Suchergebnisse

International audience ; Im Jahr 1933 trat Karl zu Löwenstein in die SA ein, während Hubertus zu Löwenstein emigrierte und versuchte, die internationale Öffentlichkeit vor dem deutschen Nationalsozialismus zu warnen. 1948 übernahm Karl die Leitung der Katholikentage. Hubertus hingegen gelang es nicht, in der Politik Fuß zu fassen. Wie lässt sich erklären, dass Karl eine der einflussreichsten Persönlichkeiten der Bundesrepublik war und der Republikaner Hubertus gleichzeitig ein Außenseiter blieb ? Karl profitierte vom Einfluss seines Vaters und von dem besonderen Kontext der Nachkriegszeit, als man wieder eine Beziehung zu den konservativen Eliten aufbauen wollte. Diese standen einerseits für eine nationale Vergangenheit, die durch den Nationalsozialismus nicht in den Schmutz gezogen worden war. Andererseits betrachtete die Mehrheit der Deutschen sie als Opfer, obwohl sie sich durchaus auch hatten verführen lassen. Der Weitblick von Hubertus hingegen, der schon 1930 die Gefährlichkeit des Nationalsozialismus erkannt hatte, wurde als störend empfunden, weil er die Deutschen mit ihrer eigenen Blindheit konfrontierte. \\\ ///. In English: In 1933, Karl zu Löwenstein joined the SA while Hubertus zu Löwenstein emigrated and did one's utmost to warn the international public opinion against Nazi Germany. In 1948, Karl took over as the head of the Catholic congresses. Meanwhile, Hubertus did not manage to get a foothold in the political arena. How is it possible to explain that Karl was one of the most influential personalities of the Federal Republic whereas Hubertus remained as an outsider? Karl took advantage of his father's influence and used the particular context of the post-war years dominated by the need to renew with conservative elites, both symbols of a national past which had not been soiled by Nazism and still they presented themselves as victims of Nazism, like most Germans believed to be, even those elites who had been seduced. Hubertus' perspicacity, who had understood Nazism dangerousness as early as 1930, was bringing Germans out because it led them to look at their own blindness. ; En 1933, Karl zu Löwenstein entra à la SA tandis que Hubertus zu Löwenstein émigra et s'efforça de mettre en garde l'opinion publique internationale contre l'Allemagne nazie. En 1948, Karl prit la tête des Katholikentage. De son côté, Hubertus ne réussit pas à prendre pied sur la scène politique. Comment expliquer que Karl fut l'une des personnalités influentes de la République fédérale alors que le républicain Hubertus resta un outsider ? Karl profita de l'influence de son père et du contexte particulier des années d'immédiate après-guerre, dominées par le besoin de renouer avec les élites conservatrices, à la fois symboles d'un passé national non souillé par le nazisme et victimes du nazisme, comme la majorité des Allemands estimaient l'être, même quand ces élites s'étaient laissées séduire. La perspicacité de Hubertus, qui avait compris dès 1930 la dangerosité du nazisme, dérangeait puisqu'elle renvoyait les Allemands à leur propre aveuglement.

International audience ; Im Jahr 1933 trat Karl zu Löwenstein in die SA ein, während Hubertus zu Löwenstein emigrierte und versuchte, die internationale Öffentlichkeit vor dem deutschen Nationalsozialismus zu warnen. 1948 übernahm Karl die Leitung der Katholikentage. Hubertus hingegen gelang es nicht, in der Politik Fuß zu fassen. Wie lässt sich erklären, dass Karl eine der einflussreichsten Persönlichkeiten der Bundesrepublik war und der Republikaner Hubertus gleichzeitig ein Außenseiter blieb ? Karl profitierte vom Einfluss seines Vaters und von dem besonderen Kontext der Nachkriegszeit, als man wieder eine Beziehung zu den konservativen Eliten aufbauen wollte. Diese standen einerseits für eine nationale Vergangenheit, die durch den Nationalsozialismus nicht in den Schmutz gezogen worden war. Andererseits betrachtete die Mehrheit der Deutschen sie als Opfer, obwohl sie sich durchaus auch hatten verführen lassen. Der Weitblick von Hubertus hingegen, der schon 1930 die Gefährlichkeit des Nationalsozialismus erkannt hatte, wurde als störend empfunden, weil er die Deutschen mit ihrer eigenen Blindheit konfrontierte. \\\ ///. In English: In 1933, Karl zu Löwenstein joined the SA while Hubertus zu Löwenstein emigrated and did one's utmost to warn the international public opinion against Nazi Germany. In 1948, Karl took over as the head of the Catholic congresses. Meanwhile, Hubertus did not manage to get a foothold in the political arena. How is it possible to explain that Karl was one of the most influential personalities of the Federal Republic whereas Hubertus remained as an outsider? Karl took advantage of his father's influence and used the particular context of the post-war years dominated by the need to renew with conservative elites, both symbols of a national past which had not been soiled by Nazism and still they presented themselves as victims of Nazism, like most Germans believed to be, even those elites who had been seduced. Hubertus' perspicacity, who had understood Nazism dangerousness as early as 1930, was bringing Germans out because it led them to look at their own blindness. ; En 1933, Karl zu Löwenstein entra à la SA tandis que Hubertus zu Löwenstein émigra et s'efforça de mettre en garde l'opinion publique internationale contre l'Allemagne nazie. En 1948, Karl prit la tête des Katholikentage. De son côté, Hubertus ne réussit pas à prendre pied sur la scène politique. Comment expliquer que Karl fut l'une des personnalités influentes de la République fédérale alors que le républicain Hubertus resta un outsider ? Karl profita de l'influence de son père et du contexte particulier des années d'immédiate après-guerre, dominées par le besoin de renouer avec les élites conservatrices, à la fois symboles d'un passé national non souillé par le nazisme et victimes du nazisme, comme la majorité des Allemands estimaient l'être, même quand ces élites s'étaient laissées séduire. La perspicacité de Hubertus, qui avait compris dès 1930 la dangerosité du nazisme, dérangeait puisqu'elle renvoyait les Allemands à leur propre aveuglement.

International audience ; Im Jahr 1933 trat Karl zu Löwenstein in die SA ein, während Hubertus zu Löwenstein emigrierte und versuchte, die internationale Öffentlichkeit vor dem deutschen Nationalsozialismus zu warnen. 1948 übernahm Karl die Leitung der Katholikentage. Hubertus hingegen gelang es nicht, in der Politik Fuß zu fassen. Wie lässt sich erklären, dass Karl eine der einflussreichsten Persönlichkeiten der Bundesrepublik war und der Republikaner Hubertus gleichzeitig ein Außenseiter blieb ? Karl profitierte vom Einfluss seines Vaters und von dem besonderen Kontext der Nachkriegszeit, als man wieder eine Beziehung zu den konservativen Eliten aufbauen wollte. Diese standen einerseits für eine nationale Vergangenheit, die durch den Nationalsozialismus nicht in den Schmutz gezogen worden war. Andererseits betrachtete die Mehrheit der Deutschen sie als Opfer, obwohl sie sich durchaus auch hatten verführen lassen. Der Weitblick von Hubertus hingegen, der schon 1930 die Gefährlichkeit des Nationalsozialismus erkannt hatte, wurde als störend empfunden, weil er die Deutschen mit ihrer eigenen Blindheit konfrontierte. \\\ ///. In English: In 1933, Karl zu Löwenstein joined the SA while Hubertus zu Löwenstein emigrated and did one's utmost to warn the international public opinion against Nazi Germany. In 1948, Karl took over as the head of the Catholic congresses. Meanwhile, Hubertus did not manage to get a foothold in the political arena. How is it possible to explain that Karl was one of the most influential personalities of the Federal Republic whereas Hubertus remained as an outsider? Karl took advantage of his father's influence and used the particular context of the post-war years dominated by the need to renew with conservative elites, both symbols of a national past which had not been soiled by Nazism and still they presented themselves as victims of Nazism, like most Germans believed to be, even those elites who had been seduced. Hubertus' perspicacity, who had understood Nazism dangerousness as early as 1930, was bringing Germans out because it led them to look at their own blindness. ; En 1933, Karl zu Löwenstein entra à la SA tandis que Hubertus zu Löwenstein émigra et s'efforça de mettre en garde l'opinion publique internationale contre l'Allemagne nazie. En 1948, Karl prit la tête des Katholikentage. De son côté, Hubertus ne réussit pas à prendre pied sur la scène politique. Comment expliquer que Karl fut l'une des personnalités influentes de la République fédérale alors que le républicain Hubertus resta un outsider ? Karl profita de l'influence de son père et du contexte particulier des années d'immédiate après-guerre, dominées par le besoin de renouer avec les élites conservatrices, à la fois symboles d'un passé national non souillé par le nazisme et victimes du nazisme, comme la majorité des Allemands estimaient l'être, même quand ces élites s'étaient laissées séduire. La perspicacité de Hubertus, qui avait compris dès 1930 la dangerosité du nazisme, dérangeait puisqu'elle renvoyait les Allemands à leur propre aveuglement.

International audience ; Im Jahr 1933 trat Karl zu Löwenstein in die SA ein, während Hubertus zu Löwenstein emigrierte und versuchte, die internationale Öffentlichkeit vor dem deutschen Nationalsozialismus zu warnen. 1948 übernahm Karl die Leitung der Katholikentage. Hubertus hingegen gelang es nicht, in der Politik Fuß zu fassen. Wie lässt sich erklären, dass Karl eine der einflussreichsten Persönlichkeiten der Bundesrepublik war und der Republikaner Hubertus gleichzeitig ein Außenseiter blieb ? Karl profitierte vom Einfluss seines Vaters und von dem besonderen Kontext der Nachkriegszeit, als man wieder eine Beziehung zu den konservativen Eliten aufbauen wollte. Diese standen einerseits für eine nationale Vergangenheit, die durch den Nationalsozialismus nicht in den Schmutz gezogen worden war. Andererseits betrachtete die Mehrheit der Deutschen sie als Opfer, obwohl sie sich durchaus auch hatten verführen lassen. Der Weitblick von Hubertus hingegen, der schon 1930 die Gefährlichkeit des Nationalsozialismus erkannt hatte, wurde als störend empfunden, weil er die Deutschen mit ihrer eigenen Blindheit konfrontierte. \\\ ///. In English: In 1933, Karl zu Löwenstein joined the SA while Hubertus zu Löwenstein emigrated and did one's utmost to warn the international public opinion against Nazi Germany. In 1948, Karl took over as the head of the Catholic congresses. Meanwhile, Hubertus did not manage to get a foothold in the political arena. How is it possible to explain that Karl was one of the most influential personalities of the Federal Republic whereas Hubertus remained as an outsider? Karl took advantage of his father's influence and used the particular context of the post-war years dominated by the need to renew with conservative elites, both symbols of a national past which had not been soiled by Nazism and still they presented themselves as victims of Nazism, like most Germans believed to be, even those elites who had been seduced. Hubertus' perspicacity, who had understood Nazism dangerousness as early as 1930, was bringing Germans out because it led them to look at their own blindness. ; En 1933, Karl zu Löwenstein entra à la SA tandis que Hubertus zu Löwenstein émigra et s'efforça de mettre en garde l'opinion publique internationale contre l'Allemagne nazie. En 1948, Karl prit la tête des Katholikentage. De son côté, Hubertus ne réussit pas à prendre pied sur la scène politique. Comment expliquer que Karl fut l'une des personnalités influentes de la République fédérale alors que le républicain Hubertus resta un outsider ? Karl profita de l'influence de son père et du contexte particulier des années d'immédiate après-guerre, dominées par le besoin de renouer avec les élites conservatrices, à la fois symboles d'un passé national non souillé par le nazisme et victimes du nazisme, comme la majorité des Allemands estimaient l'être, même quand ces élites s'étaient laissées séduire. La perspicacité de Hubertus, qui avait compris dès 1930 la dangerosité du nazisme, dérangeait puisqu'elle renvoyait les Allemands à leur propre aveuglement.

