Suchergebnisse

Poslednjih decenija, u okviru širih kritičkih preispitivanja osnova arheologije, posebno u literaturi na engleskom jeziku, objavljen je niz radova koji ukazuju na genezu i teorijski okvir u kojem su nastali pojedini ključni koncepti unutar discipline. Sama osnova arheologije tako je smeštena u kulturni, politički i ideološki kontekst zapadne Evrope kraja XVIII i početka XIX veka. Na drugoj strani, ova strategija izučavanja prošlosti krajem XIX veka postala je deo akademskog života i u drugim sredinama (na primer, u Srbiji), gde su okolnosti bile sasvim drugačije. Pa ipak, osnovni koncepti preneti iz svog originalnog konteksta, nužno su pretrpeli transformacije i potom primenjivani sa dugotrajnim posledicama. Stoga je istraživanje istorije arheologije u različitim lokalnim sredinama značajno ne samo za same te sredine, već i za razumevanje društvene uloge i značaja arheološkog istraživanja uopšte. ; Over the last decades, in the framework of the wider critical reassessments of archaeological theory and practice, especially in the English-speaking literature, a number of writings have been published, pointing to the origins and theoretical background in which some of the basic concepts of the discipline were developed. The very essence of archaeology has thus been situated into the cultural, political and ideological context of Western Europe at the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th century. On the other hand, by the end of the 19th century this strategy of study into the past has become a part of the academic life in other contexts (such as Serbia), where the general circumstances were utterly different. However, the basic concepts were transferred from their original setting, inevitably undergone transformations, and then applied with long-lasting consequences. Therefore, the importance of the study of the history of archaeology in various local settings surpasses local concerns, but contributes to deeper understanding of the social role and importance of archaeological research in general.

Imajući u vidu aktuelno prevazilaženje dihotomije nacionalno/demokratsko i nedavni delimični zaokret u politikama podsticaja EU i Saveta Evrope u Republici Srbiji od upravljačkih ka kulturno legitimnim elitama, u radu se, na osnovu prethodnih analiza i prilagođavanja identitetskih politika EU, preporučuje novo polje primene etnologije i antropologije. Razmatra se osnova neutemeljene predstave o Evropi kao o okviru u kojem nacionalni identiteti i kulturno nasleđe slabe, pa i nestaju. Ukazuje se na činjenicu da je EU najveći globalni identitetski potrošač, s posebnim naglaskom na mogućnosti koje to donosi u pogledu očuvanja nacionalnih identiteta i kulturne baštine građana Republike Srbije. Etnolozi i antropolozi mogu da se uključe u ovaj proces ne samo profesionalno kao istraživači ili privatno kao politički akteri, već i na polju primene nauke, pomažući kulturno legitimnim elitama da prepoznaju da je zaštita nacionalnih identiteta i kulturnog nasleđa u međunarodnim budžetskim okvirima lukrativan, održiv i efikasan način očuvanja interpretativnog suvereniteta, i to posebno u vremenima krize nacionalnih budžeta. Budući da su profesionalno obučeni za konsalting u domenu identitetskih pitanja, profesionalni etnolozi i antropolozi u prilici su da, obema stranama u procesu evropskih integracija, konkretizuju veliki potencijal daljeg preusmeravanja podsticaja ka kulturno legitimnim elitama. ; Leaning on contemporary transcendence of the national/democratic dichotomy in Serbian public sphere and the recent turn from governmental to cultural elites in the incentive policies of the EU and the European Council directed at the Republic of Serbia, the paper recommends a new field of application of ethnology and anthropology, based on previous analyses and modifications of identity policies of the EU. The foundation of the baseless idea of Europe as a framework in which national identities and cultural heritage are weakened or even disappear is considered, and the fact that the EU is the largest global consumer of identity is pointed out, along with the possibilities this brings to the domain of maintaining the national identity and cultural heritage of the citizens of Serbia. Ethnologists and anthropologists can participate in this process not only professionally, as researchers, or privately as political actors, but also in the domain of the application of science, helping culturally legitimate elites recognize that the 'protection' of national identities and cultural heritage within the confines of an international budget is a lucrative, sustainable and efficient way to maintain interpretative sovereignty, especially in times of crisis for national budgets. As ethnologists and anthropologists are professionally trained in for consultancy within the domain of identity issues, they are in the unique position to point both sides in the process of European integrations toward the huge potential of further redirecting of incentives toward culturally legitimate elites.

European Union (EU) is fostering the quintuple helix approach as it recognizes sustainable development and innovation as important development priorities. The quintuple helix represents a new framework which includes new knowledge, more stakeholders with sustainable development at its center. The EU has put in place different policy measures, regulations and funds to support designing and implementation of innovation strategies and sustainable development in all Member States. The objective of this paper is twofold as it includes identifying key features of helix innovation model and its evolution over time, and exploring EU efforts to transform to the quintuple helix system. The purpose of this paper is to explain the new context of development where innovation and sustainability should be considered as key elements. Using the example of the European Union, this paper studies policies and measures that the EU has put in place in order to support innovations as well as inclusive, smart and sustainable development, which are significant parts of the quintuple helix approach. ; Europska unija (EU) aktivno promiče pristup peterostruke uzvojnice prepoznajući održivi razvoj i inovacije kao važne razvojne prioritete. Potreban je novi razvojni okvir koji bi uključivao nova znanja, više dionika i mjere za održivi razvoj. EU je donijela različite mjere i propise te uspostavila fondove za podršku dizajniranju i provedbi strategija poticanja inovacija i održivog razvoja u svim zemljama članicama. Cilj ovog rada je dvojak te uključuje identifikaciju ključnih značajki inovacijskog modela uzvojnica i njegov razvoj, te istraživanje napora EU za transformaciju prema peterostrukoj uzvojnici. Svrha ovog rada je objasniti novi kontekst razvoja u kojem inovativnost i održivost treba smatrati jednim od najvažnijih elemenata. Koristeći primjer Europske unije, ovaj rad proučava politike i mjere koje je EU poduzela kako bi podržala inovacije kao i inkluzivan, pametan i održiv razvoj, a koji su okosnica modela peterostruke uzvojnice.

