but in it Muir has communicated a highly developed reflection on the necessity of choosing experience over innocence and then given depth to the Easter cry of O Felix Culpa.t Muir's Eden is both a place of innocence which must be given up and an impossible Utopia which must not be succumbed to. The world outside Eden awaits a judgment for its failings, but also attention to its special value: Blossoms of grief and charity Bloom in these darkened fields alone. What has Eden ever to say Of hope and faith and pity and love. Strange blessings never in Paradise Fall from these beclouded skies.~4 The other poem in the Hours collection is "The Killing." In it there is a remarkably graphic description of death that reaches back to Muir's childhood memories of farmyard slaughters. Muir suggests in the poem that an incarnate God is not what people want, and they will kill in their disappointment. The Incarnation, rather than being an easy myth that a longing humanity desperately creates, is really an affront and a capital crime. The poem ends with the question of an agnostic, a stranger, who wonders if, in the very act of dying, an incarnate God crossed his path. The wonder is a real enough grasp of the mystery and a crack for grace to move through. Muir did not come to a church and an orthodox form of Christian faith. But his insistence that meaning can only reach its fullness in the real world of flesh and blood, and his embrace of the world in beautiful language can certainly help us ordinary Christians to remain orthodox. Muir's acceptance of limits and his belief in their necessity so that there can be both definition and a grace that can take hold is a challenge to any spirituality that wishes to escape the human condition. This poet from the North Sea islands could, then, help us to purify and enrich the language of our prayer and our pulpits and lead us to embrace, and be embraced by the Word made flesh. Kathleen Raine If Muir i~ the poet of the Incarnation, Kathleen Raine writes of the Transfiguration. She is a pilgrim like Muir and now a stranger to orthodox Christianity though she had joined the Catholic Church for some years. She presents an interesting problem. Her experiences have led her to believe more rather than less, and so she moved away from Catholicism: Incarnation and Chariots of Fire / 359 To me it seemed absurd to find one aspect of a total symbolic event less acceptable than other parts: mythical events (so I thought) are not to be verified (did they or did they not take place) but rather to be understood, as is poetry. If anything, I still continued to find the Christian myth, as comparett with the pagan richness of symbol, too meagre, and welcomed any addition.~5 She means here, of course, no denigration of the Christian faith by calling it poetry and myth. For her, the truths of existence cannot be expressed any other way. This is a position that she fought to get to and promote all her life. To get to it, she had to overcome the assaults of a narrow Christian upbringing and an even narrower philosophy at Cambridge University where she studied science. Writing of the Christian poet Vernon Watkins, who came to Cambridge at about the same time, Raine says: "Years later Vernon Watkins wrote a ballad on Abram and Sodom; but at the time acted like Lot and quickly left a town past praying for. He was not deceived by the prestige of ignorance in high places."~6 The scientific materialism prevailing in the university spilled over into a Marxist politics in one direction and into an analytically dry and thin literary criticism in the other direction. While at Cambridge, Raine began to write poetry that was in a romantic and mystic vein, twin heresies, which Cambridge literary leaders tried to tear out. She did have two great privileges in her time in the scientific Sodom. She was in the audience when Virginia Woolf came to read her manifesto for feminists, A Room of One's Own, and, because he was unpopular and unread there, she discovered T.S. Eliot on her own. Kathleen Raine's poetry is obviously based on her experience of the sacred, and in her three autobiographies, she is plain about some of these ecstatic and enlightening encounters with nature. What is reassuring to Christians is that her hints of the transcendent are not limited to impersonal experiences, but are also to be found in encounters with other people. What is constant in both is her belief that poetry and imaginative truth are intimately related in both experiences of nature and persons. Her devotion to the imagination as a voice and a revelation echoes a favorite quotation from William Blake, whose works Raine has really helped to make popular in our own century. Blake tells us: If the Spectator could enter in these Images in his imagination, approaching them on the Fiery Chariot of his Contemplative Thought . . . or could make a Friend and Companion of these Images of wonder, which always intreat him to leave mortal things (as he must know), then would he meet the Lord in the Air, then he would be happy.