Drawing on the current debates, both political and academic, this doctoral research deals with the political legitimacy of European integration. Although political legitimacy is not a new concept in political science, it has attracted increased attention over the last two decades in the context of reflections on democracy, governance and the "crisis" of legitimacy at the European level, the sphere on which this research is founded. This thesis takes a sociopolitical approach to legitimacy, beyond any normative considerations. More specifically, it focuses on legitimacy understood as the acceptance of a changing political order by ordinary citizens, this acceptance being more or less conscious and active. The specificity of this approach lies in addressing this problem in all its complexity, analyzing both its latent and its manifest aspects. As a result, it contributes to the study of the processes of acceptance and/or resistance to the current process of European integration and its possible or desirable politicization. More precisely it is focused on the indifference of ordinary citizens to this process. Indeed the politicization of the European political order is at the heart of many academic debates and as a result a better understanding of this indifference is essential. Ameliorating our understanding of the lack of salience of European issues for a growing part of the public is the fundamental task tackled in this thesis. Beginning with a critical review of the literature on European legitimacy that underlines some of its weak points, the first chapter of this thesis provides a synthesis of the different theoretical models of legitimation that have been used in the course of European construction. The presentation of these different models provides the backdrop against which we are able to understand how citizens' attitudes towards European integration have been analyzed in the existing literature. This first chapter demonstrates how the citizen, from being a simple spectator, has been constructed as a key actor in the processes legitimizing European integration. Mobilizing a new longitudinal analysis of Eurobarometer data, the results of the second chapter lead us to conclude that the principal limitation of the way the notion of support is used in the literature is its over-reliance on a one-dimensional understanding of citizens' attitudes towards European integration. Contrary to this, we defend the idea that these attitudes are much more complex. The evolution of the post-Maastricht period cannot simply be reduced to an increase in "euroscepticism", particularly amongst lower socio-economic groups. This chapter concludes that it is necessary to take into account indifferent or undecided citizens to fully comprehend the question of the legitimacy of European integration, in all its components. The non-polarization of a significant number of citizens is indeed an overwhelming phenomenon. However, the study of this non-polarized category of citizens is not without posing substantial methodological problems. The third chapter thus deals with the issues surrounding the choice of methodology for the analysis of ordinary citizens' lack of polarization. With the goal of contributing to the renewal of research on citizens' attitudes towards European integration, we chose to put into place a methodology that is both qualitative and exploratory, whilst continuing with efforts to quantify the different processes observed, along the lines of existing European studies. This research therefore adopts a triangulation strategy that commonly comes under the term of mixed-methods. In this chapter we outline the reasons for our choice of focus groups as a research tool and set out our comparative research design in detail. 24 focus groups were conducted in the context of the research project Citizens Talking About Europe in (francophone) Belgium, in France, and in Great Britain. The additional perspective gained by the use of focus groups in three countries leads us in the fourth chapter to refute the underlying premise of the "constraining dissensus", already visible in the model of the "permissive consensus": the premise of the uniformity of national attitudes towards European integration. Building on the work of Juan Diez Medrano, in his book Framing Europe, the systematic coding analysis of our collective interviews leads us to confirm that different groups have different structures of perception and therefore of evaluation of European integration. Having radically questioned the uniformity of national attitudes towards the European Union, the fifth chapter demonstrates that the plurality of perceptions not only differs from one country to another but also within a given national context. In each of the three countries we studied, we observed the same increase in the number of citizens who expressed neither explicit support nor rejection of integration. In this chapter we focus our analysis on these undecided or indifferent citizens, distinguishing three forms of non-polarization: ambivalence, distance and exteriority, and fatalism. These three forms correspond to different framings in three different national categories however. In conclusion, our overall results lead us to interrogate the relevance of the affirmation according to which the permissiveness as understood in the thesis of the "permissive consensus" ended with the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty. We propose an alternative interpretation, which argues that the acceptance of a European political order stems from at least two rationales. On one hand, amongst the elites (understood in a broad sense as political or economic or even simply citizens interested in the political sphere) we observe a polarization of opinion characterized by a decline in support and a reinforcement of opposition to the processes of European integration. This tendency is emphasized and explained by the model of "constraining dissensus". On the other hand, we observe the reinforcement of indifference and/or indecision amongst ordinary citizens not expert in political matters, faced with this same process. The first rational of appropriation is linked to an active form of contentment or rejection, whereas the second demonstrates a mode of tacit acceptance, illustrating that the "permissive consensus" has not disappeared in the post-Maastricht era, although it has been transformed over the course of the integration process. In this respect, European legitimacy must be understood as both direct and indirect: as a double process. It must be seen as the extension and/or transformation of the acceptance of the national political order. Our results therefore suggest that we reconsider two commonly accepted premises, firstly that the European Union has become a salient issue for citizens and secondly that European public opinion has become polarized on the question of Europe. More generally, the conclusion of this thesis invites us to question the acceptance of change in the political order by investigating not only the degree of support citizens have for the European political system and the type of support they express, but also at the intensity of this support. Although the contrast between the pre- and post- Maastricht periods in terms of the parallel growth of the competences of the European Union and the publicity around European issues is not called into question, an interpretation based on the binary permissive consensus/euroscepticism appears incomplete if not erroneous. In emphasizing the complexity of the dynamics of politicization, this thesis suggests that the alleged break in the "permissive consensus" amongst citizens needs to be put into perspective. Thus, it is not clear that the "popular mood" towards Europe is the mirror image of the level of dissensus amongst elites . The politicization of European issues does not necessarily lead to the polarization of citizens opinions; we argue here that it is necessary to incorporate the notion and the role of indifference into any reflection on the legitimacy of the European integration process. ; Partant des débats actuels, à la fois scientifiques et politiques, cette recherche doctorale aborde la question de la légitimité politique dans le cas de l'intégration européenne. Si la légitimité politique n'est pas un concept nouveau de la science politique, cette notion a connu un regain d'intérêt au cours des deux dernières décennies dans le cadre de réflexions sur la démocratie, la gouvernance ou encore la 'crise' de légitimité au niveau européen, échelon sur lequel se concentre notre travail. Notre thèse repose sur une approche sociopolitique de la légitimité, étudiée en dehors de considérations normatives. Nous nous intéressons plus exactement à la légitimité comprise comme l'acceptation par les citoyens ordinaires d'un ordre politique en changement, cette acceptation pouvant être plus ou moins consciente et active. La particularité de notre approche réside dans le fait que nous nous sommes efforcées de cerner cette problématique dans toute sa complexité analysant autant ses aspects actifs que latents. Par conséquent, elle contribue à l'étude actuelle des processus d'acceptation et/ou de résistance à l'égard du processus en cours et à sa possible ou souhaitable politisation. Elle se concentre plus précisément sur l'indifférence des citoyens ordinaires. En effet, la politisation de l'ordre politique européen est au centre de nombre de questionnements académiques. Dès lors, comprendre l'absence de saillance des enjeux européens au sein d'une part grandissante de l'opinion publique revêt un caractère essentiel, tâche à laquelle cette thèse s'est attelée. Partant d'une revue de la littérature sur la légitimité européenne destinée à souligner certains de ses points faibles, la thèse propose dans un premier chapitre une synthèse des différents modèles théoriques et de légitimation qui ont été utilisés au fil de la construction européenne. La présentation de ces différents modèles sert de « toile de fond » pour comprendre comment les attitudes des citoyens à l'égard de l'intégration européenne ont été analysées. Ce premier chapitre montre comment, de simple spectateur, le citoyen a été construit comme un acteur clé du processus de légitimation de l'intégration européenne. Grâce à une nouvelle analyse longitudinale des données Eurobaromètres, les résultats du deuxième chapitre amènent à conclure que la principale limite des utilisations faites de la notion de soutien est de reposer sur une acception unidimensionnelle des attitudes des citoyens à l'égard de l'intégration européenne. Nous défendons au contraire l'idée que ces attitudes recèlent une plus grande complexité. L'évolution dans la période post-Maastricht ne peut être résumée par une augmentation de l' « euroscepticisme », en particulier parmi les catégories sociales les plus populaires. Ce chapitre conclut à la nécessité de prendre en compte la catégorie des citoyens indifférents ou indécis pour saisir la question de la légitimité de l'intégration européenne dans toutes ses composantes. La non-polarisation d'une part importante des citoyens est en effet un phénomène massif. Cependant, étudier cette catégorie non-polarisée de citoyens n'est pas sans poser des problèmes méthodologiques importants. Le troisième chapitre aborde la question des méthodes retenues en vue d'analyser la non-polarisation des citoyens ordinaires. Désirant contribuer au renouvellement des études des attitudes des citoyens à l'égard de l'intégration européenne, nous avons choisi de mettre en œuvre une méthodologie qualitative et exploratoire, tout en prolongeant l'effort de quantification des processus observés, dans le droit fil des études européennes. Notre travail adopte donc une stratégie de triangulation, qu'on désigne couramment sous le terme de mixed-methods. Nous justifions dans ce chapitre du choix de recourir au focus group comme outil d'enquête et détaillons notre design de recherche comparatif. 24 focus groups ont été réalisés dans le cadre du projet de recherche Citizens Talking About Europe en Belgique (francophone), en France et en Grande-Bretagne. Ils permettent d'appréhender dans toutes leurs composantes les rapports des citoyens ordinaires à l'intégration européenne. Le regard complémentaire porté grâce à l'utilisation de focus groups réalisés dans ces trois pays nous amène dans le quatrième chapitre à réfuter le postulat, sous-jacent à la thèse du « dissensus contraignant », déjà présent dans le modèle du « consensus permissif », d'une uniformité des attitudes nationales à l'égard de l'intégration européenne. Inspirée des avancées réalisées par Juan Diez Medrano dans son ouvrage Framing Europe, l'analyse systématique par codage de nos entretiens collectifs amène à confirmer que des publics différents ont des structures de perception, et donc d'évaluation, différentes à l'égard de l'intégration européenne. Après avoir remis en cause l'uniformité des attitudes nationales à l'égard de l'Union européenne, le cinquième chapitre démontre que la pluralité de perceptions diffère non seulement d'un pays à l'autre, mais qu'elles peuvent également par ailleurs coexister au sein d'un même contexte national. Dans chacun des pays enquêtés, on observe la même croissance de la catégorie de citoyens n'exprimant ni soutien explicite, ni rejet du processus d'intégration. Dans le cadre de ce dernier chapitre, nous concentrons nos analyses sur les citoyens indécis ou indifférents en différenciant trois visages de non-polarisation : l'ambivalence, la distance et l'extériorité et le fatalisme, lesquels correspondent cependant, dans chacun des trois pays, à des framing différents. En conclusion, l'ensemble de nos résultats nous conduit à interroger la pertinence de l'affirmation selon laquelle la permissivité telle que comprise dans le cadre de la thèse du « consensus permissif » a pris fin avec la ratification du Traité de Maastricht. Nous proposons une interprétation complémentaire, qui souligne que l'acceptation de l'ordre politique européen relève de deux logiques au moins. D'un côté, on assiste parmi les élites, entendues au sens large, tant politiques, qu'économiques, voire tout simplement les citoyens qui portent un intérêt à ce qui se joue dans le champs politique, à une polarisation des opinions marquées par un déclin des opinions favorables et un renforcement des oppositions au processus d'intégration européenne, tendance soulignée et expliquée par le modèle du « dissensus contraignant ». D'un autre côté, on constate un renforcement de l'indifférence et/ou de l'indécision des citoyens profanes en matière politique face à ce même processus. Là où la première logique d'appropriation renvoie à un mode actif de consentement ou de rejet, la seconde relève d'un mode d'acceptation tacite actualisant le modèle du « consensus permissif » dont nous montrons qu'il n'a pas disparu dans l'ère post-Maastricht, même s'il s'est transformé au fil de l'intégration. A cet égard, la légitimité européenne doit être comprise comme étant, à la fois, directe et indirecte, dans un double processus. Elle doit être perçue comme l'extension et/ou la transformation de l'acceptation de l'ordre politique national. L'ensemble de nos résultats invite par conséquent à reconsidérer deux postulats communément perçus comme acquis, à savoir non seulement que l'Union européenne serait devenu un enjeu saillant pour les citoyens, mais aussi que les opinions publiques européennes se seraient polarisées. Plus généralement, la conclusion de cette thèse invite à aborder la question de l'acceptation d'un changement dans l'ordre politique en s'intéressant non seulement au degré de soutien des citoyens au système politique européen et au type de soutien exprimé, mais également à son intensité. Si le contraste entre les périodes pré et post-Maastricht en termes de croissance concomitante des compétences de l'Union européenne et de publicisation des enjeux européens n'est pas remis en cause, la lecture basée sur le diptyque consensus permissif / euroscepticisme semble incomplète sinon erronée. En soulignant la complexité des dynamiques de politisation, cette thèse amène à relativiser la rupture du « consensus permissif » des citoyens. Ainsi, il n'est pas évident que l' « humeur populaire » à l'égard de l'Europe et le niveau de dissensus des élites se répondent en miroir . La politisation des enjeux européens ne menant pas nécessairement à une polarisation des opinions des citoyens, nous soutenons qu'il convient d'intégrer l'indifférence dans toute réflexion portant sur la légitimité du processus d'intégration européenne. ; (POL 3) -- UCL, 2010

