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In 1874, the British magazine "Punch" published a cartoon showing a conversation between a young girl and her mother:"Mamma, shall you allow me to go to the Wilkinsons' ball?""No, darling," the mother responded"You've been to a great many balls, mama?""Yes darling – and I have seen the folly of them all," she said."Mightn't I just be allowed the folly of one, mamma?"This comic, which may have reminded readers of the one-sided settlement of the Franco-Prussian War in 1871, would have a lasting resonance. Over the course of the 20th century, European and American leaders imposed harsh terms on their vanquished enemies in the grand peace conferences that formally ended World War I, World War II, and the Cold War.In each case, the winner excelled in sowing the seeds for the next conflict. Those who seek a peaceful Europe should keep these lessons in mind when the time finally comes to end the war in Ukraine.In 1871, Prussia chose the Chateau de Versailles — the masterpiece and symbol of French might — as the ideal place to proclaim the German Empire. The provinces of Alsace and Lorraine were incorporated into the new German polity despite the majority of the population feeling French.WWI ended with a German defeat in November 1918, after which the victors dictated peace terms to Germany and left it no option but to sign. Alsace and Lorraine reverted to France. Germany found itself too weak to protest the terms but too proud to bear their consequences.The opportunity for revenge came in 1939. Adolf Hitler's hubris led him to attack Poland. Ultimately Germany lost WWII to a grand coalition of Britain, France, the U.S., and the Soviet Union.The winners chose to carve out almost all of the province of Prussia and give it to Poland. The rest morphed into the Federal Republic of Germany, which chose the Western camp, and the German Democratic Republic, which joined the Soviet system. Germany today bears no resemblance to the Germany of 1871 to1945 and is still struggling to find an identity.Fast forward to 1991, when the victors of the Cold War rather unceremoniously stamped their mark on a new global power balance.The Warsaw Pact, established in 1955 as a counterweight to NATO, was immediately dissolved. NATO, for its part, gradually expanded to include ten countries that were formerly either a part of the Soviet Union or a member of the Warsaw Pact.Russia, as the successor state to the Soviet Union, was left without the "buffer zone" of Eastern European states that had been vital for the Czars and the communist leader Josef Stalin. Russian rulers had long deemed this area imperative due to their lack of natural geographical defenses like north-south rivers or mountains.For centuries many Central and Eastern European countries were compulsorily included in the Czarist and Communist Empire. Not surprisingly, they do not trust Russia and are not willing to grant it influence on their choice of security. Russia and Central and Eastern European countries are each impinging on what the other party considers to be its vital interests.Russia was too weak to block the role assigned to it by the victors but too strong to be kept down for long — a picture sorely reminiscent of Germany in 1919. Now, Moscow hopes to rescind what it perceives as the wrongs of history by reintegrating Ukraine in its sphere of interest or even as a part of the Russian Federation. Ukraine's vigorous defense illustrates Kyiv's defiance in the face of this unilateral attempt to resuscitate Russian power and global role. Ukraine has ferociously defended its independence after several hundreds of years in a Russian empire. Russia and Ukraine, then, are each impinging on what the other party considers to be its vital interests.Russia has the largest resources, including manpower, but mobilizing them comes at a cost. Western observers have estimated that Russian troops have suffered about 300,000 casualties. And even if the economy is doing relatively well despite sanctions, this pressure comes at a cost.Russian President Vladimir Putin said earlier this month that peace would come when Russia's war aims had been achieved, reiterating that he sought Ukraine's denazification, demilitarization, and neutrality. He didn't lift the veil much, which gives him room to maneuver without hinting at how he might contemplate using it. President Putin speaks exclusively to the Russians – and the Russian voters — so Western observers should be reluctant to interpret it.Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has been fairly intransigent when it comes to peace talks, which is necessary to rally the troops. He addresses both the domestic and foreign audience, which also complicates any rash interpretation. There are – unsubstantiated – inklings that inside his close circle opinions may differ. Allegedly, some argue time is not on Ukraine's side. The summer 2023 offensive did not play out as hoped. Ukraine is dependent on Western aid, and no one knows for sure how solid the commitment is.The European Union laid down a marker December 14 by formally deciding to open accession negotiations with Ukraine. It now seeks ways to continue financial aid by overcoming Hungarian opposition.It is conventional thinking that a President Trump, if elected in 2024, will close shop vis-à-vis Ukraine. He has indeed declined to commit to continued military assistance, saying only that he would get a deal done in a day and warning both sides of consequences if that doesn't come to pass.The rest of the world should remind both sides that they need to be cognizant of history and not try to use demands to crush or humiliate the other side so as to sow the seeds of the next conflict. A sore point is obviously territory, where outside parties should be wary about voicing strong views. It must be done in a way that closes the chapter once and for all. Otherwise, the risk is that Donetsk and Luhansk could go the way of Alsace and Lorraine.The Russian attack on Ukraine may be perceived as an isolated and regional conflict, but it isn't. The Western world should realize that the background for the war is, to a large extent, about Russian feelings of insecurity and dissatisfaction with the world order. This feeling is widespread outside the Western camp and helps explain China's stance.Only a genuine attempt to produce a global power balance that takes into account how the world looks today can bring about lasting peace and stability — not only in Ukraine but in other hot spots around the world.