Innovation is the renewal and enlargement of the range of products, services and the associated markets; the establishment of new methods of production, supply and distribution; the introduction of changes in management, work organization, and the working conditions and skills of the workforce. An innovative approach means to raise competitiveness through constant improvement of products, processes and services and organization, methods and structure. Innovation is a challenge for every business and every sector, particularly those exposed to international competition in the domestic and export markets. Innovation system is the range of actors - government, financial, educational, labor market, science and technology organizations - which provide the context within which enterprises undertake innovation. This paper presents analyze of some parts of Serbian innovation system and its reflection to the water management. ; Inovacije podrazumevaju obnavljanje i širenje dijapazona proizvoda, usluga i njihovih tržišta; uspostavljanje novih načina proizvodnje, nabavke i distribucije; uvođenje promena u način upravljanja, organizaciju rada, uslove za rad i veštine radne snage. Inovativni pristup znači povećanje konkurentnosti konstantnim usavršavanjem proizvoda, procesa i usluga, kao i organizacije, metoda i struktura. Inovacije predstavljaju izazov za svaki poslovni poduhvat i svaki sektor, a pogotovo za one koji su izloženi međunarodnoj konkurenciji i na domaćem i na međunarodnom tržištu. Inovacioni sistem čine različiti akteri - vlada, finansijsko tržište, tržište obrazovanja, tržište rada kao i naučne i tehnološke organizacije, koji obezbeđuju kontekst u okviru koga preduzeća stvaraju inovacije. Ovaj rad predstavlja analizu nekih delova inovacionog sistema u Srbiji i njegovu refleksiju na upravljanje vodama.

For an artist at the earliest stages of his career, accumulating a stock of knowledge and skills can become the most important basis from which he or she might expect a higher income or ranking on the art market in the future. These investments can be seen as the direct costs of higher education in art, which together with other costs make a significant corpus of investment for the artist, from which some future return may be expected. According to the renowned theoretician of economy Ruth Towse, such investment can also be considered as a "percentage of personal income," which can be understood as compensation for any interest that the artist would have realized in case he had effectively converted such investment into savings or invested in something else. Thus, the indirect costs of investing in art education are all those that we can consider as earnings that were missed during the training period, or period of knowledge accumulation. In this case, theorists will agree that such investment may be considered as an opportunity cost, which would have been compensated had that time been used for work, that is, invested in earning rather than learning. Therefore, in this paper, based on these dichotomy contributions, we will build on the general views of the contract theory as proposed by Richard E. Caves on the negotiating position of the artist, which in most cases constitutes an "incomplete contract" that cannot compensate for all the costs of art education and later the price and market value of his or her work. The need to pay special attention to this topic in the new conditions of political economy arises from a rather dominant and hypostatic form of cognitive capital on the one side, and the neoliberal model of cultural policy on the other. ; Stvaranje zaliha znanja i vještina za umjetnika u najranijim fazama njegovog razvoja može da predstavlja najznačajniju osnovu s koje u budućnosti može očekivati veći dohodak ili ranigiranje unutar nekog umjetničkog tržišta. Ta ulaganja moguće je sagledati kao neposredne troškove visokoškolskog umjetničkog obrazovanja koje povezano sa ostalim troškovima čine značajan korpus investicija umjetnika od kojih se, u perspektivi, može očekivati povraćaj uloženog. Po riječima ugledne teoretičarke ekonomike kulture, Rut Tausi [Ruth Towse], takvo se ulaganje može nazvati i "lična stopa prinosa" koja se može razumjeti kao nadoknada eventualne kamate koju bi umjetnik ostvario da je kojim slučajem takvu investiciju efektivno pretvorio u štednju ili investirao u nešto drugo. Na drugoj strani, posredni troškovi ulaganja u umjetničko obrazovanje su svi oni koje možemo smatrati propuštenom zaradom koja nastaje u toku perioda obuke umjetnika, odnosno perioda akumulacije njegovog znanja. U takvom slučaju teoretičari će se složiti da se takva investicija može smatrati oportunitetnim troškom koji bi mogao biti nadoknađen da je to vrijeme bilo iskorišteno za rad, odnosno za prihodovanje, a ne za obrazovanje. Stoga ćemo u ovom radu na osnovu ovih dihotomijskih priloga pokušati da nadogradimo opšta stanovišta teorije ugovora Ričarda E. Kejvsa [Richard E. Caves] o pregovaračkoj poziciji umjetnika koja u većini slučajeva predstavlja "nepotpun ugovor" kojim se ne mogu kompenzovati svi troškovi umjetničkog obrazovanja te kasnije cijene i tržišne vrijednosti njegovog rada. Potreba da se ovoj temi posveti posebna pažnja u novim uslovima političke ekonomije nastaje iz jedne prilično preovladajuće i hipostazirane forme kognitivnog kapitala na jednoj i neoliberalnog modela kulturne politike na drugoj strani.