Drawing on the current debates, both political and academic, this doctoral research deals with the political legitimacy of European integration. Although political legitimacy is not a new concept in political science, it has attracted increased attention over the last two decades in the context of reflections on democracy, governance and the "crisis" of legitimacy at the European level, the sphere on which this research is founded. This thesis takes a sociopolitical approach to legitimacy, beyond any normative considerations. More specifically, it focuses on legitimacy understood as the acceptance of a changing political order by ordinary citizens, this acceptance being more or less conscious and active. The specificity of this approach lies in addressing this problem in all its complexity, analyzing both its latent and its manifest aspects. As a result, it contributes to the study of the processes of acceptance and/or resistance to the current process of European integration and its possible or desirable politicization. More precisely it is focused on the indifference of ordinary citizens to this process. Indeed the politicization of the European political order is at the heart of many academic debates and as a result a better understanding of this indifference is essential. Ameliorating our understanding of the lack of salience of European issues for a growing part of the public is the fundamental task tackled in this thesis. Beginning with a critical review of the literature on European legitimacy that underlines some of its weak points, the first chapter of this thesis provides a synthesis of the different theoretical models of legitimation that have been used in the course of European construction. The presentation of these different models provides the backdrop against which we are able to understand how citizens' attitudes towards European integration have been analyzed in the existing literature. This first chapter demonstrates how the citizen, from being a simple spectator, has been constructed as a key actor in the processes legitimizing European integration. Mobilizing a new longitudinal analysis of Eurobarometer data, the results of the second chapter lead us to conclude that the principal limitation of the way the notion of support is used in the literature is its over-reliance on a one-dimensional understanding of citizens' attitudes towards European integration. Contrary to this, we defend the idea that these attitudes are much more complex. The evolution of the post-Maastricht period cannot simply be reduced to an increase in "euroscepticism", particularly amongst lower socio-economic groups. This chapter concludes that it is necessary to take into account indifferent or undecided citizens to fully comprehend the question of the legitimacy of European integration, in all its components. The non-polarization of a significant number of citizens is indeed an overwhelming phenomenon. However, the study of this non-polarized category of citizens is not without posing substantial methodological problems. The third chapter thus deals with the issues surrounding the choice of methodology for the analysis of ordinary citizens' lack of polarization. With the goal of contributing to the renewal of research on citizens' attitudes towards European integration, we chose to put into place a methodology that is both qualitative and exploratory, whilst continuing with efforts to quantify the different processes observed, along the lines of existing European studies. This research therefore adopts a triangulation strategy that commonly comes under the term of mixed-methods. In this chapter we outline the reasons for our choice of focus groups as a research tool and set out our comparative research design in detail. 24 focus groups were conducted in the context of the research project Citizens Talking About Europe in (francophone) Belgium, in France, and in Great Britain. The additional perspective gained by the use of focus groups in three countries leads us in the fourth chapter to refute the underlying premise of the "constraining dissensus", already visible in the model of the "permissive consensus": the premise of the uniformity of national attitudes towards European integration. Building on the work of Juan Diez Medrano, in his book Framing Europe, the systematic coding analysis of our collective interviews leads us to confirm that different groups have different structures of perception and therefore of evaluation of European integration. Having radically questioned the uniformity of national attitudes towards the European Union, the fifth chapter demonstrates that the plurality of perceptions not only differs from one country to another but also within a given national context. In each of the three countries we studied, we observed the same increase in the number of citizens who expressed neither explicit support nor rejection of integration. In this chapter we focus our analysis on these undecided or indifferent citizens, distinguishing three forms of non-polarization: ambivalence, distance and exteriority, and fatalism. These three forms correspond to different framings in three different national categories however. In conclusion, our overall results lead us to interrogate the relevance of the affirmation according to which the permissiveness as understood in the thesis of the "permissive consensus" ended with the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty. We propose an alternative interpretation, which argues that the acceptance of a European political order stems from at least two rationales. On one hand, amongst the elites (understood in a broad sense as political or economic or even simply citizens interested in the political sphere) we observe a polarization of opinion characterized by a decline in support and a reinforcement of opposition to the processes of European integration. This tendency is emphasized and explained by the model of "constraining dissensus". On the other hand, we observe the reinforcement of indifference and/or indecision amongst ordinary citizens not expert in political matters, faced with this same process. The first rational of appropriation is linked to an active form of contentment or rejection, whereas the second demonstrates a mode of tacit acceptance, illustrating that the "permissive consensus" has not disappeared in the post-Maastricht era, although it has been transformed over the course of the integration process. In this respect, European legitimacy must be understood as both direct and indirect: as a double process. It must be seen as the extension and/or transformation of the acceptance of the national political order. Our results therefore suggest that we reconsider two commonly accepted premises, firstly that the European Union has become a salient issue for citizens and secondly that European public opinion has become polarized on the question of Europe. More generally, the conclusion of this thesis invites us to question the acceptance of change in the political order by investigating not only the degree of support citizens have for the European political system and the type of support they express, but also at the intensity of this support. Although the contrast between the pre- and post- Maastricht periods in terms of the parallel growth of the competences of the European Union and the publicity around European issues is not called into question, an interpretation based on the binary permissive consensus/euroscepticism appears incomplete if not erroneous. In emphasizing the complexity of the dynamics of politicization, this thesis suggests that the alleged break in the "permissive consensus" amongst citizens needs to be put into perspective. Thus, it is not clear that the "popular mood" towards Europe is the mirror image of the level of dissensus amongst elites . The politicization of European issues does not necessarily lead to the polarization of citizens opinions; we argue here that it is necessary to incorporate the notion and the role of indifference into any reflection on the legitimacy of the European integration process. ; Partant des débats actuels, à la fois scientifiques et politiques, cette recherche doctorale aborde la question de la légitimité politique dans le cas de l'intégration européenne. Si la légitimité politique n'est pas un concept nouveau de la science politique, cette notion a connu un regain d'intérêt au cours des deux dernières décennies dans le cadre de réflexions sur la démocratie, la gouvernance ou encore la 'crise' de légitimité au niveau européen, échelon sur lequel se concentre notre travail. Notre thèse repose sur une approche sociopolitique de la légitimité, étudiée en dehors de considérations normatives. Nous nous intéressons plus exactement à la légitimité comprise comme l'acceptation par les citoyens ordinaires d'un ordre politique en changement, cette acceptation pouvant être plus ou moins consciente et active. La particularité de notre approche réside dans le fait que nous nous sommes efforcées de cerner cette problématique dans toute sa complexité analysant autant ses aspects actifs que latents. Par conséquent, elle contribue à l'étude actuelle des processus d'acceptation et/ou de résistance à l'égard du processus en cours et à sa possible ou souhaitable politisation. Elle se concentre plus précisément sur l'indifférence des citoyens ordinaires. En effet, la politisation de l'ordre politique européen est au centre de nombre de questionnements académiques. Dès lors, comprendre l'absence de saillance des enjeux européens au sein d'une part grandissante de l'opinion publique revêt un caractère essentiel, tâche à laquelle cette thèse s'est attelée. Partant d'une revue de la littérature sur la légitimité européenne destinée à souligner certains de ses points faibles, la thèse propose dans un premier chapitre une synthèse des différents modèles théoriques et de légitimation qui ont été utilisés au fil de la construction européenne. La présentation de ces différents modèles sert de « toile de fond » pour comprendre comment les attitudes des citoyens à l'égard de l'intégration européenne ont été analysées. Ce premier chapitre montre comment, de simple spectateur, le citoyen a été construit comme un acteur clé du processus de légitimation de l'intégration européenne. Grâce à une nouvelle analyse longitudinale des données Eurobaromètres, les résultats du deuxième chapitre amènent à conclure que la principale limite des utilisations faites de la notion de soutien est de reposer sur une acception unidimensionnelle des attitudes des citoyens à l'égard de l'intégration européenne. Nous défendons au contraire l'idée que ces attitudes recèlent une plus grande complexité. L'évolution dans la période post-Maastricht ne peut être résumée par une augmentation de l' « euroscepticisme », en particulier parmi les catégories sociales les plus populaires. Ce chapitre conclut à la nécessité de prendre en compte la catégorie des citoyens indifférents ou indécis pour saisir la question de la légitimité de l'intégration européenne dans toutes ses composantes. La non-polarisation d'une part importante des citoyens est en effet un phénomène massif. Cependant, étudier cette catégorie non-polarisée de citoyens n'est pas sans poser des problèmes méthodologiques importants. Le troisième chapitre aborde la question des méthodes retenues en vue d'analyser la non-polarisation des citoyens ordinaires. Désirant contribuer au renouvellement des études des attitudes des citoyens à l'égard de l'intégration européenne, nous avons choisi de mettre en œuvre une méthodologie qualitative et exploratoire, tout en prolongeant l'effort de quantification des processus observés, dans le droit fil des études européennes. Notre travail adopte donc une stratégie de triangulation, qu'on désigne couramment sous le terme de mixed-methods. Nous justifions dans ce chapitre du choix de recourir au focus group comme outil d'enquête et détaillons notre design de recherche comparatif. 24 focus groups ont été réalisés dans le cadre du projet de recherche Citizens Talking About Europe en Belgique (francophone), en France et en Grande-Bretagne. Ils permettent d'appréhender dans toutes leurs composantes les rapports des citoyens ordinaires à l'intégration européenne. Le regard complémentaire porté grâce à l'utilisation de focus groups réalisés dans ces trois pays nous amène dans le quatrième chapitre à réfuter le postulat, sous-jacent à la thèse du « dissensus contraignant », déjà présent dans le modèle du « consensus permissif », d'une uniformité des attitudes nationales à l'égard de l'intégration européenne. Inspirée des avancées réalisées par Juan Diez Medrano dans son ouvrage Framing Europe, l'analyse systématique par codage de nos entretiens collectifs amène à confirmer que des publics différents ont des structures de perception, et donc d'évaluation, différentes à l'égard de l'intégration européenne. Après avoir remis en cause l'uniformité des attitudes nationales à l'égard de l'Union européenne, le cinquième chapitre démontre que la pluralité de perceptions diffère non seulement d'un pays à l'autre, mais qu'elles peuvent également par ailleurs coexister au sein d'un même contexte national. Dans chacun des pays enquêtés, on observe la même croissance de la catégorie de citoyens n'exprimant ni soutien explicite, ni rejet du processus d'intégration. Dans le cadre de ce dernier chapitre, nous concentrons nos analyses sur les citoyens indécis ou indifférents en différenciant trois visages de non-polarisation : l'ambivalence, la distance et l'extériorité et le fatalisme, lesquels correspondent cependant, dans chacun des trois pays, à des framing différents. En conclusion, l'ensemble de nos résultats nous conduit à interroger la pertinence de l'affirmation selon laquelle la permissivité telle que comprise dans le cadre de la thèse du « consensus permissif » a pris fin avec la ratification du Traité de Maastricht. Nous proposons une interprétation complémentaire, qui souligne que l'acceptation de l'ordre politique européen relève de deux logiques au moins. D'un côté, on assiste parmi les élites, entendues au sens large, tant politiques, qu'économiques, voire tout simplement les citoyens qui portent un intérêt à ce qui se joue dans le champs politique, à une polarisation des opinions marquées par un déclin des opinions favorables et un renforcement des oppositions au processus d'intégration européenne, tendance soulignée et expliquée par le modèle du « dissensus contraignant ». D'un autre côté, on constate un renforcement de l'indifférence et/ou de l'indécision des citoyens profanes en matière politique face à ce même processus. Là où la première logique d'appropriation renvoie à un mode actif de consentement ou de rejet, la seconde relève d'un mode d'acceptation tacite actualisant le modèle du « consensus permissif » dont nous montrons qu'il n'a pas disparu dans l'ère post-Maastricht, même s'il s'est transformé au fil de l'intégration. A cet égard, la légitimité européenne doit être comprise comme étant, à la fois, directe et indirecte, dans un double processus. Elle doit être perçue comme l'extension et/ou la transformation de l'acceptation de l'ordre politique national. L'ensemble de nos résultats invite par conséquent à reconsidérer deux postulats communément perçus comme acquis, à savoir non seulement que l'Union européenne serait devenu un enjeu saillant pour les citoyens, mais aussi que les opinions publiques européennes se seraient polarisées. Plus généralement, la conclusion de cette thèse invite à aborder la question de l'acceptation d'un changement dans l'ordre politique en s'intéressant non seulement au degré de soutien des citoyens au système politique européen et au type de soutien exprimé, mais également à son intensité. Si le contraste entre les périodes pré et post-Maastricht en termes de croissance concomitante des compétences de l'Union européenne et de publicisation des enjeux européens n'est pas remis en cause, la lecture basée sur le diptyque consensus permissif / euroscepticisme semble incomplète sinon erronée. En soulignant la complexité des dynamiques de politisation, cette thèse amène à relativiser la rupture du « consensus permissif » des citoyens. Ainsi, il n'est pas évident que l' « humeur populaire » à l'égard de l'Europe et le niveau de dissensus des élites se répondent en miroir . La politisation des enjeux européens ne menant pas nécessairement à une polarisation des opinions des citoyens, nous soutenons qu'il convient d'intégrer l'indifférence dans toute réflexion portant sur la légitimité du processus d'intégration européenne. ; (POL 3) -- UCL, 2010

Industry affiliation provides an important channel through which trade liberalization can affect worker earnings and wage inequality between skilled and unskilled workers. This empirical study of the impact of the 1988-94 trade liberalization in Brazil on the industry wage structure suggests that although industry affiliation is an important component of worker earnings, the structure of industry wage premiums is relatively stable over time. There is no statistical association between changes in industry wage premiums and changes in trade policy or between industry-specific skill premiums to university graduates and trade policy. Thus trade liberalization in Brazil did not significantly contribute to increased wage inequality between skilled and unskilled workers through changes in industry wage premiums. The difference between these results and those obtained for other countries (such as Colombia and Mexico) provides fruitful ground for studying the conditions under which trade reforms do not have an adverse effect on industry wage differentials

