Suchergebnisse

The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) establishes provisions and protections to which under-18s are entitled; establishing state obligations to ensure the realisation of children's rights for all, including 'disadvantaged' or 'vulnerable' groups. This article focuses on children in England and Wales deprived of their liberty in secure care for their own or others' protection or in custody as a result of criminal justice proceedings. It explores the proposition that secure care and custody exacerbate the existing vulnerabilities of detained children, especially in custodial settings where violence is institutionalised. Demonstrating consistent breaches of international standards, it considers the actions required to ensure the implementation of rights and effective accountability through policy and practice grounded in social justice priorities.

Rather than the prescribed scenario of a Thucydides Trap or a Kindleberger Trap, the global system will see a Transitional Reformation process of contestation and cooperation as power transitions from North America and Europe towards Asia and other regions. While acknowledging that power increasingly diffuses from state actors to transnational civil societies and private sectors, this article contends that, in a state-centric global system, it remains significant that US–China competition, and the wider competition, contestation and renegotiation of power relations between established and rising powers, takes place within United Nations multilateral frameworks. In addressing China's role, potential, and limits in the dynamics of renegotiation, this article identifies three layers, or subprocesses, of complexity in the current role China plays in multilateral orders in flux.

Le Japon est souvent appréhendé comme un ensemble ethniquement et culturellement homogène. Pourtant, les récents débats concernant l'identité japonaise enflammant les réseaux sociaux de l'archipel ne manquent pas de remettre en cause cette assertion. En effet, l'émergence d'un nombre important de personnalités métisses, appelées hâfu en japonais, questionne les fondements de la japonité : que signifie et d'où vient ce terme problématique confinant à une « moitié de », incluant ou excluant de l'identité japonaise selon les circonstances ? Ce terme met en exergue les nombreux enjeux qui furent liés à la pureté raciale et au racisme d'État censés garantir les bases d'une nation saine au Japon comme aux États-Unis, dans un contexte de forte rivalité des impérialismes.

Diverse Indigenous nations have traditional territories inside Jasper National Park (JNP), but the park was established without consultation with local Indigenous communities. Parks were marketed as empty landscapes, which celebrated romantic ideas of European colonial expansion. The current representations of Indigenous Peoples in interpretive content still reflect this lack of consultation. This research was guided by Indigenous methodologies. Data was collected through interviews with Jasper Indigenous Forum (JIF) members and the JNP management team. Findings indicate that JIF members want increased representation and greater control over how their histories and cultures are presented. Park management needs to work in close consultation with the JIF if they want to improve Indigenous representations in the park and support processes of reconciliation.

Drawing on over a decade of empirical research, this article develops the framework of 'Transnational Care Constellations' in order to understand how mothers, children and caregivers are connected across national terrains. This approach takes into account the ways families organize care, economic, health and everyday decisions and focuses on relationships across nations. The purpose of this article is twofold: (1) to present relevant literature in transnational migration research that has led me to think about care as a central piece that keeps families together; and (2) to show through empirical ethnographic data three cases of families that are organized transnationally. This article also takes into consideration the impacts of a global pandemic in the modes of communication transnational care constellations have used.

Amartya Sen's capability approach redefined development in terms of people and their quality of life. Since development suggests the idea of positive change, it highlights what is worth changing, the desirable outcome and the desirable way to achieve it. This influential framework has succeeded in engaging different disciplines in constructive debate. There is a growing, and dispersed, literature adding and critiquing it. Hence, providing a current conceptual account of the approach, on its own terms, to assess its contribution to the project it undertakes, address its alleged shortcomings, and point to avenues to further the debate seems warranted. This is particularly timely given its 30 years of influence over public policy, as evidenced by the United Nations' Human Development Reports

AbstractDue to the introduction of the market economy, in the past four decades China has switched from being a "planned country" – planned economy, planned art – into a domestic version of cultural pluralism. Consumerism has refilled the vacuum left by the retreat of Maoist ideology. However, the overwhelming success of mass culture is sided by the progressive marginalization of the intellectuals or elite, featuring a culture that is kitsch in its ideological twist. In China, present-day cultural constructions provide a forum of debate for the identity of the whole nation, no more traditional, and not yet modern. In other words, consumerism and commercialism, triggered by products of market economy, have generated a cultural consumption of redundant bad taste. Kitsch indeed.1

AbstractThe response to COVID-19 demonstrates an inclusive and dispersed form of global health security that is less reliant on the UN Security Council or the World Health Organization (WHO). While WHO remains central to fighting the pandemic, the dispersed global health security addressing the crisis is inclusive of the wider UN system, civil society, and epistemic communities in global health. As part of the special issue on "The United Nations at Seventy-Five: Looking Back to Look Forward," this essay argues that instead of facing crisis or criticism like WHO, this inclusive and dispersed form of global health security provides mechanisms of resilience and support to the UN at the height of global political tensions surrounding COVID-19.