U radu se analiziraju politička stajališta reformskih političkih elita u Srbiji i Hrvatskoj o ključnim pitanjima unutarnjega razvoja Jugoslavije početkom 1970-ih. Oba republička partijska rukovodstva stupila su na političku scenu u zenitu jugoslavenske reformske orijentacije i vala liberalizacije nakon Brijunskoga plenuma. Nova generacija srpskih i hrvatskih komunista zasnivala je svoje reformske programe na idejama demokratizacije i emancipacije jugoslavenskoga samoupravnog socijalizma. Borba za novi koncept Jugoslavije, tržišnu privredu, reformu Saveza komunista Jugoslavije i liberalizaciju društva povezivala je političke elite Zagreba i Beograda. Međutim, neriješeni odnosi u federaciji, skupa s porastom nacionalizma i snažnim otporom partijskih konzervativaca, određivali su krajnje domete suradnje reformskih snaga i perspektive razvoja demokratskoga i tržišnoga socijalizma u Jugoslaviji. ; This paper examines the relations between the two largest Yugoslav republics, Serbia and Croatia, through the political orientation of their leading reformist structures in the period from when they came to power in late 1968 to the forced resignation of the Croatian leadership in December 1971. Starting from the common strategic goals of the reform-oriented leaderships of Marko Nikezić and Savka Dabčević Kučar, the relations of official Belgrade and Zagreb fluctuated from alliance based on common interests, compatible constitutional and market goals, mutual defence from the arbitrary actions of the federal political centre, the need to expand the reformist base in society, the operationalisation of 'clean slate' politics, and a desire for the further liberalisation and democratisation of Yugoslav self-governing socialism to misunderstandings regarding the decentralisation of financial capital, different political methodologies, and different approaches to Tito. From the Tenth Session of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia to the Seventeenth Session of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, Marko Nikezić's leadership showed a much higher degree of understanding for the political challenges that were coming from the reformist political leadership in Zagreb compared to the conservatives in Belgrade, who expected that Serbia would return to the role of the key 'guardian' of Yugoslavia. Still, a change in the political course took place when Tito, using the principle of 'democratic centralism', decided to defend the decentralised state through a recentralised, monopolist party. Reformist advocates of a more decisive modernisation of Yugoslav socialism were stigmatised as a disruptive factor. For this reason, at the Twenty-First Session of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in Karađorđevo, Nikezić's leadership remained alone in its disagreement with the forcible removal of leading figures of the Croatian Central Committee, knowing that the suppression of the Croatian Spring would open the way towards a permanent change of course and the re-Stalinisation of political conditions in the country as well as the complication of Croatian-Serbian relations in the future.

This text is analyzing the use of theoretical approaches to the process of Europeanization, especially the rational choice institutionalism and normative institutionalism, on example of Serbia. The whole process of Europeanization is set in the context of wider process of European integration of the Western Balkans region, and the text is reveiling the deepest interests, which guide the European Union and Serbia in this very process. This approach to the process of Europeanization shows the characteristics of the Serbian path towards EU, and a special attention is paid to the political conditionality, which the European Union is using against Serbia, as a country that wishes to join it. The text is especially dealing with the clarity and the speed of rewarding, as well as centrifugal forces of the process itself. ; Tekst se bavi primenom teoretskih pristupa procesu evropeizacije, pre svega institucionalizma racionalnog izbora i noramtivnog institucionalizma, i to na primeru Srbije. Čitav proces evropeizacije postavljen je u kontekst šireg procesa evropskih integracija regiona Zapadnog Balkana, a tekst otkriva najdublje interese kojima se rukovode Evropska unija i Srbija u samom procesu. Ovakav pristup procesu evropeizacije odslikava karakteristike puta Srbije ka EU, a posebna pažnja je posvećena politici uslovljavanja, koju Evropska unija sprovodi prema Srbiji, kao državi koja želi da postane njen član. Tekst se naročito bavi jasnoćom uslova, brzinom nagrađivanja i centrifugalnim silama samog procesa.

Razvoj ljudske civilizacije usko je povezan s korištenjem energije i njezinih mnogostrukih izvora. Od doba ranih hominida na planetu, prije sedam milijuna godina, pa do sadašnjeg homo sapiens sapiens, energija je bila osnovni čimbenik opstanka vrste. Crkva općenito, a posebice kroz svoj socijalni nauk pokazuje posebno zanimanje za pitanja cjelovitog ljudskog razvoja, pa je tako predmet njezina razmatranja i pitanje energije, kao iznimnog izazova za pravdu, sigurnost i mir u svijetu. S pitanjem globalne energetike bave se izravno pape Ivan Pavao II., Benedikt XVI. i Franjo, svjesni da ono spada u iznimno bitne znakove vremena, koje treba pretpostavljati, čitati i tumačiti u svjetlu evanđeoske mudrosti. Ipak, problematika energije, odnosno energetskog sustava, još uvijek je jedno zanemareno globalno pitanje današnjice, iako je iznimno bitan čimbenik za cjelovit razvoj i ljudsko dostojanstvo. ; The development of human civilization is closely related to the use of energy and of its multiple sources. From the time of the early hominoids on the planet, seven million years ago, to the present homo sapiens sapiens, energy has been a basic factor affecting the survival of the species. Generally speaking and particularly through her Social Doctrine, the Church demonstrates a special interest in issues concerning integral human development. Thus, the energy issue is also deemed a subject to be dealt with by the Church since it is an exceptional challenge for the purposes of justice, security and peace in the world. Popes John Paul II, Benedict XVI and Francis all have concerned themselves with the question of global energy, being aware that this is an extremely important sign of the times which must be understood, read and interpreted in the light of evangelical wisdom. Nevertheless, matters concerning energy and the energy system are today still a neglected global issue, though an immensely important factor affecting integral development and human dignity.

Knowledge about educational change teaches us that educational reform is a complex and multidimensional enterprise with an uncertain outcome. Besides the existence of a clear education development strategy, one of the most important factors of success of reform initiatives is responsible change management. This paper provides an overview of Fullan's theoretical assumptions and research data on the key principles of effective change management and the roles of stakeholders in the process of change development, planning and implementation. Reform processes in Serbia in the field of education, which took place during the previous decade, are observed through the prism of Fullan's assumptions and findings on the responsible management of educational change. It is presumed that the lack of success of educational reforms in our country stemmed from the lack of knowledge about educational change and inadequate management of reform processes, which had a negative effect on the efficiency of reform implementation and motivation of key stakeholders in those changes. For successful creation of future educational policies and change implementation in our country, it is vital to count in the 'voice' of practice, to join forces and potentials of employees in the relevant institutions and schools, in order to decrease risks and increase the possibilities for accepting change in practice. ; Znanja o obrazovnim promenama uče nas da je reforma obrazovanja složen i višedimenzionalni poduhvat sa neizvesnim ishodom. Pored postojanja jasne strategije razvoja obrazovanja, odgovorno vođenje promena jedan je od najvažnijih faktora uspeha reformskih inicijativa. U ovom radu je dat pregled Fulanovih teorijskih postavki i istraživačkih podataka o ključnim principima uspešnog vođenja promena i ulogama aktera u procesu njihovog osmišljavanja, planiranja i implementiranja. Reformski procesi u Srbiji u oblasti obrazovanja, koji su se događali tokom protekle decenije, sagledani su upravo kroz prizmu Fulanovih postavki i saznanja o odgovornom vođenju obrazovnih promena. Pretpostavlja se da je neuspeh obrazovnih reformi u našoj zemlji bio uslovljen nedostatkom znanja o obrazovnim promenama i neadekvatnim vođenjem reformskih procesa, što se negativno odrazilo na efikasnost njihovog sprovođenja i motivaciju ključnih aktera u tim promenama. Za uspešno kreiranje budućih obrazovnih politika i sprovođenje promena u našoj zemlji, potrebno je da se uvaži 'glas' prakse, da se udruže snage i potencijali zaposlenih u nadležnim institucijama i školama, kako bi se umanjili rizici, a povećale mogućnosti za prihvatanje promena u praksi.