Máster Universitario en Ingeniería Industrial ; El objetivo principal del documento es presentar las tendencias y características actuales de la industria de la automoción, y con foco en los fabricantes de componentes, entender la importancia de la competitividad e identificar y cuantificar los factores críticos de éxito que les permitirían obtener una huella industrial competitiva, en este caso, en el sector de estampación en caliente. La industria de la automoción es un pilar clave para la economía global, pues representa un 3% de PIB mundial, y contribuye enormemente a la creación de puestos de trabajo, desarrollo industrial y fomento del I+D. Dentro del sector, los fabricantes de componentes se están convirtiendo gradualmente en un elemento clave en la elaboración de valor añadido, dado que la producción de vehículos se está haciendo progresivamente más compleja y su integración en la cadena de valor es crítica. OEMs, fabricantes de componentes y el sector en general han disfrutado de un periodo de crecimiento y rentabilidad relativamente alto desde la recesión en 2008 y 2009. No obstante, la industria está empezando a enfrentarse a una serie de retos que seguramente condicionen sus ingresos, siendo de especial relevancia los retos en materia de reducción de costes, peso y regulaciones. El afán por la reducción de costes y peso obliga a los OEMs y resto de fabricantes a prodcir coches cada vez más ligeros, económicos y que cumplan con las regulaciones medioambientales y de seguridad. Por este motivo, la carrocería y el chasis se vuelven elementos clave, pues representan casi un 40% del peso de un vehículo, y se estima que albergarán el 15% de la inversión necesaria para cumplir con los objetivos de eficiencia energética. Con el objetivo de fabricar componentes ligeros, la industria ha desarrollado una serie de tecnologías y materiales para remplazar el tradicional acero dulce. Entre ellos, destacan los aceros de ultra alta resistencia (UHSS) y de estampación en caliente, y el aluminio y los composites. El uso de estas dos últimas tecnologías, a pesar de ofrecer las mayores reducciones de peso, no ha sido ampliamente extendido, dado que aun suponen un coste de fabricación muy alto. Dada la competitividad y relevancia del sector, este documento se centra en una de estas tecnologías de innovación, la estampación en caliente, y trata de generar valor mediante la identificación y cuantificación de los factores críticos de éxito que ofrecerían una ventaja competitiva sostenida. Como respuesta al crecimiento global de la industria, los fabricantes de componentes han expandido sus operaciones, y la optimización de su huella industrial es clave de cara a convertirse en competidores feroces. Si este documento se quedase en el plano descriptivo, su utilidad sería limitada. Por ello, la influencia de las palancas identificadas y su impacto sobre el coste total de fabricación se han cuantificado a través de un modelo de costes. El modelo identifica los principales factores de costes y destaca una serie de iniciativas potenciales para la mejora del rendimiento, que son contextualizadas en el marco de un caso práctico. Para llevar a cabo esta tarea, se desarrollan los siguientes análisis: Caracterización del sector de la automoción y los fabricantes de componentes Papel de los componentes de carrocería y chasis Entorno competitivo en carrocería y chasis Identificación y evaluación de los factores críticos de éxito para la competitividad de una planta de estampación en caliente Modelado de la competitividad mediante un caso práctico Caracterización del sector de la automoción y los fabricantes de componentes El sector de la automoción constituye una palanca básica para el progreso económico y la estabilidad, y fomenta el desarrollo tecnológico en países desarrollados y en vías de desarrollo. El gran crecimiento en los últimos años ha ayudado a la industria en la creación de puestos de trabajo, recaudación de impuestos y desarrollo industrial. La producción desde la recesión ha crecido con una tasa compuesta anual de 8,3%, especialmente favorecida por el crecimiento del mercado chino y la recuperación de los mercados europeos y americanos. La rentabilidad desde 2009 ha sido relativamente más alta para los fabricantes de componentes, especialmente aquellos enfocados en neumáticos y sistemas de propulsión, y aquellos centrados en innovación de producto. A pesar del crecimiento experimentado en años previos, el sector afrontará una serie de retos que condicionarán futuras rentabilidades. Las OEMs y resto de fabricantes se enfrentarán a una intensificación de la complejidad y la reducción de peso y costes, un movimiento continuado del centro de gravedad hacia mercados emergentes, un incremento de la demanda digital y un cambio en el panorama de la industrial, requiriendo una mayor porción de valor añadido por parte de los fabricantes de componentes. Papel de los componentes de carrocería y chasis Los retos en materia de reducción de coste y peso que afronta la industria guían hacia la fabricación de componentes más económicos, ligeros y conformes con las regulaciones medioambientales y de seguridad. Con el fin de lograr este objetivo, los componentes de carrocería y chasis juegan un papel clave pues representan casi el 40% del peso del vehículo y se espera que acaparen un 15% de la inversión necesaria para alcanzar las metas de eficiencia de combustible. Con el objetivo de fabricar componentes ligeros, la industria ha desarrollado una serie de tecnologías y materiales para remplazar el tradicional acero dulce. Entre ellos, destacan los aceros de ultra alta resistencia (UHSS) y de estampación en caliente, y el aluminio y los composites. El uso de estas dos últimas tecnologías, a pesar de ofrecer las mayores reducciones de peso, no ha sido ampliamente extendido, dado que aun suponen un coste de fabricación muy alto. Los UHSS y aceros de estampación en caliente ofrecen límites elásticos significativamente más altos con una reducción en peso del 20%, y un incremento de los costes de facturación del 15%. El aluminio por su parte, que necesita ser aleado para su uso en elementos estructurales, ofrece una reducción de peso del 40%, además de una alta reciclabilidad y reducción de las emisiones. Los composites ofrecen una reducción de peso aún mayor, 50%, y una reducción de la complejidad de fabricación. No obstante, están tecnologías suponen un incremento de coste del 30% y 47% respectivamente. Entorno competitivo en carrocería y chasis El mercado de la carrocería y chasis está dominado por pocos actores que han logrado el liderazgo a través de una cobertura global y una amplia línea de productos. Dentro del sector de estampación, destacan Cosma (empresa de Magna International), Gestamp Automoción, Benteler Automotive y Tower International. Presentan unos ingresos en el rango entre 2.000 y 8.000 millones de dólares, y tienes unas rentabilidades operativas del 10% de margen de EBITDA de media. A pesar de la existencia de muchos pequeños competidores locales con foco en una región específica, y la internalización de la actividad por parte de algunas OEMs, el sector está tendiendo hacia la consolidación, y los sectores de carrocería y chasis representan un 40% de toda la actividad de fusiones y adquisiciones en la industria de la automoción actualmente.Identificación y evaluación de los factores críticos de éxito para la competitividad de una planta de estampación en caliente Como ya se ha manifestado, el sector de carrocería y chasis, y más concretamente, de estampación en caliente, es altamente competitivo, por lo que la identificación de los factores críticos de éxito para la competitividad se vuelve un aspecto clave. El sector de la automoción se ha convertido en una industria global en las últimas décadas, lo que ha llevado a los fabricantes a expandir sus operaciones y tratar de optimizar su huella industrial. Por ello, una de las vías para lograr convertirse en un competidor feroz y llevar a cabo una estrategia difícilmente imitable por competidores es mediante el desarrollo de una huella industrial feroz. Los cuatro factores críticos de éxito identificados para la obtención de una huella industrial competitiva incluyen: Alto conocimiento tecnológico sobre el proceso de estampación en caliente, productos, materiales… Se ha llevado a cabo una profunda investigación de cara a la definición propiedades de los materiales, procesos, maquinaría y alternativas potenciales, además de la amplia gama de posibles productos estampados en caliente y la demanda creciente que afronta la tecnología Una ubicación estratégica que permita beneficiarse de producción JIT con el cliente, un suministro de materias primas apropiado y un coste logístico reducido La proximidad a la planta de ensamblaje del OEM afecta positivamente tanto a funciones 'hard' como JIT y costes logísticos, como funciones 'soft' como imagen y choque cultural. Además, diferencias potenciales en el precio de materias primas se pueden explicar parcialmente con la ubicación y su influencia en los factores de coste Una mano de obra adecuada, que muestre un balance correcto entre coste de personal, capacidades, productividades y educación Se ha desarrollado un análisis detallado sobre la variación de las características de los trabajadores del sector entre países, y su impacto en las diferencias de coste y rendimiento Alta eficiencia operativa basada en técnicas lean y buenos rendimientos en términos de OEE y TPM Se presentan los grandes beneficios de una estrategia de OEE y TMP y más particularmente, comparativas de estampación en caliente con tecnologías alternativas Modelado de la competitividad mediante un caso práctico Si este documento se quedase en el plano descriptivo, su utilidad sería limitada. A través del diseño de un modelo para cuantificar el impacto de los factores de competitividad identificados, se logra construir otra perspectiva desde un caso práctico real. El caso define un fabricante de componentes de estampación en caliente, que debe fabricar la producción de pilares B para un OEM desde una de sus plantas. Para averiguar cuál de sus ubicaciones ofrece la mayor competitividad de costes, el modelo ofrece un desglose de costes detallado, y estudia los principales palancas de coste de cada planta a la luz de los factores de de éxito identificados. El modelo y su aplicación a un caso práctico son de gran utilidad de cara a subrayar iniciativas de mejora, y su impacto en coste y rendimiento. Propone una serie de medidas que logran una mejora del OEE de 11pp y una reducción del 50% de los costes de mantenimiento, en materia de capacidad y organización de la planta; establecimiento de estandarización del trabajo, 5S y gestión visual; reducción del mantenimiento no planificado de maquinas y herramientas; y eficiencia y consistencia transiciones mediante SMED. Asimismo, la aplicación de un caso práctico permite evaluar el rendimiento en fabricación desde un punto de vista de financiación, e incluir conceptos como margen operativo, coste de capital y retorno de la inversión anual medio. Por último, su uso también permite llevar a cabo análisis de sensibilidades y evaluar el impacto de otras capacidades de tipos soft como coordinación, impacto cultural e imagen. Conclusiones Los primeros aspectos más analíticos del documento otorgan un entendimiento de la situación actual y los retos que afrontan OEMs y fabricantes de componentes, y subraya la relevancia que los componentes de carrocería y chasis juegan de cara a conseguir los objetivos de reducción de costes y peso. Asimismo, sirve como una introducción de las características de estos componentes, y recalca la importancia de la competitividad. No obstante, el mayor valor añadido del documento recae sobre la identificación y cuantificación de los factores críticos de éxito que permiten a una planta de estampación en caliente obtener una huella industrial feroz. Mediante este análisis, se definen las palancas más importantes para hacerse competitivo. Por un lado, se describen en detalle factores ajenos y no controlados por los fabricantes como las características de la mano de obra, costes logísticos y de materias primas…Una descripción tan detallada pretende ser de utilidad para fabricantes de cara a decisiones sobre su huella industrial. Por otro lado, se realiza un profundo examen de la tecnología, con enfoque en materiales, procesos y productos y sus alternativas, y una definición de las reglas que ofrecen una excelencia operativa y de mantenimiento. Por medio de estas palancas, se identifican claras iniciativas para la mejora del rendimiento y la competitividad de costes. Además, la aplicación de estos factores de éxito identificados en un caso práctico permite la contextualización en un escenario de fabricación real. La definición del modelo de costes ayuda a ilustrar el impacto de estas palancas sobre el coste total, y su influencia de cara a la mejora de la competitividad. La cuantificación de estas medidas, asimismo, permite la aplicación de evaluaciones de tipo financiero y análisis de sensibilidad. ; The main goal of the document is to present the trends and circumstances that the automotive industry is currently experiencing, and with focus on the supplier sector, understand the importance of competitiveness and identify and quantify the critical success factors that would provide a component manufacturer, in this case, in hot stamping, with a ruthless manufacturing footprint. The automotive industry is a main pillar for the global economy, accounting for 3% of the world's GDP and heavily contributing to job creation, industrial development and fostering of R&D. Within the sector, component manufacturers are gradually becoming a key element towards value addition, as vehicle production is becoming increasingly complex and integration of suppliers within OEM's value chain is critical. OEMs, component manufactures and the sector as a whole, have been enjoy a period of relatively strong growth and profitability since the recession in the 2008-2009 period. Nevertheless, the industry is starting to face a series of challenges which will definitely condition their future returns, especially meaningful regarding cost-pressure, weight and regulations. This intensification of cost-pressure and weight focus forces OEMs and suppliers to manufacture increasingly light-weight vehicles, that are cost-effective and comply with environmental and safety regulations. For this purpose, body in white and chassis components become critical, as they represent almost 40% of a car's weight, and it is expected that 15% of the investment towards achieving fuel efficiency goals will rely on them. In order to tackle the need to produce light components, the industry has come up with new technologies and materials to replace traditional mild steel which allow for a significant weight reduction. These innovative materials encompass Ultra High Strength Steel (UHSS) and hot stamped steel, and aluminium and composites. These last two technologies, although offering the highest weight reduction, are still under development and their high manufacturing costs hinder their general expansion. Given the relevance and competitiveness of the sector, this document focuses on one of these innovative technologies, hot-stamping, and generates value by identifying and quantifying the critical success factors that would provide a hot stamping manufacturer's plant with a sustained competitive advantage. As a result of global growth, suppliers have had to expand its operations, and in order to tackle future industry challenges, manufacturers must search to become ruthless competitors by means of an optimized footprint. If this document just held on to a descriptive level, the utility of it would be limited. Therefore, the influence of the identified levers and their impact on overall manufacturing costs are quantified through a cost model. The model identifies the main cost drivers and highlights potential performance improvement initiatives, which are then contextualized through a case study. In order to carry out this task, the following analysis will be developed: Characterization of the automotive and supplier industry Role of body in white and chassis Competitive landscape in the body in white and chassis stamping sector Identification of success factors for the competitiveness of a hot stamping plant Modelling of competitiveness through a case study Characterization of the automotive and supplier industry The automotive industry constitutes a main driver of macroeconomic expansion and stability, and forces technological advancement in both developed and developing countries. Its strong growth in past years has allowed the industry to robustly contribute to job creation, government revenue and industrial and research development. Production since the recession has grown with a 8,3% CAGR, especially pulled by the growth in the Greater China market and the recovery of Europe and North America. Profitability since 2009 have been relatively higher for component manufacturers, especially those focused on tires and power train, and enhancing product innovation. Despite the growth experienced in previous years, the sector will encounter a series of challenges which will condition future profitability. OEMs and suppliers will encounter an intensification of complexity, cost-pressure