~6 Raine quotes Bede Griffiths, now a monk in a Christian ashram in India, to the effect that "the function of art is. to evoke the divine presence."17 She not only quotes the insight, she believes and preaches it fervently in her criticisms of much modern literature. Materialism and naturalism, she says, betray the material and the natural. She believes that the peasant had it right when he answered the question, "How can bread be God?" by replying, "What else would it be?" Of course, the difficult side to Raine is the superfluity of belief. She 360 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 remembers with joy the seriously considered polytheism of her old friend and Nobel prize winner, Elias Canetti. He told her, "If I believed in one God, I should be obliged to hate him." He would, she says, "rather watch supernatura supernaturans than relegate the supreme gods of all the ages from gold or stone to iron and the machine, to the ethnological section of any museum, or the files of case-histories."~8 Perhaps Cardinal Newman's dictum that the superstitious are infinitely closer to the truth than the rationalists might help us understand Raine's extremism. Extreme or not, in the poem "Word Made Flesh" is captured some of Raine's ability to convey an experience that uses Christian symbols well, even if they spill outside of Christianity. "Word" is described over and over in eight short stanzas: "Word whose breath is the world-circling atmosphere. Word traced in water of lakes. Word inscribed on stone. Grammar of five-fold rose and six-fold lily, Spiral of leaves on a bough, helix of shells. Instinctive wisdom of fish.and lion and ram. Flash of fin, beat of wing, heartbeat, beat of the dance." And finally: Statement of mystery, how shall we name A spirit clothed in world, a world made man?~9 The descriptions are all authentic application of the word or "logos," and challenge the Christian to find a more beautiful poetic expression of the Cosmic Christ of I Corinthians 15:28. Another test of authenticity is Raine's real ability to conjure the evocative power of language, not in the mechanical control of formula or the mystification of gibberish, but in the power which comes from the choice of images that resonate with the inner nature of things around us, including all and excluding nothing. One of the poems in the Liturgy of Hours comes from the 1952 collection called The Year One. The book title comes from a friend who said the historical applied only to humans and their toil because for nature "it is always the year one." The title of the poem is Northumbrian Sequence IV. Northumbria is a border county of wild weather, moors merging into seascapes and the site of Hadrian's wall built by the Roman emperor to keep out the barbaric Scots. The poem offered as possible food for prayer begins: Let in the wind Let in the rain Let in the moors tonight. The storm beats on my window-pane, Night stands at my bed-foot, Let in the fear, Let in the pain, Let in the trees that toss and groan, Let in the north tonight. The evocation continues to the heart of the matter: Let in the nameless formless power That beats upon my door. Incarnation and Chariots of Fire / 361 Let in the ice, let in the snow, The banshee howling on the moor, The bracken-bush on the bleak hillside, Let in the dead tonight. The poem continues to link individual aspects of nature with even more powerful figures symbolic of various dark sides of humanness. Then there is a question and a short response: Oh how can virgin fingers weave A covering for the void, How can my fearful heart conceive Gigantic solitude? How can a house so small contain A company so great? Let in the dark, Let in the dead, Let in your love tonight. The answer must be a gentleness and pity that understands the immensity of the forces at hand and does not shrink from them: Gentle must my fingers be And pitiful my heart Since 1 must bind in human form A living power so great, A living impulse great and wild That cries about my house With all the violence of desire Desiring this my peace. Whether an interior demand of self or of others, here is a promise of a presence that cannot be articulated or tamed, but is full of promise. The poem concludes with this stanza: Let in the wound, Let in the pain, Let in your child tonight. This conclusion is at once crushing and comforting: the alien forces so powerful, so destructive, so all-inclusive are nevertheless one child to us in need of father-mother. These forces, these other presences are not us, and yet are as close to us as possible, and so we need to claim them. The spell Raine invokes brings them home as one child. As in Muir, the acceptance of all promises pain. Raine is, in fact, afraid of anything that would take away the pain: "Buddhism;" in her view, ~"offers'release from suffering;~C- hristianity the Cross, heavy with all the anguish of the world, to be lived arid known as the very heart of a Mystery. I wished to understand that mystery, not to be freed from it."