This paper aims to present the advantages and disadvantages of citizen journalism through historical evolution of this phenomenon in Serbia and throughout the world, as well as to present the challenges faced by professional journalists and to open up a space for wider public to debate about the chances and challenges brought by citizen journalism to democratic societies based on the freedom of speech. The questions about regulation, editorial responsibility and transparency of citizen journalism have been debated by many media experts who have been trying to resolve the citizens' participation in a public profession such as journalism. Chat services, forums, blogs, newsletters, emails, video by mobile phones, social networks and citizen journalism on the internet represent a real technological and human revolution of a modern age. According to relevant literature on online content selection and interviews with professional and citizen journalists, it can be concluded that participative journalism cannot jeopardize professional journalism as long as it is treated as citizens' participation in information gathering, exchange and distribution that is relevant to wider public. ; Cilj rada je da kroz istorijat razvoja građanskog novinarstva u svetu i Srbiji prikaže prednosti i nedostatke ove pojave, predstavi izazove sa kojima se suočavaju profesionalni novinari i uputi čitaoce na razmišljanje o šansama i izazovima koje građansko novinarstvo sa sobom nosi u demokratskim društvima koja se temelje na slobodi izražavanja. Pitanja regulacije, uređivačke odgovornosti i transparentnosti građanskog novinarstva predmet su najaktuelnijih debata među medijskim stručnjacima koji nude određena rešenja u vezi sa participacijom građana u jednoj javnoj profesiji kao što je novinarstvo. Čet servisi, forumi, blogovi, bilteni, e-pošta, video zapisi na mobilnim telefonima, društvene mreže, pa samim tim i građansko novinarstvo na Internetu predstavljaju pravu tehnološku i, može se reći, ljudsku revoluciju savremenog doba. Na osnovu literature, praćenja onlajn sadržaja i intervjua sa profesionalnim i građanima novinarima, zaključuje se da građansko novinarstvo ne može da ugrozi profesionalno ukoliko se tretira kao participacija građana u prikupljanju, razmeni i distribuciji informacija od značaja za širu javnost.

IN ENGLISH: A successful democratic consolidation of post-socialist societies depends, among other things, on their citizens' political culture, younger generations included. Moreover, youth civic engagement today and in the future is a guarantee of the continuity and development of democracy, which means that scientists need to gain insight into young people's political culture. In this paper we look at political values, institutional trust and participation as relevant components of the civic political culture. The analysis is based on quantitative data collected in the empirical studies of Croatian youth, carried out between 1999 and 2013. Based on longitudinal study results, a downward trend is identified regarding selected political culture indicators: acceptance of liberal-democratic values, trust in social and political institutions, interest in politics and party preference. However, there is a simultaneous increase in participation in various types of organizations, especially political parties. The interpretation of established tendencies is placed in a broader context of an inherited democratic deficit, economic recession and social crisis. Current trends are both indicators and consequences of young people's inadequate political socialization as well as weaknesses of political institutions and various actors during the transition and consolidation period. --- IN CROATIAN: Uspješnost demokratske konsolidacije postsocijalističkih društava, između ostalog, ovisi i o političkoj kulturi građana, uključujući mladu generaciju. Štoviše, društveni angažman mladih danas i u budućnosti jedan je od jamaca opstojnosti i razvoja demokratskog poretka zbog čega je nužan znanstveni uvid u njihovu političku kulturu i promjene koje se zbivaju na tom planu. U ovom radu se kao relevantne dimenzije građanske političke kulture koriste političke vrijednosti, institucionalno povjerenje i participacija. Analiza se zasniva na podacima prikupljenim u empirijskim istraživanjima mladih u Hrvatskoj provođenim od 1999. do 2013. godine. Na osnovi rezultata longitudinalnog praćenja odabranih pokazatelja političke kulture identificiran je silazni trend u pogledu prihvaćanja liberalno-demokratskih vrijednosti, povjerenja u društvene i političke institucije, zainteresiranosti za politiku i stranačkog opredjeljenja uz istodobni uzlazni trend participacije u različitim organizacijama, osobito u političkim strankama. Tumačenje ustanovljenih tendencija smješta se u širi kontekst naslijeđenih demokratskih deficita te utjecaja gospodarske recesije i društvene krize. Pri tome se aktualni trendovi promatraju i kao indikator i kao posljedica neadekvatne političke socijalizacije mladih te slabosti u funkcioniranju političkih institucija i aktera u tranzicijskom i konsolidacijskom razdoblju.