and weight focus, they will experience a shift of the centre of gravity towards emerging markets and an increase in the digital demands, and they will face a change in the industry landscape, as component manufacturers will be required to add increasing value to the final product.Role of body in white and chassis The challenges regarding cost pressure and weight faced by OEMs and component manufacturers forces the industry to produce increasingly lighter cars, which are cost effective and meet environmental and safety regulation. Towards achieving this goal, a car's body in white (BIW) and chassis play a critical role as they account for almost 40% of the vehicle's weight, and are expected to require 15% of the investment needed to accomplish the fuel efficiency targets. In order to tackle the need to produce light components, the industry has come up with new technologies and materials to replace traditional mild steel which allow for a significant weight reduction. These innovative materials encompass Ultra High Strength Steel (UHSS) and hot stamped steel, and aluminium and composites. These last two technologies, although offering the highest weight reduction, are still under development and their high manufacturing costs hinder their general expansion. UHSS and hot-stamped steels allow offer significantly higher yield strengths with a 20% weight reduction, while increasing manufacturing costs by 15%. Aluminium, which needs to be alloyed to be used in structural components, besides reducing 40% weight, offers high recyclability and emission reduction. Composites offer even further weight reduction, 50% and reduced manufacturing complexity. Nevertheless, these technologies respectively increase manufacturing costs by 30% and 470%. Competitive landscape in the body in white and chassis stamping sector The body in white and chassis market is dominated by a few players who have achieved leadership through global coverage and breath of capabilities. Within the stamping sector, Cosma (company of Magna International), Gestamp Automoción, Benteler Automotive and Tower International are the largest competitors. They present revenues ranging from 2.000 to 8.000 million dollars, and have an operational efficiency averaging 10% EBITDA margin. Although there are many local players present with focus only on a certain region, and some OEMs internally develop stamping activities, the industry is turning towards higher consolidation, as body and chassis account for 40% of all the current M&A activity in the industry. Identification of success factors for the competitiveness of a hot stamping plant As it has been highlighted, the stamping of body in white and chassis, and more precisely, hot stamping, is highly competitive, which makes the identification of competitiveness success factor very important. The automotive industry has become a greatly global industry in the past decades and hence, automotive suppliers have had to expand their operations and try to optimize their manufacturing footprint.Therefore, one of the ways an automotive supplier could become a ruthless competitor and build up a strategy that wouldn't be able to be imitated by its competitors is by developing a ruthless footprint. The four identified critical success factors to achieve footprint competitiveness encompass: The technological know-how of the hot-stamping processes, products, materials. Research is carried out in order to define material properties, processes, machinery and future developments, as well as the wide range of products possibly manufactured with hot stamping and the increasing demand faced by the technology. A strategic location that would allow benefiting from Just in Time (JIT) production with the customer, appropriate raw material sourcing and reduced logistic and shipping costs Proximity to OEM plant is proved to positively affect both hard features like JIT and shipping costs and soft features like image and cultural impact. Besides, potential raw material price difference are partially explained by the location and its influence on cost drivers An adequate work-force, which shows a successful balance of personnel cost, skills, productivity and education. Detailed analysis performed evidences how worker characteristics vary along different countries and can explain cost and performance differences High operational efficiency based on lean techniques and good Overall Equipment Effectiveness (OEE) and Total Productive Maintenance (TPM) performances Presentation of the vast benefits enhanced through the implementation of OEE and TPM strategies together with benchmarks on hot stamping and other comparable technologies Modelling of competitiveness through a case study If this document just held on to a descriptive level, the utility of it would be limited. By means of designing a model to quantify the impact of the identified competitiveness success factors, it allows to build a further perspective, a real case scenario. The case study defines a supplier of hot stamping components, which must manufacture the Bpillar production for a vehicle from one of its plants. In order to find out which location offers the biggest cost competitiveness, the model illustrates detailed cost breakdowns and studies the main cost drivers in each plant in light of the identified success factors. The model and its application to a case study are very useful in order to highlight improvement initiatives, and their potential impact on cost and performance. It proposes a series of initiatives which prove to achieve an 11pp OEE increase and a 50% reduction in maintenance costs, regarding the fields of plant capacity and organization improvement; establishment of standard work, 5S and visual management; reduction of unplanned machine and tool maintenance; and efficiency and consistency of changeovers through SMED. Furthermore, the application to a case study allows to contextualize manufacturing performances within a financial evaluation and to come across with concepts such as operational profit, required cost of capital and average annual ROCE, which in the auto-component industry are standardized to be >12%, 8,1% and >15% respectively. Finally, the employment of a model allows to carryout sensitivity analysis and to evaluate the impact of other potential soft skills such as coordination, culture impact or image. Conclusions The first analytical topics of the document grant an understanding of the current situation and challenges faced by OEMs and suppliers, and highlight the big relevance that body and chassis components will have towards achieving cost and weight reduction goals. Furthermore, it serves as an introduction on the characteristics of the BIW and chassis components and technologies, and remarks the importance of competitiveness. Nevertheless, the biggest value addition of this document mainly relays on the identification and quantification of the success factors that make a hot stamping plant achieve a ruthless footprint. Through this analysis, the most important levers towards becoming competitive are defined and evaluated. On the one hand, the situation of outside and uncontrolled conditions such as country labour characteristics, shipping costs and raw material cost drivers are described in depth. Such detailed description intents to be positively valued by manufacturers before leveraging and deciding on their footprint decision. On the other hand, in depth research of the technology, with focus on materials, processes and products, and their alternatives, and definition of rules towards achieving excellent operational and maintenance performances are defined. By means of these levers, clear and detailed initiatives are proposed to improve performance and become more cost competitive. Moreover, the application of these identified success factors in a case study allows contextualizing them within a real manufacturing scenario. The definition of a cost model helps to illustrate the impact on overall cost of the identified levers and their influence towards competitiveness improvement. The quantification of the impact of the success factors allows, furthermore, to apply financial evaluations and sensitivity analysis.

Inhaltsangabe: To introduce this work the author refers to the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2011, which took place in Davos from the 26th - 30th of January 2011, its agendas and reports (The World Economic Forum, 2011). At first view this meeting looks like a get-together of several leaders from different backgrounds, meaning leaders from different industries as well as political and religious leaders. But the huge amount of attendees and their position in the world turns this get-together into a platform to discuss strategies and solutions for the world's future economy and how to overcome the latest issues regarding the financial crisis. The theme of this year's meeting was 'Shared norms for a new reality', indicating, that the world has reached a turning point where change is important to assure a sustainable future. Abhisit Vejjajiva, Prime Minister of Thailand, for example states 'Governments and businesses should start revising their social contracts with their stakeholders in the light of the new realities of the post-crisis world". Furthermore his concern is that today's leaders are mostly just focused on the short-term success, due to the high pressure from their shareholders and thus work in their own borders without caring about the common good outside the borders in order to generate sustainable success. This concern gets a higher emphasis by Indra Nooyi, Chairman and CEO of PepsiCo, who actually attacks today's businesspeople and want to send them back to university because they just aim for short-term profits, rather than worrying about a sustainable future. In addition it is about the future leadership role of China considering multi stakeholders to achieve win-win solutions (Victor Chu, First Eastern Investment Group), leadership for people (Christine Lagarde, French Minister of Finance) and finally an optimistic outlook for the future, especially Europe, and the request of change and more transparency by David Cameron, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. At the end buzzwords like stakeholders, sustainability, partnership, social responsibility, growth, balance and responsible leadership, just to name a few, can be found throughout all statements. As a matter of course all these statements are in a broader context meaning global issues, but can easily transferred to normal businesses. Reason for this project: Sustainability has become, as seen above, a huge topic paired with a more social behaviour for the common good and let the feeling arise that a new era has begun, that some of the main leaders have started to develop a new 'Zeitgeist". The question now is how this dissertation can contribute to the on-going change in order to achieve sustainable success. Sustainable success is depended on the competitive advantages, which is often tried to gain through reengineering, process improvement, etc. According to Huber, Scharioth, Pallas (2004) this is initially a good idea, but even if there are differences putting these into practice, the performance standard is often quite similar and the competitive advantage, which is won by these initiatives, is not as significant as desired. That is why they are putting the emphasis on stakeholder management with the purpose to not left the relationships with stakeholders on its own. Stakeholder management is actually an idea developed within the 80's by Freeman (1984) in order to strategically align the stakeholder's interest, using a rough framework, finally resulting in improved success (Stoney Winstanley, 2001). Success is nowadays often seen in form of financial benefits and at least in this point Berman, Wicks, Kotha, Jones (1999) see a positive impact on the part of stakeholder management. Nonetheless sustainable success is not just about finances and thus it is interesting to investigate what sustainable success is and how stakeholder management nurtures all its components. But why is each stakeholder so important? Giving some examples according to Huber, Scharioth, Pallas (2004), it points out that no matter if employees or suppliers they all have an essential impact on the business. Employees for instance have a high impact on the customer retention and company's profitability (improvement of 20% - 50%) and therefore put before customer by Nayar (2010). On the other hand suppliers need a lot of attention, due to 'Outsourcing', 'Lean' and scarcity of raw materials, to get required quality, quantity and delivery time. But also other external stakeholders are from high importance to avoid higher financial risks, as already pointed out in the 1990s by McGuire in Savage, Nix, Whitehead, Blair (1991), and thus must be managed well in order to not loose the support of a specific group and thus getting hindered on the journey to sustainable success (Reynolds, Schultz, Hekman, 2006). This is where 'managing", also understood as 'balancing" (Avery, 2005), the different interests comes into play, whereas it can become difficult, if the company is highly depending on one specific stakeholder. This could be an investor, who is holding a lot of shares, or a supplier, who is having a monopole, leading to generated bias and an exposure of sustainability (Savage, Nix, Whitehead, Blair, 1991). Furthermore a company or a company network respectively, is seen as an alliance of stakeholders (Freeman, Harrison, Wicks, 2007), and their sustainable success is ensured by sticking together and behaving like a moving target (De Wit Meyer, 2005), in order to withstand evolutions in the industry and the corresponding challenges. It also could be refereed to a company as organisation, an amalgamation of people or groups of people with the aim of accomplishing productive activities, which is seen as difficult on an individual basis (Chemers, 1997). However there are also arguments against stakeholder management as enabler for sustainable success (Stoney Winstanley, 2001), at which the only purpose of a company is seen by Friedman (1962) in Stoney Winstanley (2001) in making profit and thus stakeholder management is an attack on the individual wealth of shareholders (Sternberg, 1997). In addition stakeholder management has found one of its biggest critics in Stoney Winstanley (2001) who complain about the complexity of this approach and finally its misuse as just a new tool to control the participants. Nonetheless these concerns are generally based on traditional and old-fashioned views and the question arises if the time is ripe for change, meaning the move away from just sustainable shareholder success. Considering the criticism above it seems that one of the biggest drawbacks of stakeholder management is the actual realisation, meaning the consideration of everyone's interest. This is why De Wit Meyer (2005) see good leadership skills as crucial to balance the discrepancies mostly between shareholders and other stakeholders, and lead through an alliance with different partners, affected by mistrust, due to fear that others always want a bigger part of the cake. So one major pitfall of leaders regarding stakeholder management is that of avoiding bias. There are differences between the stakeholders, for instance regarding the flexibility. Employees are mostly depending on their workplace, whereas shareholders can always choose from a wide range or portfolio of possible investments and therefore the risk of favouring shareholders is quite high (De Wit Meyer, 2005), caused in their higher direct influence (Savage, Nix, Whitehead, Blair, 1991). Additionally it should be born in mind that CEO's and the board often hold a share of the own company or are even obligated to, according to several financial reports (e.g. Finsbury, Reckitt Benckiser). Thus the own opulence is affected by the profitability of the company. In this case a bias is self-evident. On the other hand advocates of stakeholder management see the necessity for shareholder value (Freeman, Harrison, Wicks, 2007), but state that it can be just sustainably realised if it is not seen as the main purpose, according to William George, chairman of Medtronic, in De Wit Meyer (2005). Instead of focusing on shareholder value, the actual focus should be concentrated on 'customer satisfaction" and 'integrity" as stated by Porras Collins (2005). In addition a motivated workforce can be seen as a crucial aspect of sustainable success, due to difficulties of competitors to copy it (De Wit Meyer, 2005). Buying in the workforce, but also other stakeholders, by creating a vision, maintaining it and finally make it live through the whole company is seen as one of the major and most difficult tasks of a leader (Ware, Michaels, Primer, 2004) and thus leaders often lacking clear direction during this task and therefore fail (Wheeler, Fabig, Boele, 2002). In order to make the organisation in a highly competitive market successful it is important to have a stable financial support, but also a highly trained and motivated workforce (Post, Preston, Sachs, 2002), often requiring a crucial change in the