~0 In the other poem to be found in the Hours, we read: Sorrow is true for everyone--a word That illiterate men may read By divining in the heart God's human name, and natural shroud. 369 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 In that last image, perhaps we have the echo of the hard-won wisdom of another woman of sorrow, Cornelia Connelly, who saw in "accepted suffering" that "one simple remembrance of his presence that unwraps all the windings of the heart and makes us true as he is true." Kathleen Raine's poetry is grounded in earthliness and suffering, but she also sees more burning bushes than we do, and she seems to be constantly taking off her shoes in awareness of the sacred and the spiritual. She is a reminder to those with other vocations about the nearness of the transcendent and how the Word evokes its presence in a terrible beauty. NOTES ~T.S. Eliot, Preface to Selected Poems by Edwin Muir, London, 1965, p. 10. 2Edwin Muir, An Autobiographov, London, 1980, pp. 30-31. 3Ibid., p. 30. 4Ibid., p. 36. ~lbid., p. 104. 61bid., p. 130. 7Ibid., p. 151. Slbid., p. 205. 9Edwin Muir, Selected Poems, p. 96. ~°An Autobiography, p. 229. ~lbid., pp. 277-278. ~21bid., p. 278. ~31bid., p. 281. ~4Selected Poems, p. 80. ~SKathleen Raine, The Land Unknown, New York: 1975, p. 183. ~6Kathleen Raine, Defending Ancient Springs, London: 1967, p. 55. tTQuoted in Kathleen Raine, The Lion's Mouth, London: 1977, p. 25. ~81bid., p. 49. ~gKathleen Raine, Collected Poems: 1935-1980, London: 198 I, p. 20. ~°The Land Unknown, p. 188. Currents in Liturgy Notes on Liturgy Everett A. Diederich, S.J. Father Diederich has been professor of liturgy at St. Louis University School of Divinity and at Weston Jesuit School of Theology. He is presently an associate pastor at St. Francis Xavier Church; 3628 Lindell Blvd.; St. Louis, MO 63108. I want to offer a service in the area of liturgy to the readers of the REVIEW by furnishing them with a survey of current literature not easily accessible to them. I intend to focus on issues which are likely to be of greatest interest, namely, those dealing with the relation of present day liturgical practice to the forming and nourishing of Christian piety and spirituality. In the present survey in addition to calling attention to the themes of the national and international liturgical meetings of 1983 about which I have information at this writing, I have focused on articles and books dealing with concerns which have arisen around what I might call our post-conciliar, popular eucharistic practice and interior spirit. Unless I have overlooked some significant articles, I found in my reading that almost all the articles on the Eucharist were something of a critique of present popular eucharistic practice and theory, sometimes imply-ing, sometimes stating explicitly that it is somewhat unbalanced. By way of introduction to the survey of the articles on the Eucharist, I have summarized current evaluations of the overall liturgical reforms and their effect. I have also included a very brief, perhaps overly simplified sketch of the eucharistic piety and practice of the last one hundred years. National and International Liturgical Meetings of 1983 December 4, 1983, will mark the twentieth anniversary of the Constitution 363 364 / Review for Religious, May-June, 1983 on the Sacred Liturgy. This has set the spirit for some of our national liturgical meetings. From April 19-22, 1983, the Sixth Annual Pastoral Musicians' National Convention took place in St. Louis, Missouri. The title given to the convention was, "Remembering Into the Future." It was intended to help ". musicians and clergy of the United States and Canada to step back and look at the past twenty years--the changes, controversies, and developments of the American musical scene" (quoted from the program). A special feature of the program was a survey of the history of American liturgical music for the last twenty years, with presentations in five different sessions by a liturgist and a musician. The Notre Dame Liturgical Conferences are well-known for their uniform high quality presentations. The Twelfth Annual Conference, June 13-16, 1983, has as its theme, "Renewal! Perspectives on Twenty Years of Liturgical Change." Boston College is sponsoring a National Liturgical Consultation, June 19-22, 1983, with participation by invitation only. "The purpose of our meeting, expressly called a "Consultation," is to appraise the present liturgical situation in the light of (I) the pioneering efforts of the "40s and '50s, (2) the directives of Vatican 11, and (3) the experience of the last twenty years, with an eye to those measures that might be adopted in the immediate future" (from the program). The names of 