U radu se analizira razvoj ekonomskih teorija u periodu krize. Akcent je stavljen na dvije krize: veliku depresiju i savremenu globalnu ekonomsku krizu. Cilj rada je da se, analizom globalnih kriza, kao perioda transformacije ukupnog privrednog ambijenta, testira pretpostavka o cirkularnosti ekonomskih teorija. U radu je detaljnije objašnjen model kejznijanske doktrine koji je nastao nakon perioda velike depresije. U drugom dijelu su objašnjeni trendovi razvoja ekonomske teorije između dva krizna perioda, kao i teorijski kontekst u kojem se razvijala savremena globalna ekonomska kriza. Istraživanjem je utvrđeno da u periodima globalnih ekonomskih fluktuacija i poremećaja dolazi do preispitivanja vodećeg teorijskog okvira u ekonomskoj politici i promjene ekonomske paradigme. Neadekvatna državna intervencija u periodu velike depresije, posebno u SAD, bila je važna pouka za nosioce ekonomskih politika u savremenoj krizi. U svjetskim privredama koje su pogođene krizom, sporovedene su anticiklične mjere monetarne i fiskalne politike kejnzijanskog tipa. Nakon dugogodišnje dominacije nove liberalne doktrine u ekonomskoj politici, došlo je do nagle reafirmacije kejnzijanske koncepcije. ; The paper analyzes the development of economic theory in a crisis period. Emphasis is placed on two crises: the Great Depression and the Global Economic Crisis. The paper aims to test the assumption of the circularity of economic theories through an analysis of the global crises as periods of transformation within the overall economic environment. The paper describes in some detail the Keynesian model originating after the period of the Great Depression. The second part of the paper explains the trends in the development of economic theory between the two crisis periods, as well as the theoretical context in which the Global Economic Crisis started. The research shows that during periods of global economic fluctuations and disturbances the leading theoretical framework for economic policy and changes in the economic paradigm are questioned. Inadequate government intervention in the period of the Great Depression, especially in the United States, was an important lesson for economic policy makers during the Global Crisis. In the world's economies affected by the crisis, anti-cyclical monetary and fiscal policies of the Keynesian type were implemented. After years of domination by the new liberal ideology in economic policy, there has been a sudden reaffirmation of the Keynesian approach.