fundamental structure, like financial and/or ownership model (Avery, 2005). These changes are hindered by insufficient human resource models and techniques, the question how to get the employees aboard and finally the persuasion of the upper management, shareholders, etc. (Simmons, 2003). This can be eased the more the leader is convinced of the performance improvement using stakeholder management (Stoney Winstanley, 2001). The fact that people already having assets and power are not willed to share this (Gamble Kelly, 1996) and thus will defend it with all legal means or maybe also illegal, does not make it easier for the leader to put stakeholder management through. The globalisation and the expansion of companies throughout the world held another challenge for the leaders. Business policies must be kept flexible, as basis to deal with different countries, cultures and thus unusual competitive and social conditions and at the same time stick to the fundamental values and principles of the organisation (Post, Preston, Sachs, 2002). Talking about flexibility, it is important to see the flexibility of stakeholders in terms of changing from a supporting to a hampering position (Savage, Nix, Whitehead, Blair, 1991) and therefore the necessity to always reassess the importance and influence of stakeholders (Reynolds, Schultz, Hekman, 2006). In addition leaders need to focus on the right stakeholders in the right situations, different from the CEO of Eastern Airlines who was focusing during a strike just on the stakeholders with the loudest voice, and thus ran into serious trouble regarding the other parties of the strike (Savage, Nix, Whitehead, Blair, 1991). Additionally an issue arises that stakeholder may get the feeling that the decision-making regarding stakeholders is negatively influenced by divisibility of resources, saliency, incentives and sanctions (Ogden Watson, 1999) and let fade away the initial willingness to find a fair balance (Reynolds, Schultz, Hekman, 2006). This is why leaders must be prepared for the future challenges, which are a lot more complex, due to a wider range of expectations by the stakeholders, globalisation and more common pressing problems. So finally wrap the power of all stakeholders to a 'value network", considering the creation of social capital and a benefit for every participant (Maak, 2007) is the responsibility of the leader. Stakeholder Management provides a framework, a concept, which can be used by leaders, who are at the end the persons decide how stakeholder management is understood and what is the driving motivation behind its implementation (Stoney Winstanley, 2001). It was even thought about legislating SM and thus make it compulsory for companies, what is seen critical by Stoney Winstanley (2001), because in their opinion company's leaders should practice stakeholder management voluntary and chose their driver for motivation themselves. Today's environment and the resulting circumstances are continuously changing and require a leader who is always questioning the current status of a company and its direction in a constructive and meaningful way (Ware, Michaels, Primer, 2004). Therefore the leader is seen as a key catalyst in defining success of a company (Shinkle, Gooding, Smith, 2006) and also in order to make change happen to the benefit of sustainable success. Seeing sustainable success as a long-term goal leaders are confronted and hindered by external requirements, like the publication of financial reports (Avery, 2005) and thus it becomes a challenge for them to remain committed and thus have the required authentic 'tone at the top" (Freeman, Harrison, Wicks, 2007). They will decide about success or failure of changes while acting as a role model and therefore have the requirement of caring about ethics and social responsibility, rather than just on making quick money. Finally it is about the ensemble of stakeholders and leaders who need a practical guideline to make their contribution for the organisation's and common good, leading to the following research question and its supporting objectives. Research content: Research question: 'What elements and characteristics of leadership would help organisations to achieve missing sustainable success through effective stakeholder management?' Supporting objectives: - Investigate and define sustainable success, stakeholder management and leadership with the purpose to identify what is understood by it and what are their characteristics. - Investigate the correlations and dependencies between sustainable success and stakeholder management to approve their complementarity. - Identify how leadership can overcome possible barriers of balancing stakeholders and creating sustainable success. - Investigate existing guidance and frameworks for the creation of sustainable success, in order to underpin their validity or propose modifications. Scope: The scope of this work is chosen very broadly, due to the nature of the project and its research areas. It is about management in general and is not aiming to be specialised on a specific industry or region. Reason therefore is the involvement of several parties, eventually coming from different industries and indeed the globalisation that does not allow investigating management tools with a narrowed regional view. However the scope is laid on business organisations. Therefore the outcome is neither focused on politics, an area worth investigating in the context of stakeholder management, nor religion. Purpose and contribution: The purpose of this work is to show companies and their leaders a way to manage their stakeholders in form of a proposed framework, to achieve sustainable success. As already mentioned in the introduction, an atmosphere of departure has arisen, due to the last happenings within the economy as well as in the politics. The outcome of this work will be an initiation to change by showing leaders how their characteristics can help to establish a win-win situation between stakeholders. Furthermore it shows the need for today's leaders to care about all stakeholders and that this is not just a matter of instruments, concepts and tools to achieve a balanced stakeholder environment, it is more about the mind-set, behaviour and confidence of the leader itself. It requires a lot of energy and stamina to achieve sustainable success and leaders will face a lot of problems and confrontations. Presenting these issues and discuss them in depth will hopefully support them to defend their view of organisational success.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: LIST OF FIGURESVI LIST OF TABLESVII LIST OF ABBREVIATIONSVIII 1INTRODUCTION1 1.1BACKGROUND OF THE TOPIC AN REASON FOR ITS CHOICE1 1.1.1INITIATION FOR THE PROJECT1 1.1.2REASON FOR THIS PROJECT2 1.2RESEARCH CONTENT8 1.2.1RESEARCH QUESTION8 1.2.2SUPPORTING OBJECTIVES8 1.2.3SCOPE8 1.2.4PURPOSE AND CONTRIBUTION9 1.2.5CHAPTER OVERVIEW10 2THE MANUAL - RESEARCH METHODOLOGY12 2.1FOREWORD12 2.2RESEARCH THEORY12 2.2.1RESEARCH PHILOSOPHY12 2.2.2RESEARCH APPROACH14 2.2.3RESEARCH STRATEGY14 2.2.4THE TIME HORIZON15 2.2.5THE ENQUIRY16 2.3RESEARCH IN PRACTICE17 2.3.1RESEARCH AREA17 2.3.2RESEARCH GUIDELINE18 2.3.3RESEARCH INFORMATION RESOURCES21 2.3.4RESEARCH KEYWORDS24 2.3.5USABILITY OF DATA27 2.3.6HANDLING OF FINDINGS30 2.4CONCLUDING REMARKS31 3THE AIM - SUSTAINABLE SUCCESS32 3.1SUBSTANCE32 3.1.1THE COMPONENT SUCCESS32 3.1.2THE COMPONENT SUSTAINABILITY34 3.1.3THE OUTCOME SUSTAINABLE SUCCESS40 3.2THE IMPORTANCE OF SUSTAINABLE SUCCESS42 3.2.1GENERAL42 3.2.2AFFECTING PEOPLE42 3.2.3AFFECTING FINANCES43 3.2.4AFFECTING REPUTATION44 3.2.5AFFECTING ETHICAL RESPONSIBILITY45 3.2.6AFFECTING RESPONSE TO REGULATIONS AND LEGISLATIONS46 3.4BARRIERS OF ACHIEVING SUSTAINABLE SUCCESS48 3.5CONCLUDING REMARKS51 4THE TOOL - STAKEHOLDER MANAGEMENT52 4.1THE BASICS52 4.1.1DEFINITION52 4.1.2DISTINCTION OF STAKEHOLDERS54 4.1.3PRINCIPLES OF STAKEHOLDER MANAGEMENT58 4.1.4STAKEHOLDER MANAGEMENT THEORIES60 4.1.5PUTTING STAKEHOLDER MANAGEMENT INTO PRACTICE64 4.2LINK TO SUSTAINABLE SUCCESS65 4.3CONCLUDING REMARKS71 5THE ENABLER – LEADERSHIP72 5.1DEFINING LEADERSHIP72 5.2THE LINK OF LEADERSHIP TO STAKEHOLDER MANAGEMENT73 5.3REQUIRED LEADERSHIP CHARACTERISTICS76 5.3.1REALISTIC76 5.3.2INTELLECTUAL / NOUS77 5.3.3DISCLOSING78 5.3.4GENEROUS78 5.3.5GOOD FAITH79 5.3.6SOLID80 5.3.7VISIONARY82 5.3.8RIGHTEOUS83 5.5CONCLUDING REMARKS85 6THE PROPOSAL - TOTAL STAKEHOLDING86 6.1CRITERIA FOR USEABLE FRAMEWORKS86 6.2EXISTING MODELS87 6.2.1FREEMAN'S MODEL REDEFINED87 6.2.2THE EFQM-MODEL90 6.3THE DEVELOPED FRAMEWORK95 6.3.1GENERAL DESCRIPTION95 6.3.2USER'S MANUAL97 6.3.3STAKEHOLDER98 6.3.4LEADERSHIP101 6.3.5SUSTAINABLE SUCCESS101 6.3.6PLAN-DO-STUDY-ACT (PDSA)104 6.4DISCUSSION OF FRAMEWORKS AND VALIDITY OF THE PROPOSED108 6.5CONCLUDING REMARKS113 7DISCUSSION114 7.1SCOPE114 7.2SUSTAINABLE SUCCESS115 7.3STAKEHOLDER MANAGEMENT116 7.4LEADERSHIP118 7.5SPECIFIC LITERATURE119 7.6METHODOLOGY DATA COLLECTION120 8CONCLUSION122 9LIMITATIONS RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER WORK124 9.1RESILIENCE124 9.2QUADRUPLE BOTTOM LINE124 9.3GROWTH125 9.4CONTRACT THEORY125 9.5ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE126 9.6SCORING SYSTEM126 10REFERENCES127 11BIBLIOGRAPHY157 12APPENDICES157 12.1WAYS OF DATA COLLECTION157 12.1.1SURVEYS157 12.1.2CASE STUDIES158 12.1.3SECONDARY DATA158 12.2SEARCH STRING TABLE160 12.3DETAILED STAKEHOLDER LIST161 12.4STAKEHOLDER ALLOCATION TO SUSTAINABILITY ASPECTS169 12.5IDENTIFIED STAKEHOLDER BY FASSIN (2009)170 12.6RADAR ASSESSMENT FOR RESULTS171 12.7RADAR ASSESSMENT FOR ENABLER172Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 5.3.6, Solid: The personality of a leader decides whether the leader is anxious of loosing control and power, so that especially wrong strategic decisions are made due to prescient from involving others in the decision-making process (Delbecq, 2008) and not considering their opinion (Avery, 2005:216). Furthermore a strong leader's personality may benefit from a good sense of humour, suggested by (Kets de Vries, Doyle, Loper, 1994) as well as hope, that does not let him give up (Thomas Thomas, 2011). Hope is a crucial point in stakeholder management, with the aim to motivate and therefore overcome the difficulties of making it successful. But finally bravery is a personal characteristic that let the leader stand up fight for the right thing, an important step on the way to stakeholder management (Avery, 2005:79). Collins (2001:21) has done comprehensive research on great leaders and even though he just find a few of them he points out one important characteristic of great leaders: putting the greatness of the company above all. This also means to put it above the own interests, obviously a giant task and thus often doomed to failure. But this does not undermines the importance of this characteristic with regard to stakeholder management. To make this clockwork of stakeholders work the leader must put back the own interest for the benefit of the whole system. Even though it was stated in 4.2 that people are always selfish Mitchell, Agle, Wood (1997) bring forward enough opponents regarding this view, so that it finally depends on the values of the leader (Greer Downey, 1982). Solid in this case indicates that a leader is strong and self-confident in way that he can cope with the previous mentioned. All this results in a characteristic indicated as solid whereas the personality is strong enough to resist external influences. In addition it is pointed to the phrase 'solid as a rock". The leader must be the one standing out of the crowd at least for the followers and keep them grounded. In this position he act as a role model (Oakland, Tanner, Gadd, 2005) an attribute that plays a major role within stakeholder management and sustainable success. The tone at the top is crucial to buy in stakeholders, whereas they must believe in what they are doing to fulfil these expectations (Freeman, Harrison, Wicks, 2007). Being solid in this context also means, as a leader, to recognise that the values are not supported and thus a further collaboration is not efficient. Nonetheless being solid also refers to the time span a leader is staying in its position. In Germany the period in higher management change after 6.1 years whereas it was 8 years in 2003 (Handelsblatt, 2011). Against the trend it is more desirable that leaders stay longer because the biggest problem with changing executives is to find a new one, an undertaking that can become very expensive as well as bear risks (Kennedy, 2000). Research in the 90s showed that the experience of managers has a great impact on their belief and their values, so that the experience of a manager in a company will have a positive impact on his decisions (Höpner, 2003:205) in this context with view to sustainable success. Additionally there is always the risk that new leaders turning the whole company upside-down and even if this is often wanted it is not if the new leader does not support the idea of stakeholder management and sustainable success. So all the hard work could turn out to be useless. Deming, 1986:121) sees an obstacle of long-term success in job-hopping due to the fact that leaders do not develop a sense of commitment and that new leaders unsettle the stakeholders. But long-term commitment also must be understood in the commitment to the approach of stakeholder management. So patience is necessary due to the fact that sustainable success and the necessary organisational behaviour is not achieved overnight (Potter, 1994). This requires an aim in the future that can be established as the one of the main motivator 5.3.7, Visionary: To avoid confusion and to respond to critics on stakeholder management a clear direction is vital for the success as discussed in 3.4. So it is about the leader to establish this direction by introducing a vision (Kets de Vries, Doyle, Loper, 1994), that helps to unify the stakeholders behind it, whilst providing clarity about what the vision is not about (Dubrin, 2007). In order to stimulate high performance and motivate followers a leader must lead passionately (Collins, 2001:20) and pragmatic (Frydman, Wilson, Wyer, Senge, 2000) towards a vision giving him/her the opportunity to have a major influence on the stakeholders. This refers back to the characteristic 'solid" (5.3.6) where a leader act as a role model towards the vision, so that stakeholder can follow (Cyert, 2005). It must be assured that the vision meets the requirements of stakeholder management, in particular balance and ethically correct, referred to as righteous. 5.3.8, Righteous: Righteous refers mainly to ethical and moral, including several 'components'. Morality is a key aspect of stakeholder management, resulting in trust and cooperation of the stakeholders. Indeed leaders should be compensated as every other stakeholder but it must be appropriate and not too high, like the stated 326:1 ratio between average CEOs and workers pay (Tang, Kim, Tang, 2000) in order to sustain trust and goodwill of stakeholders. Against the traditional way of high pay equals high performance (Jones, 1995) the survey of (Kennedy, 2000) reveals that challenging work and open communication are far more important than the pay, supported by Freeman (1984) the father of strategic stakeholder management seeing open communication as one enabler of stakeholder management. So this mind-set actually supports to lead stakeholder management, but nonetheless the salary of managers has increased dramatically. This is mainly caused in more freedom and missing internal monitoring of salary (Höpner, 2003:207), leading to a necessary moral respect of this freedom and do not exploit it. But it is not just about the monetary frugality it is also about recognition and awards, where heroism is not appropriate, acting in silence is what turned out to characterise great leaders (Collins J. , 2001:28). This includes the dispense of awards if things go good and blaming oneself if they go bad, this helps to not become arrogant (Kets de Vries, Doyle, Loper, 1994). This is also true for stakeholder management where the collaboration of the whole clockwork should be recognised and the leader act just as the element holding everything together and is not the centre of everything. Ethics is a fundamental characteristics for stakeholder management leaders, whereas Freeman, Harrison, Wicks (2007) see ethical leadership as the one most suitable, backed by McManus (2006:137) advocating ethical behaviour in order to decide to do the right thing, or ethical judgement respectively (Clarkson, 1995). This is why it is also about humanity (Kets de Vries, Doyle, Loper, 1994) and not seeing the environmental and societal responsibility as nonessential (Avery, 2005:216). Leaders also should be aware that they have fiduciary to all stakeholders and thus this fact should become the basis of the ethical mind-set (Kaufman, 2002). This fiduciary towards all stakeholders lead then towards the need of leaders to use this tool in an appropriate manner and to not justify bad decision with this model (Collins, Kearins, Roper, 2005). In addition this brings with it the desired balance of wealth distribution required by Sachs Maurer(2009).