Abstract
This introduction argues that understanding the co-construction of race, language, and nation is essential to understanding liberal democratic governance in today's world. Using the theories and methods of raciolinguistics, we argue that voicing and resemiotization are important discursive processes that people use to reconstitute selves and Others in relation to liberal democratic ideas about national belonging. Specifically, we examine how racialized redefinitions of "the body" are central to how right and left-leaning groups alike (re)define nationhood, albeit for different ends. We foreground an intersectional, international approach to understanding the role of language in constructing race and vice versa as well as the role of social media in how differently positioned groups seek empowerment.

La V e République est fondée sur la mystique constitutionnelle gaullienne. Sa finalité ultime est la pérennité de la nation française. Le peuple régulièrement consulté doit y tenir une place centrale. À la tête de l'État, le président de la République doit fixer la voie et, comme dans un organisme complexe, chaque institution doit exercer sa fonction propre, en évitant la confusion des pouvoirs. L'évolution du texte constitutionnel, des mœurs et pratiques politiques, et plus encore de la société dans ses structures et aspirations, a conduit à la dégradation de cette mystique. Pourtant, l'imaginaire constitutionnel gaullien pèse encore sur les perceptions et les comportements, en décalage avec la réalité politique contemporaine. Peut-on s'accommoder d'une telle discordance ?

One of the most moving speakers at the 2016 Democratic National Convention was Khizr Khan, who felt compelled to address a national audience after then-candidate Donald Trump's attacks on Muslims and immigrants. Mr. Khan, who grew up in Pakistan, spoke lovingly of his adopted country and why he believes so strongly in the promise of America. David sat down with him in 2018 to discuss the experiences that informed his belief in the United States and how he continues to honor his heroic son, U.S. Army Captain Humayun Khan, who gave the ultimate sacrifice in service of this nation.
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The issue of Human Rights features as a prominent agenda of the United Nations and its related international organizations. However, when it comes to precise formulation of a country's foreign policy in bilateral or multilateral forums, the issues of trade and national security find priority over pressing human rights violations occurring within the countries engaged in the diplomatic dialogue. An often-employed reason behind such an approach is the need to respect sovereignty and non-interference of a country in diplomacy. This article aims at analysing the potential which diplomacy holds to pressurize recalcitrant regimes to respect human rights. In doing so, the article tries to explore the ambit of Human Rights Diplomacy and the relationship between agenda of politics and human rights.

Democracy's normative foundation is political equality. Yet the dominance of the elite over the masses, and the systematic exclusion of particular social and economic groups from the influence on, and outcomes of, important decisions, manifests in political inequality. If this situation is normatively intolerable, why does political inequality endure? We build on the theoretical and empirical literature of politics and inequality and the collection of articles in this special issue to argue that the reproduction of political inequality within and across nations and time results from two key interrelated mechanisms: elite coordination and mass discoordination. We discuss how these mechanisms shape patterns of contestation and participation that reproduce inequalities in both old and new democracies.

Abstract
Our world has been shaped by the injustices of the past. Many of the nations responsible for these injustices still exist, and there are many cases in which one can point to culpable wrongdoing and identify victims and offenders. Such cases demand apologies as a matter of justice, respect, and due concern. In this paper, we argue that some states should institute a practice of regular political apology by (a) designating a regular day of apology on which the head of state publicly apologizes for a different past instance of serious misconduct by the state, and (b) supplementing these apologies with related actions or policies intended to make amends to the victims or their descendants.

Looking ethnographically at the 2018 flooding of Greenvale Park, Trinidad, and in conversation with disasters and their aftershocks throughout the region, this essay explores the entanglements of crisis, loss, and liberation. Drawing on the grassroot responses to recent not-so-natural crisis events as evidence, it shows that repetitive states of coconstituted ecological and political-economic devastation create vivid spaces of loss that make clear to the affected that repeating states of dystopia cannot be ruptured by the reiteration of the past political visions of nation-states. Finally, the essay suggests that our apocalyptic present makes the case for an abolitionist praxis to intentionally end this world that singularly values Man2/homo oeconomicus to save ourselves as a species.