Rad koristi interdisciplinarni pristup u okviru kulturne politike, kako bi predstavio potrebe za decentralizacijom kulturnog sistema u Srbiji i istovremeno predložio model decentralizacije kulture koji može biti primenjen. Uvodni deo prvo predstavlja značaj decentralizacije u kulturi za Srbiju, ali istovremeno i naglašava prepreke koje su vezane za tranzicioni period u kome se zemlja nalazi. Takođe, u teoretizaciji same decentralizacije u kulturi, rad uvodi nove ključne aspekte – jednakost, ravnopravnost i pravednost, koji se predstavljaju kroz političko – ekonomske teorije poput liberalizma, socijalizma, anarhizma i feminizma, da bi se socijalna pravda uvela kao glavni princip. Iz toga proizilazi i glavna hipoteza - uz primenu principa pravednosti u modelu, može se ostvariti i princip jednakosti/ravnopravnosti u decentralizaciji kulturnog sistema Srbije. Metodološki postupak zasnovan je na interdisciplinarnim teorijsko-empirijskim istraživanjima koja obuhvataju kulturnu politiku, menadžment u kulturi, teoriju upravljanja, političke nauke, ekonomske nauke, pravne nauke i sociologiju. Cilj istraživanja je modelovanje novog kulturnog sistema decentralizacije u Srbiji, zasnovanog na principu pravednosti. Oslanjajući se na evropske primere decentralizacije kulture, kojima se teži kao pripadajućem prostoru države, rad predstavlja i istorijski pregled decentralizacije u širem smislu, političke i fiskalne, kao preduslova pune decentralizacije u kulturi. U opštem teoretisanju decentralizacije, istovremeno se i sama decentralizacija terminološki odvaja od pojmova poput dekocentracije, demetropolizacije, devolucije i delegacije, a predstavljaju se i suplementarni poput regionalizacije i supsidijarnosti, kao i međusobna uslovljenost navedenih oblika decentralizacije (političke, ekonomske i kulturne). Polazne definicije decentralizacije, trodelna definicija uslovljenosti decentralizacije u kulturi Nobuko Kavašime kao "fer distribucija resursa" i Meklijeva "decentralizacija odlučivanja", odnosno dva principa – top down demokratizacije kulture i bootom up kulturne demokratije, u radu se ne isključuju nego zajedno koriste u susretnom smislu. Rad analizira i teorije o decentralizaciji kulture (Malro i Mekli u Francuskoj, Kavašima u Engleskoj, kao i regionalne poput Dragojevića u Hrvatskoj), kao i teoretske pojmove koje smatra neophodnim za primenu decentralizacije u kulturi poput socijalne (shvatanje Džona Rolsa) i tranzicione pravde, društvene sektore sa posebnim naglaskom na civilni sektor u kulturi, populistički diskurs decentralizacije koji koristi politika, participaciju kao neophodan element decentralizacije kulture, commons i spillover efect. Analiza je obuhvatila i praktične, nekadašnje i sadašnje modele decentralizacije u kulturi u Evropi (sa posebnim naglaskom na Francusku i Englesku), nekadašnjoj Jugoslaviji (sa posebnim akcentom na samoupravni sistem), država u regionu (Hrvatska posebno) i samoj Srbiji (Nacrt strategije Komisije za decentralizaciju kulture), kako bi se predstavile strategije koje se mogu iskoristiti za predloženi model. Utvrđujući putem empirijskog istraživanja (stavovi kreatora kulture u unutrašnjosti Srbije), finansijske analize javnih izdvajanja za kulturu, strateških planova i medijske vidljivosti, visok stepen centralizma, rad predlaže i konkretne mere za ostvarivanje decentralizacije u kulturi. Poseban segment istraživanja je utvrdio i potencijalnu ulogu civilnog sektora u kulturi u decentralizaciji kulture, gde se merio njegov potencijal, održivost, povezivanje (poput Asocijacije nezavisne kulturne scene Srbije i njene uloge) i prevashodno primeri dobre prakse u svetu (omladinski centri Estonije) i kod nas nekada (Otvoreni klubovi Savezne republike Jugoslavije) i danas. Glavni rezultat ovog rada je predlog modela za implementaciju decentralizacije u kulturi Srbije, koji je adekvatan specifičnim uslovima sredine i realno primenljiv. Model je nazvan "susretno-pravednim" jer u sebi sadrži više pristupa koji nisu samostalni nego upravo povezani uslovljenim obligacijama odlučivanja koje dvosmerno dolaze vertikalno (nivoi vlasti) i horizontalno (korisnici i sektori) uz primenu načela pravednosti kao glavnog kriterijuma. Model je trostepeni (kulturna decentralizacija bez političke i fiskalne, kulturna i fiskalna decentralizacija i sva tri vida zajedno) sa trogodišnjim trajanjem svake faze. On predlaže mere i strategije poput regionalizacije (politička decentralizacija), "skandinavskog modela finansiranja" lokalnih samouprava (fiskalna decentralizacija) i kao najbitnije za kulturnu decentralizaciju: jačanje regionalnih i lokalnih resursa (razvoj kadrova i publike, departizaciju, deinstitucionalizaciju, izgradnju i revitalizaciju infrastrukture i obavezne lokalne i regionalne strategije kulture), "kapilarnu decentralizaciju" kulture putem jačanja uloge civilnog sektora, obavezni "lokalni spillover" za manifestacione kreativne industrije i primenu faktora socijalne pravde u finansiranju kulture, difuziji institucija i manifestacija od nacionalnog značaja i u nacionalnoj medijskoj promociji. Naučni doprinos rada je dalja teoretizacija pojma decentralizacije u kulturi sa stanovišta principa jednakosti, ravnopravnosti i pravde. U oblasti kulturne politike, vrednost dizajniranog modela je u tome što može imati i potencijalnu praktičnu primenu, kako od strane nacionalnih, tako i lokalnih subjekata u kulturi Srbije. ; The paper uses an interdisciplinary approach within cultural policy to present the needs for decentralization of the cultural system in Serbia and at the same time propose a model for decentralization of culture that can be applied. The introductory part first presents the importance of decentralization in culture for Serbia, but at the same time highlights the obstacles that are associated with the transition period in which the country is located. Also, in the theorizing of decentralization in culture, the paper introduces new key aspects - equality, equal and justice, which are presented through political - economic theories such as liberalism, socialism, anarchism and feminism, to introduce social justice as the main principle. This leads to the main hypothesis - with the application of the principle of equity in the model, the principle of equality in the decentralization of the cultural system of Serbia can be realized. The methodological procedure is based on interdisciplinary theoretical and empirical research covering cultural policy, cultural management, management theory, political science, economic sciences, legal sciences and sociology. The aim of the research is to model a new cultural system of decentralization in Serbia, based on the principle of equity. Drawing on European examples of decentralization of culture, which strives as belonging to the state space, the paper also presents a historical overview of decentralization in the broad sense, political and fiscal, as a precondition for full decentralization in culture. In the general theorizing of decentralization, decentralization itself is terminologically detached from concepts such as decocentiation, demetropolisation, devolution and delegation, and they are also complementary such as regionalization and subsidiarity, as well as the interdependence of these forms of decentralization (political, economic and cultural). The initial definitions of decentralization, the three-part definition of the conditionality of decentralization in the culture of Nobuko Kawashima as a "fair distribution of resources" and Moeckli's "decentralization of decision-making", that is, two principles - top down of culture democratization and bootom up of cultural democracy, are not mutually exclusive but used together. The paper analyzes the theories of decentralization of culture (Malro and Moeckli in France, Kawashima in England, as well as regional ones like Dragojevic in Croatia), as well as theoretical concepts that he considers necessary for the application of decentralization in culture such as social (John Rolls' understanding) and transitional justice, social sectors with particular emphasis on the civil sector in culture, a populist discourse of decentralization used by politics, participation as a necessary element of cultural decentralization, commons and spillover efect. The analysis also included practical, former and current models of decentralization in culture in Europe (with special emphasis on France and England), former Yugoslavia (with particular emphasis on the self-governing system), countries in the region (Croatia in particular) and Serbia itself (Draft Commission Strategy to decentralize culture), to outline strategies that can be used for the proposed model. By establishing through empirical research (views of cultural creators in the interior of Serbia), financial analysis of public appropriations for culture, strategic plans and media visibility, a high degree of centralism, the paper also proposes concrete measures for achieving decentralization in culture. A specific segment of the research identified the potential role of the civil sector in culture in decentralizing culture, measuring its potential, sustainability, networking (such as the Association of the Independent Cultural Scene of Serbia and its role) and, above all, examples of good practice in the world (Estonian youth centers) and in Balkan once (Open clubs of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) and today). The main result of this paper is the proposal of a model for the implementation of decentralization in the culture of Serbia, which is adequate to the specific environmental conditions and realistically applicable. The model has been called "counter-righteous" because it contains more approaches that are not standalone but just linked by conditioned decision-making obligations that come two-way vertically (levels of government) and horizontally (users and sectors), by applying the principle of fairness as the main criterion. The model is three-stage (cultural decentralization without political and fiscal, cultural and fiscal decentralization and all three aspects together) with a three-year duration of each phase. It proposes measures and strategies such as regionalization (political decentralization), the "scandinavian financing model" of local governments (fiscal decentralization) and as essential to cultural decentralization: strengthening regional and local resources (development of staff and audience, depoliticization, deinstitutionalization, construction and revitalization of infrastructure and mandatory local and regional cultural strategies), "capillary decentralization" of culture through strengthening the role of the civil sector, mandatory "local spillover" for creative industries and the application of social justice factors in the financing of culture, diffusion of institutions and events of national importance and in national media promotion. The scientific contribution of the paper is further theorization of the concept of decentralization in culture from the standpoint of the principles of equality and justice. In the field of cultural policy, the value of the designed model is that it can have potential practical application, both by national and local subjects in the culture of Serbia.