16 participants appear on the pages sent with the program. It promises to be an important gathering, with a significant number present who were involved in those "Pioneering efforts of the '40s and '50s." The theme of the International Congress of the Societas Liturgica, August 18-22, 1982, in Vienna, Austria, is "Liturgy and Spirituality." When the topic for the 1983 Congress was discussed in Paris in 1981, the need was expressed for greater prayerfulness in our liturgical celebrations. We need to identify the spirituality of the liturgy because, "Spirituality, the life of grace in those who seek to live anew in Christ, finds communal expression in patterns of worship, ministry and service--in a word, in liturgy . In short, worship and piety, liturgy and Christian life.are tightly interwoven" (quoted from the program for the Congress). The 1983 Synod of Bishops is not a liturgical meeting, but its topic should have important consequences for the liturgy. The topic is, "Reconciliation and Penance in the Mission of the Church." The Synod Secretariat at the Vatican sent out a kind of working paper to all the bishops on the theme and invited the national bodies of bishops to reply to some questions which were enclosed. The paper deals explicitly with sacramental penance but does this within the broad context of the Church's mission of reconciliation. We can expect a good bit of writing on the topic after the Synod.~ It is clear from the themes of the national meetings that there is a strong pastoral urge to evaluate our experience of the liturgical reforms, We remember the vision given us through the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy. Notes on IJturgy / 365 The active participation at which it aimed is now in place in all the major sacramental rites of the Church. The changes have given us a new house of prayer. At least it has been renewed, remodeled, and rehabilitated. The ques-tion in the minds of many is whether the post-conciliar liturgical reforms are really renewing the Church. We were very optimistic that it would twenty years ago. We had hoped that the renewal of the liturgy would be the renewal program for the whole Church. Now the existence of so many different renewal programs in parishes in our country makes us doubt that it was. A possible answer, of course, is that we are not giving enough energy and effort to the liturgy. In 1980 the NCCB Committee on Parish Development reported to the U.S. bishops. The Committee stated, "The central responsibility of parish leadership is worship and the spiritual development of the people . In spite of this, the parish activity least often directly addressed in the parish development programs we have reviewed is liturgy . It appears that we do need to adopt a more direct approach to the development of liturgy and preaching."z Pope John Paul II still thinks that liturgical renewal should renew the whole life of the Church: "A very close and organic bond exists between the renewal of the liturgy and the renewal of the whole life of the Church" (Letter to All the Bishops of February 24, 1980). The Societas Liturgica Congress should be a stimulus to all liturgists to take a second look at how the promoters of the liturgical movement in the first decades of our century tried to make the celebration of the liturgy the primary and indispensable source of the true Christian spirit, as St. Pius X said that it was. His pastoral judgment that active participation in the liturgy is the pri-mary and indispensable source of the true Christian spirit, spoken near the beginning of his pontificate, November 22, 1903, has proved to be the most durable of all authoritative pastoral judgments made about the liturgy. It inspired the beginning of the liturgical movement in 1909. It seems to challenge us still. The theme chosen for the Societas Liturgica Congress bears this out. Evaluation of the Liturgical Reform There has been a significant trend in the liturgical journals during the last ten years to evaluate the ongoing experience of the liturgical reform. An Italian liturgist, Domenico Sartori, C.S.J., has done us the great service of making a brief summary of each of these evaluations.3 After summarizing them he identifies their converging points. First, he says that the writers agree that the enthusiasm and pastoral fervor with which the reforms were received in their first stages has waned and that now we find a certain weariness, routineness, and even downright regression in the communities which have implemented the reforms. Secondly, all are basically positive in their evaluation of the reforms themselves. There is convergence around what their positive elements are. These are the emphasis given in the reforms to salvation history and to a dialogical conception of the liturgy, to its ecclesial dimension, to the principle of adaptation, and to the relationship between faith and sacrament. They also ~166 / Review for