This guide accompanies the following article: Matthew W. Hughey, 'The Janus Face of Whiteness: Toward a Cultural Sociology of White Nationalism and White Antiracism', Sociology Compass 3/6 (2009): 920–936, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2009.00244.xAuthor's introductionOver the past 20 years, the study of white racial identity has received in‐depth, interdisciplinary attention. Under sociological scrutiny, the study of whiteness has traversed quite a few stages: from understandings of whiteness as a category replete with social privileges, as a mere reflection of non‐racial (often class‐based) dynamics, to its most recent turn that emphasizes the contextual and intersectional heterogeneity of whiteness. Because of the increased attention to context and political disputes, the study of whiteness has never been more amenable to cultural analysis than it is today. Hence, an emphasis on different white racial formations that span a political spectrum – from conservative to liberal and racist to antiracist – is now dominant. In this vein, white nationalists and white antiracists represent the distinct polarities of contemporary inquisitions into white racial identity. Motivated by this academic milieu, this guide offers an overview of the major scholarship that address white nationalism & white antiracism, appropriate online materials, and examples from a sample syllabus. Together, these resources aim to assist in understanding the general processes and contexts that produce 'whiteness' and imbue it with meaning, the social relationships and practices in which white racial identity identities become embedded, and how whiteness simultaneously possesses material and symbolic privileges alongside diverse and seemingly antagonistic experiences.Author recommendsThe complexity of whitenessMcDermott, Monica and Frank L. Samson 2005. 'White Racial and Ethnic Identity in the United States.'Annual Review of Sociology 31: 245–61.Any contemporary apprentice of the sociological study of white racial identity should read this essay. Monica McDermott and her student Frank Samson combine to provide a robust overview of the literature. They walk the tightrope of balancing both a broad coverage of the literature with the depth that key studies necessitate. In so doing, they put a finger on the key dilemma of studying white racial identity today: 'Navigating between the long‐term staying power of white privilege and the multifarious manifestations of the experience of whiteness remains the task of the next era of research on white racial and ethnic identity' (2005: 256).Duster, Troy 2001. 'The 'Morphing' Properties of Whiteness.' Pp. 113–33 in The Making and Unmaking of Whiteness, edited by E. B. Rasmussen, E. Klinenberg, I. J. Nexica and M. Wray. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.In this essay – part of a larger volume on whiteness that I also recommend – Duster synthesizes disparate approaches to the study of whiteness. Demonstrating how some scholars understand white racial identity as a contextual and cognitive category ('fluid'), while some frame whiteness as a structural and fixed category of material privileges ('frozen'), Duster asks 'who is right?' He answers via the metaphor of whiteness‐as‐water. In one moment, whiteness can morph into vapor as a contextual and unstable identity, while the next moment it can instantly transform into a harsh and unyielding form of ice‐like privilege. Duster's essay is an excellent retort for those who argue that we should move 'beyond' race to the utopian realm of color‐blind individualism. Duster demonstrates, although the example of the supposedly egalitarian New Deal, that while race is socially constructed, the legacy of racism remains a historically reproduced and real social fact – denying the existence of race perpetuates racial inequality. Duster closes the chapter with a personal anecdote that grounds the historical example in modern, interactional, and everyday life.Perry, Pamela 2002. Shades of White: White Kids and Racial Identities in High School. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.Perry gives us two ethnographic studies in one – that of two northern California high schools: one located in a predominantly white, if economically diverse, suburb, the other situated in a multiracial urban community. Perry persistently and systematically probes the complexities of white racial identity in the practices and discourses of the youth attending these high schools. She finds that whites in the predominantly white, suburban high school do not see themselves as a unique race and take their racial identity for granted – they understand distinctly white practices as normative rather than as constitutive of a subjective worldview. In contrast, the whites at the multiracial, urban high school possess a more critical and comparative view of race and their own place in the racial order. In sum, Perry argues that whiteness is a set of complex, contradictory, and multiple subject positions.Wray, Matt. 2006. Not Quite White: White Trash and the Boundaries of Whiteness. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.Matt Wray brings the tools of cultural sociology viz‐á‐viz'symbolic boundaries' to the interrogation of the moniker White Trash. Wray problematizes this relatively normalized term to question its origins and how it persists. Drawing upon literary texts, folklore, diaries, medical articles, and social scientific analyses from the early 1700s to the turn of the 20th century, Wray documents the multiple meanings that were projected onto poor rural whites in the United States. Of particular import, Wray demonstrates how white supremacist ideas about class and region became dominant through public health campaigns and eugenic reformations. Impoverished whites found themselves the targets of officials and activists who framed them as 'filthy' or "feebleminded," and thus a threat to the purity and supremacy of the white race. This text is particularly informative for its demonstration of how white supremacist logic was not only focused on racial 'otherness' but used the axes of class and location to directly demarcate and attack those seen as 'white' yet somehow racially deficient and unworthy.Winant, Howard 2004. 'Behind Blue Eyes: Whiteness and Contemporary U.S. Racial Politics.' Pp. 3–16 in Off White: Readings on Race, Power, and Society, edited by Michelle Fine, Lois Weis, Linda C. Powell and April Burns. New York, NY: Routledge.In applying his now classic approach formulated in concert with Michael Omi (Racial Formations, 1986), Howard Winant applies the 'racial projects' thesis to whites: 'I think it would be beneficial to attempt to sort out alternative conceptions of whiteness, along with the politics that both flow from and inform these conceptions. … focusing on five key racial projects, which I term, far right, new right, neoconservative, neoliberal, and new abolitionist' (2004: 6). Hence, Winant maps a theory of white identity formation onto a bifurcated 'culture war.' Labeling this phenomenon 'racial dualism as politics,' Winant advances a paradigm in which whiteness is undergoing 'a profound political crisis.' Winant's essay is especially important for those that wish to emphasize the heterogeneity of white racial identity, as he provides Weberian‐like 'ideal types' for the comprehension of the racial‐political landscape.Hughey, Matthew W. (forthcoming 2010). 'Navigating the (Dis)similarities of White Racial Identities: The Conceptual Framework of "Hegemonic Whiteness."'Ethnic & Racial Studies.In this work, I build upon many of the aforementioned studies. Like Pamela Perry (2002) I dive into two ethnographic sites, but of much different breed. To interrogate how whiteness might be akin to 'vapor and ice' (Duster 2001) and to provide a robust answer to the dilemma of the 'long‐term staying power of white privilege' (McDermott and Samson 2005) alongside the 'political crisis' of whiteness (Winant 2004), I studied a white nationalist and white antiracist organization. Combining over fourteen months of field observations, in‐depth interviews, and content analysis of documents, I found that the varied political and overt ideological orientations of both groups masked striking similarities in how both groups made meaning of whiteness. In particular, these similarities were guided by a collective reliance on reactionary, racist, and essentialist scripts, latent worldviews – and like Wray (2006) – symbolic boundaries. The realization that there remains a shared 'groupness' to outwardly different white identities has the potential to destabilize the recent trend that over‐emphasizes white heterogeneity at the expense of discussion of power, racism, and discrimination. As a resolution to this analytic dilemma, this article advances a conceptual framework entitled 'hegemonic whiteness.' In this model, white racial identity formation is understood as an ongoing process in which (1) racist, reactionary, and essentialist ideologies are used to demarcate inter‐racial boundaries and (2) performances of white racial identity that fail to meet those ideals are marginalized and stigmatized, thereby creating intra‐racial distinctions within the category 'white.'White supremacy & nationalismDobratz, Betty A. and Stephanie L. Shanks‐Meile 1997. The White Separatist Movement in the United States: 'White Power, White Pride!' Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.This is a good place to begin with the study of the white separatist, nationalist, and supremacist movements in the United States. The book is primarily descriptive and quickly debunks the stereotype that the movement is tied to an uneducated and Southern cadre of disenfranchised men. The authors interviewed more than 125 white separatists, attended white power rallies and other white separatist meetings, and examined much of the movement‐generated literature. A major strength of the text is the demonstration of key divisions within the white supremacist movement, most notably religious ideology and views toward gender. However, this high note is often bookended by their overdependence on journalistic‐like description rather than sociological explanation.Zeskind, Leonard. 2009. Blood and Politics: The History of the White Nationalist Movement from the Margins to the Mainstream. New York, NY: Farrar Straus Giroux.This book is a critical companion to Dobratz and Shanks‐Meile (1997). Beginning in the 1950s and taking the reader into the contemporary moment, the text affords a sprawling account of the shifting currents in white nationalism. In both meticulous detail and incredible breadth, the 645‐page tome was composed from Zeskind's 15‐year‐long research of the white nationalist movement – describing in detail how the movement has somewhat successfully moved from the shadows of a stigmatized racist identity to wear the mask of a more 'button‐down' and gentile white nationalism.Ferber, Abby L. 1998. White Man Falling: Race, Gender, and White Supremacy. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.Abby Ferber does an excellent job of illuminating white nationalist publications like White Patriot and White Power to clarify not only the racial, but the intersectional weltanschauung of white male nationalists. In so doing, Ferber demonstrates how the concept of 'race' has evolved alongside the development of the white supremacist and nationalist movements. Ferber's empirically based critique unpacks the still‐growing ideological assertion that white men are now the quintessential victims of the social order, and she convincingly demonstrates the repercussions of their attempts to re‐assert white male power. I would be remiss if I did not also point the reader to her follow‐up study: Home‐Grown Hate: Gender and Organized Racism (New York, NY: Routledge, 2004). Other notable mentions in this vein include Kathleen Blee's Inside Organized Racism: Women in the Hate Movement (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002) and Jessie Daniels'White Lies: Race, Class, Gender, and Sexuality in White Supremacist Discourse (New York, NY: Routledge, 1997).Berbrier, Mitch 2000. 'The Victim Ideology of White Supremacists and White Separatists in the United States.'Sociological Focus 33: 174–91.In much the same vein as Ferber, Mitch Berbrier demonstrates how white victimization ideologies are a growing, but not yet central, facet of white supremacist and separatist organizing. Rather, discourses of racial victimization are put to the service of larger concerns in white supremacist activism: for example, either to activate a sense of urgency in the perceived loss of white racial pride and self‐esteem, or to convince outsiders (and potential members) that they are living in time of white 'genocide.' I also recommend Berbrier's 1998 Social Problems article entitled '"Half the Battle": Cultural Resonance, Framing Processes, and Ethnic Affectations in Contemporary White Separatist Rhetoric.'White antiracismBonnett, Alastair 2000. Anti‐Racism. London and New York, NY: Routledge.This is a valuable text for those wishing to understand both the historical trajectory of, and current variation within, the antiracist movement. Bonnett first traces anti‐racism's philosophical historicity through thinkers such as Comte, Montaigne, and Du Bois. After delineating the theoretical underpinnings of the movement, Bonnett then outlines the spatial variation of antiracism to uncover the networked relationships between Brazil, China, France, the US, and the UK, to name just a few examples. In this vein, while the text does not explicitly focus on white anti‐racism, a large portion of the book directly challenges the dominance of the Eurocentric variations of anti‐racism, as it even briefly surveys the outgrowths of anti‐racism in the form of multiculturalism, anti‐Nazi/anti‐fascist movements, and the 'local' activist organizations that purport to represent marginalized communities. While the book takes on a large subject matter, its relatively small size often falls short of giving each subject the attention it deserves. Still, the book serves as an excellent overview.Apthecker, Herbert 1993. Anti‐Racism in U.S. History: The First Two Hundred Years. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers.Like Bonnett's text (2000), this book does not explicitly center on white antiracism, but much of the examples used by the late Marxist historian are drawn from white abolitionists and activists. In fact, recovering the lost history of whites whom rejected racist rationales for the 'peculiar institution' of slavery and in turn, evidenced a remarkable degree of racial egalitarianism, appears the impetus for Aptheker's decision to compose the book. Overall, the text remains a tour de force of the pervasiveness of both white racism and its white resistance, as it covers the intersection of racism, sexuality, labor, the political ideologies of Grégoire, Banneker, & Jefferson, religion, the effects of the civil war, and emancipation.Srivastava, Sarita 2005. '"You're Calling me a Racist?" The Moral and Emotional Regulation of Antiracism and Feminism.'Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 31(1): 29–62.This article demonstrates how the dominant practices and discourses of emotional expression shape antiracist debates over what constitutes a proper antiracist approach. By showing how the predominant mode of discussion in many antiracist organizations is hinged to the disclosure of personal experiences and emotion, Srivastrava demonstrates that this mode constricts the ability to produce organizational or structural change. Accordingly, white antiracist discussion groups often devolve into a setting in which the focus shifts from fighting racism to that of quelling the emotional turbulence of white participants – a pattern that unintentionally reestablishes a focus on white well‐being and privilege.Niemonen, Jack June 2007. 'Antiracist Education in Theory and Practice: A Critical Assessment.'The American Sociologist 38(2): 159–77.With critical aplomb, Jack Niemonen interrogates the pedagogical, curricular, and organizational claims of 'antiracist education'– an endeavor largely tied to liberal, white, and 'multicultural advocates.' Operationalized through a study of approximately 160 papers recently published in peer‐reviewed journals, Niemonen finds that the dominant forms of 'antiracist education' are far from sociologically grounded, empirically based accounts of the significance of race, but 'embodies the confessional and redemptive modes common in evangelical Protestantism' (164). Picking up on a key contradiction endemic to a large percentage of white antiracist literature, whites are often framed as 'inherently racist' yet are prodded to constantly seek paths to redemption and salvation. Informing my own work, Niemonen demonstrates how antiracist educators often employ a myopic and reductionist 'culture war' view of the world in which battle lines are drawn between the 'good and bad' whites. Aside from the fact that Niemonen's scathing critique sometimes borders on a kind of evangelicalism in its own right, his overview of the literature does afford the prescient observation that a great deal of antiracist activism is built on abstract moralism rather than sociological empiricism.O'Brien, Eileen 2001. Whites Confront Racism: Antiracists and Their Paths to Action. New York, NY: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.O'Brien's work is a survey of white antiracist activists from across North America. The book is a nice counterpoint to Niemonen's (2007) findings, as O'Brien finds that many white antiracists are quite savvy in their ability to avoid the typical options of 'being a nonracist' or devolving into emotional turmoil associated with 'white guilt'; many of the whites demonstrate large variation in how they combat modern racism. Of import, O'Brien shows that these whites' affiliations with antiracist organizations – and even their lack thereof – can play a crucial role in their approach to their antiracist activism. As such, O'Brien shows that a more critical white antiracist approach is evolving; one that frames race as a 'social construction' and which unpacks the individual, institutional, and cultural forms of racism.Online materialsPublic Broadcasting Service, 'Race – The Power of an Illusion' http://www.pbs.org/race/000_General/000_00‐Home.htm Starting from the supposition that 'Race is one topic where we all think we're experts', the series, readings, video, and ability to directly ask questions of experts in the field (e.g.: historian George M. Fredrickson and biological anthropologist Alan Goodman) together help to debunk many of the core beliefs that undergird the modern white supremacist and nationalist movement. In so doing, the program helps to show how social, economic, and political conditions, rather than biological make‐up, disproportionately channel advantages and opportunities to whites.Public Broadcasting Service, 'From Swastika to Jim Crow' http://www.pbs.org/itvs/fromswastikatojimcrow/index.html The website includes a video, discussion guide, and multi‐chaptered narrative on the little‐known story of German refugee scholars, who were expelled from Nazi Germany, migrated to the United States south and faced oppression from US white supremacists, and found employment at historically black colleges and universities. The resources therein illuminate the intricate web of politics, migration, nationalism, the contextual construction of racial and ethnic identity, and racism & antiracism.'Racism Review' http://www.racismreview.com/blog/ Launched in 2007, 'Racism Review' is produced and maintained by Joe R. Feagin (Texas A&M University) and Jessie Daniels (CUNY‐Hunter College). Contributors to the blog are scholars and researchers from sociology and a number of other social science disciplines across North America. Many of the articles center on the topics of white racial identity, racism, and antiracism, and aim to serve as credible and reliable sources of information for journalists, students, and members of the general public who seek evidence‐based research and analysis.Southern Poverty Law Center http://www.splcenter.org/index.jsp The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) was founded in 1971 as a small civil rights law firm, and today the website for the SPLC is internationally known as a clearing‐house for critical information, and perspectives on, white supremacist and white nationalist groups.Sample syllabus'Sociological Perspectives on Whiteness'Overview of the courseThis course investigates the social construction of race through an exploration of white identity, both theoretically and empirically. It includes an investigation of the historical genesis of white identity, its intersection with political movements and organizations, the relation of whiteness to race, ethnicity, class, gender, nation, and how whiteness is understood in popular culture, and the sociological mechanisms by which it is reproduced, negotiated, and contested.Lecture 1 – Introduction to Race as a Social ConstructionHaney López, Ian F. 1998. 'Chance, Context, and Choice in the Social Construction of Race.' Pp. 9–16 in The Latino/a Condition: A Critical Reader, edited by Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic. New York, NY: New York University Press.Urciuoli, Bonnie 1996. 'Racialization and Language.' Pp. 15–40 in Exposing Prejudice: Puerto Rican Experiences of Language, Race, and Class. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.Duster, Troy 2001. 'The 'Morphing' Properties of Whiteness.' Pp. 113–133 in The Making and Unmaking of Whiteness, edited by E. B. Rasmussen, E. Klinenberg, I. J. Nexica and M. Wray. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.Lipsitz, George 1998. 'The Possessive Investment in Whiteness.' Pp. 1–23 in The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit from Identity Politics. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.Lecture 4 – The Creation of 'White Ethnics'Jacobson, Matthew Frye 2001. 'Becoming Caucasian: Vicissitudes of Whiteness in American Politics and Culture.'Identities 8(1): 83–104.Roediger, David R. 1994. 'Whiteness and Ethnicity in the History of "White Ethnics" in the United States.' Pp 181–198 in Towards the Abolition of Whiteness. New York, NY: Verso.Sacks, Karen Brodkin 1994. 'How did Jews Become White Folks?' Pp 78–102 in Race, edited by Steven Gregory and Roger Sanjek. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.Roediger, David R. 1999. 'Irish‐American Workers and White Racial Formation in the Antebellum United States.' Pp 133–163 in The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class. New York, NY: Verso.Lecture 6 – Colorlessness and Color‐blindness as a Defense of WhitenessAnsell, Amy E. and James M. Statman 1999. '"I Never Owned Slaves:" The Euro‐American Construction of the Racialized Other.'Research in Politics and Society 6: 151–73.Gallagher, Charles A. 2003. 'Playing the White Ethnic Card: Using Ethnic Identity to Deny Contemporary Racism.' Pp. 145–158 in White Out: The Continuing Significance of Racism, edited by Ashley Doane and Eduardo Bonilla‐Silva. New York, NY: Routledge Press.Bonilla‐Silva, Eduardo. 2003. 'The Central Frames of Color‐Blind Racism.' Pp. 25–52 in Racism Without Racists. New York, NY: Rowman and Littlefield.Lecture 7 – Learning WhitenessConley, Dalton. 2001. 'Universal Freckle, or How I Learned to Be White.' Pp. 25–42 in The Making and Unmaking of Whiteness, edited by Birgit Brander Rasmussen, Eric Klinenberg, Irene J. Nexica, and Matt Wray. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.Giroux, Henry A. 1998. 'Youth, Memory Work, and the Racial Politics of Whiteness.' Pp 123–36 in White Reign: Deploying Whiteness in America, edited by Joe L. Kincheloe, Shirley R. Steinberg, and Nelson M. Rodriguez, and Ronald E. Chennault. New York, NY: St. Martin's Press.Hall, Kim Q. 1999. 'My Father's Flag.' Pp. 29–35 in Whiteness: Feminist Philosophical Reflections, edited by Chris J. Cuomo and Kim Q. Hall. New York, NY: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.Williams, Patricia J. 1997. 'The Ethnic Scarring of American Whiteness.' Pp. 253–63 in The House that Race Built: Black Americans, U.S. Terrain, edited by Wahneema Lubiano. New York, NY: Pantheon Books.Lecture 12 – Whiteness in Popular Culture and Everyday LifeDeloria, Philip 1999. Playing Indian. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.Hughey, Matthew W. 2009. 'Cinethetic Racism: White Redemption and Black Stereotypes in "Magical Negro" Films.'Social Problems 56(3): 543–77.Lott, Eric 1995. Love and Theft: Blackface Minstrelsy and the American Working Class. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.Lecture 13 – White Privilege and the Future of White PeopleHaney López, Ian F. 1998. 'Choosing the Future.' Pp. 404–7 in The Latino/a Condition: A Critical Reader, edited by Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic. New York, NY: New York University Press.Winant, Howard 2001. 'White Racial Projects.' Pp 97–112 in The Making and Unmaking of Whiteness, edited by Birgit Brander Rasmussen, Eric Klinenberg, Irene J. Nexica, and Matt Wray. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.West, Cornel 1997. 'I'm Ofay, You're Ofay: A Conversation with Noel Ignatiev and William "Upski" Wimsatt.'Transition 73(7): 176–98.Yúdice, George 1995. 'Neither Impugning nor Disavowing Whiteness Does a Viable Politics Make: The Limits of Identity Politics.' Pp. 255–85 in After Political Correctness: The Humanities and Society in the 1990s, edited by Christopher Newfield and Ronald Strickland. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.[The construction of this syllabus is indebted to Bethany Bryson (James Madison University), Wende E. Marshall (University of Virginia), and Jennifer Roth‐Gordon (Brown University)]

The Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region is making progress in opening the doors of development to all. But it still has a long way to go. At the current pace, it would take, on average, a generation for the region to achieve universal access to the basic services that make for human opportunity. Intra-county regional disparities are large, and barely converging.This book assesses the status and evolution of human opportunity in LAC. It builds on the 2008 publication, "Measuring Inequality of Opportunity," in several directions. First, it uses newly-available data to expand the set of oppo

Asia and the Pacific depend on healthy and resilient oceans for disaster resilience, food security, and livelihoods. Healthy oceans also drive economies through tourism, fisheries, and aquaculture. However, climate change, overfishing, pollution, and unsustainable development have pushed our oceans to the brink of collapse. In order to address the growing funding gap required to protect and restore ocean health, global markets need to systematically change. Blue bonds encourage that shift by increasing the amount of capital that can be invested in oceans to finance solutions at scale.

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Green, social, and sustainability bonds are bond instruments where the proceeds are used for eligible projects with positive environmental and/or social outcomes. The International Capital Market Association (ICMA) has developed Green Bond Principles, Social Bond Principles, and Sustainability Bond Guidelines to improve consistency and integrity for issuers and investors in relation to these fixed income debt instruments.

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