Rad koristi interdisciplinarni pristup u okviru kulturne politike, kako bi predstavio potrebe za decentralizacijom kulturnog sistema u Srbiji i istovremeno predložio model decentralizacije kulture koji može biti primenjen. Uvodni deo prvo predstavlja značaj decentralizacije u kulturi za Srbiju, ali istovremeno i naglašava prepreke koje su vezane za tranzicioni period u kome se zemlja nalazi. Takođe, u teoretizaciji same decentralizacije u kulturi, rad uvodi nove ključne aspekte – jednakost, ravnopravnost i pravednost, koji se predstavljaju kroz političko – ekonomske teorije poput liberalizma, socijalizma, anarhizma i feminizma, da bi se socijalna pravda uvela kao glavni princip. Iz toga proizilazi i glavna hipoteza - uz primenu principa pravednosti u modelu, može se ostvariti i princip jednakosti/ravnopravnosti u decentralizaciji kulturnog sistema Srbije. Metodološki postupak zasnovan je na interdisciplinarnim teorijsko-empirijskim istraživanjima koja obuhvataju kulturnu politiku, menadžment u kulturi, teoriju upravljanja, političke nauke, ekonomske nauke, pravne nauke i sociologiju. Cilj istraživanja je modelovanje novog kulturnog sistema decentralizacije u Srbiji, zasnovanog na principu pravednosti. Oslanjajući se na evropske primere decentralizacije kulture, kojima se teži kao pripadajućem prostoru države, rad predstavlja i istorijski pregled decentralizacije u širem smislu, političke i fiskalne, kao preduslova pune decentralizacije u kulturi. U opštem teoretisanju decentralizacije, istovremeno se i sama decentralizacija terminološki odvaja od pojmova poput dekocentracije, demetropolizacije, devolucije i delegacije, a predstavljaju se i suplementarni poput regionalizacije i supsidijarnosti, kao i međusobna uslovljenost navedenih oblika decentralizacije (političke, ekonomske i kulturne). Polazne definicije decentralizacije, trodelna definicija uslovljenosti decentralizacije u kulturi Nobuko Kavašime kao "fer distribucija resursa" i Meklijeva "decentralizacija odlučivanja", odnosno dva principa – top down demokratizacije kulture i bootom up kulturne demokratije, u radu se ne isključuju nego zajedno koriste u susretnom smislu. Rad analizira i teorije o decentralizaciji kulture (Malro i Mekli u Francuskoj, Kavašima u Engleskoj, kao i regionalne poput Dragojevića u Hrvatskoj), kao i teoretske pojmove koje smatra neophodnim za primenu decentralizacije u kulturi poput socijalne (shvatanje Džona Rolsa) i tranzicione pravde, društvene sektore sa posebnim naglaskom na civilni sektor u kulturi, populistički diskurs decentralizacije koji koristi politika, participaciju kao neophodan element decentralizacije kulture, commons i spillover efect. Analiza je obuhvatila i praktične, nekadašnje i sadašnje modele decentralizacije u kulturi u Evropi (sa posebnim naglaskom na Francusku i Englesku), nekadašnjoj Jugoslaviji (sa posebnim akcentom na samoupravni sistem), država u regionu (Hrvatska posebno) i samoj Srbiji (Nacrt strategije Komisije za decentralizaciju kulture), kako bi se predstavile strategije koje se mogu iskoristiti za predloženi model. Utvrđujući putem empirijskog istraživanja (stavovi kreatora kulture u unutrašnjosti Srbije), finansijske analize javnih izdvajanja za kulturu, strateških planova i medijske vidljivosti, visok stepen centralizma, rad predlaže i konkretne mere za ostvarivanje decentralizacije u kulturi. Poseban segment istraživanja je utvrdio i potencijalnu ulogu civilnog sektora u kulturi u decentralizaciji kulture, gde se merio njegov potencijal, održivost, povezivanje (poput Asocijacije nezavisne kulturne scene Srbije i njene uloge) i prevashodno primeri dobre prakse u svetu (omladinski centri Estonije) i kod nas nekada (Otvoreni klubovi Savezne republike Jugoslavije) i danas. Glavni rezultat ovog rada je predlog modela za implementaciju decentralizacije u kulturi Srbije, koji je adekvatan specifičnim uslovima sredine i realno primenljiv. Model je nazvan "susretno-pravednim" jer u sebi sadrži više pristupa koji nisu samostalni nego upravo povezani uslovljenim obligacijama odlučivanja koje dvosmerno dolaze vertikalno (nivoi vlasti) i horizontalno (korisnici i sektori) uz primenu načela pravednosti kao glavnog kriterijuma. Model je trostepeni (kulturna decentralizacija bez političke i fiskalne, kulturna i fiskalna decentralizacija i sva tri vida zajedno) sa trogodišnjim trajanjem svake faze. On predlaže mere i strategije poput regionalizacije (politička decentralizacija), "skandinavskog modela finansiranja" lokalnih samouprava (fiskalna decentralizacija) i kao najbitnije za kulturnu decentralizaciju: jačanje regionalnih i lokalnih resursa (razvoj kadrova i publike, departizaciju, deinstitucionalizaciju, izgradnju i revitalizaciju infrastrukture i obavezne lokalne i regionalne strategije kulture), "kapilarnu decentralizaciju" kulture putem jačanja uloge civilnog sektora, obavezni "lokalni spillover" za manifestacione kreativne industrije i primenu faktora socijalne pravde u finansiranju kulture, difuziji institucija i manifestacija od nacionalnog značaja i u nacionalnoj medijskoj promociji. Naučni doprinos rada je dalja teoretizacija pojma decentralizacije u kulturi sa stanovišta principa jednakosti, ravnopravnosti i pravde. U oblasti kulturne politike, vrednost dizajniranog modela je u tome što može imati i potencijalnu praktičnu primenu, kako od strane nacionalnih, tako i lokalnih subjekata u kulturi Srbije. ; The paper uses an interdisciplinary approach within cultural policy to present the needs for decentralization of the cultural system in Serbia and at the same time propose a model for decentralization of culture that can be applied. The introductory part first presents the importance of decentralization in culture for Serbia, but at the same time highlights the obstacles that are associated with the transition period in which the country is located. Also, in the theorizing of decentralization in culture, the paper introduces new key aspects - equality, equal and justice, which are presented through political - economic theories such as liberalism, socialism, anarchism and feminism, to introduce social justice as the main principle. This leads to the main hypothesis - with the application of the principle of equity in the model, the principle of equality in the decentralization of the cultural system of Serbia can be realized. The methodological procedure is based on interdisciplinary theoretical and empirical research covering cultural policy, cultural management, management theory, political science, economic sciences, legal sciences and sociology. The aim of the research is to model a new cultural system of decentralization in Serbia, based on the principle of equity. Drawing on European examples of decentralization of culture, which strives as belonging to the state space, the paper also presents a historical overview of decentralization in the broad sense, political and fiscal, as a precondition for full decentralization in culture. In the general theorizing of decentralization, decentralization itself is terminologically detached from concepts such as decocentiation, demetropolisation, devolution and delegation, and they are also complementary such as regionalization and subsidiarity, as well as the interdependence of these forms of decentralization (political, economic and cultural). The initial definitions of decentralization, the three-part definition of the conditionality of decentralization in the culture of Nobuko Kawashima as a "fair distribution of resources" and Moeckli's "decentralization of decision-making", that is, two principles - top down of culture democratization and bootom up of cultural democracy, are not mutually exclusive but used together. The paper analyzes the theories of decentralization of culture (Malro and Moeckli in France, Kawashima in England, as well as regional ones like Dragojevic in Croatia), as well as theoretical concepts that he considers necessary for the application of decentralization in culture such as social (John Rolls' understanding) and transitional justice, social sectors with particular emphasis on the civil sector in culture, a populist discourse of decentralization used by politics, participation as a necessary element of cultural decentralization, commons and spillover efect. The analysis also included practical, former and current models of decentralization in culture in Europe (with special emphasis on France and England), former Yugoslavia (with particular emphasis on the self-governing system), countries in the region (Croatia in particular) and Serbia itself (Draft Commission Strategy to decentralize culture), to outline strategies that can be used for the proposed model. By establishing through empirical research (views of cultural creators in the interior of Serbia), financial analysis of public appropriations for culture, strategic plans and media visibility, a high degree of centralism, the paper also proposes concrete measures for achieving decentralization in culture. A specific segment of the research identified the potential role of the civil sector in culture in decentralizing culture, measuring its potential, sustainability, networking (such as the Association of the Independent Cultural Scene of Serbia and its role) and, above all, examples of good practice in the world (Estonian youth centers) and in Balkan once (Open clubs of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) and today). The main result of this paper is the proposal of a model for the implementation of decentralization in the culture of Serbia, which is adequate to the specific environmental conditions and realistically applicable. The model has been called "counter-righteous" because it contains more approaches that are not standalone but just linked by conditioned decision-making obligations that come two-way vertically (levels of government) and horizontally (users and sectors), by applying the principle of fairness as the main criterion. The model is three-stage (cultural decentralization without political and fiscal, cultural and fiscal decentralization and all three aspects together) with a three-year duration of each phase. It proposes measures and strategies such as regionalization (political decentralization), the "scandinavian financing model" of local governments (fiscal decentralization) and as essential to cultural decentralization: strengthening regional and local resources (development of staff and audience, depoliticization, deinstitutionalization, construction and revitalization of infrastructure and mandatory local and regional cultural strategies), "capillary decentralization" of culture through strengthening the role of the civil sector, mandatory "local spillover" for creative industries and the application of social justice factors in the financing of culture, diffusion of institutions and events of national importance and in national media promotion. The scientific contribution of the paper is further theorization of the concept of decentralization in culture from the standpoint of the principles of equality and justice. In the field of cultural policy, the value of the designed model is that it can have potential practical application, both by national and local subjects in the culture of Serbia.

Igra je dragocen aspekt življenja, nezamenljivog značaja po dobrobit i razvoj kako deteta tako i odraslih ljudi i zajednica u celini. Kompleksnost savremenih uslova življenja često dovodi u pitanje uvažavanje i ostvarivanje dečje igre, te jača nužnost da savremene obrazovne politike igru aktivno podrže. Predmet istraživanja na kom je ovaj rad zasnovan je dečja igra u obrazovnoj politici, a cilj istraživanja je predlog mera i akcija kojima se kroz obrazovnu politiku dečja igra može podržati. U istraživanju smo se služili metodom komparativne analize kroz tehniku analize sadržaja, a uz primenu matrice analize. Istraživanjem su obuhvaćene mere i akcije zvaničnih obrazovnih politika i nevladinih organizacija Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva Velike Britanije i Severne Irske, Republike Irske i Republike Srbije. Rezultati istraživanja ukazuju na to da je problem dublji od trenutnog nepostojanja sistemske podrške igri u Republici Srbiji i otvaraju pitanje iz koje paradigme zvanična obrazovna politika Republike Srbije pristupa obrazovanju, kao i pitanje mogućnosti da se iz aktuelne pozicije u potpunosti osvesti važnost igre i gradi podrška igri. Oslanjajući se na okosnice politika podrške u Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu i Republici Irskoj, u ovom radu predlažemo smernice razvoja društvene podrške igri koje bi se u slučaju Srbije mogle pokazati smislenim i izvodljivim. ; Play is a precious aspect of living and irreplaceable importance for not only child well-being and development but for adults and communities, too. Complex current living conditions often minimize the importance of child play and it becomes even more necessary that educational policies support it. The subject of the research is based on the role child play has in educational policy and the aim is formulation of measures and actions which can support child play in educational policy. We examined measures and actions of official educational policies and non government organizations of the United Kingdom of England and Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland and Republic of Serbia. The results show that the problem is deeper than current nonexistence of systemic support to play in Serbia and open the question on which paradigm official educational policy in Serbia approaches to education, and the question of how to bring to awareness the importance of play in order to support it. Relaying on the frameworks of play support policy in the United Kingdom and Republic of Ireland we suggest some guidelines for social support of child play which might prove sensible and feasible in Serbia.