Western Europe's post-World War II history is fixed in the mass consciousness as a success story. The unconditional triumph of the anti-Hitler coalition, the Marshall Plan, and Western political elites' efforts to prevent new wars between former enemies created the conditions for rapid postwar reconstruction and prosperity. Liberal democracies opposed communist dictatorships—and won. The project of correcting the sins of totalitarianism and the interest in the main villains of the last century—Stalin and Hitler—fixed attention on the crimes of totalitarian regimes. But the dominance of this story of evil defeated is wearing off. Other views of history are taking over the public imagination. European countries' former colonies in Africa and Asia had a twentieth century of their own. They had triumphs of their own and villains and heroes of their own. Some of the countries that collapsed as a result of the Western victory in 1989–1991, Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union in particular, also had villains and heroes of their own.In the West, the postwar decades were a time of economic miracles, the triumph of centrism in politics, and the unification of former enemies into a strong trade and political alliance, the European Union. For many in Africa and Asia, the postwar decades were, in contrast, a time of wars for independence and of political and civic strife.Many of those who try to imagine a postwar world today keep coming back to the West's idea of the twentieth century as a master narrative of things to come. Many are hoping for a new "1945." But in today's world, even the approximate contours of the future postwar world are not yet visible. The situation in postwar Europe was perhaps one of the "cleanest" in history. Germany's defeat was crushing, the winning coalition was broad. After all, it included the United States, the Soviet Union, and China. An agreement on the gravity of Nazi crimes was global and universal. Today's alignment of forces is very different. The coalition supporting Ukraine is sizable but barely extends beyond the West. The view of Putin as the source of all evil is far from universally held. A Gap between the West and the Rest Moscow's reputation in the West has been on a downward trajectory ever since the illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014, which marked the beginning of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. In the West, moral indignation rules. Leaders of the West do not hesitate to speak about Putin using terms like "a terrifying person" driven by "evil forces." Thinkers and politicians from the Middle East, India, or China, on the other hand, refuse to take a stance of utter condemnation toward Moscow. "My Chinese interlocutor sees the situation in Ukraine not as a war of aggression between sovereign countries, but rather as a revision of post-colonial borders following the end of Western hegemony," writes Mark Leonard, director of the European Council on Foreign Relations. "This is not the time to brand Vladimir Putin an 'evil madman,'" an academic from Qatar writes.The misalignment—with respect to both Ukraine and the Middle East—between the major nations of the West and the populous and powerful nations of the non-Western world is profound. While many sympathize with Ukrainians and their suffering, aggregated international polls point to slight majorities in the global south believing that the war is "none of their business" and preferring a quick end to it, even if Ukraine has to concede territory. This and other international surveys have shown a wide gap between the West and the rest when it comes to the desired outcomes of the war, and differing understandings of why the United States and Europe support Ukraine, Timothy Garton Ash, Ivan Krastev, and Mark Leonard wrote in a major study published earlier this year. Russia and China are "Winning" in the Middle EastHamas's brutal attack on Israel and the ensuing war in the Middle East has only deepened that divide. In the Middle East, and particularly in the Arab world, attitudes toward the United States have not been all-out positive for a long time. But now the United States has lost even more ground in the region—to China and Russia. Data from a recent public opinion poll conducted by the independent research group IIACSS have shown that trust in America and America's influence among Arabs in the region have reached their lowest point historically, while support for the United States' competitors and strategic opponents—China, Russia, and Iran—has increased.Of those polled in Iraq, Syria, Jordan, Egypt, Lebanon, and Palestine during late October 2023, only 2 percent to 7 percent believed that America was playing a positive role in the current war. By contrast, China's role in the conflict was seen as positive by 46 percent of those polled in Egypt, 34 percent in Iraq, and 27 percent in Jordan. Positive views of Russia were even higher: the percentage of those who believed that Russia had a positive influence neared half, averaging 47 percent among the publics surveyed (except in Palestine). IIACSS conducted the poll with its partners in the region, thereby polling nationally representative samples. It is not just that anti-American sentiment is prevalent there. It is a change of focus, from the West's singular view of history to a much greater diversity of viewpoints. At the heart of the Western master narrative of the twentieth century was victory over evil and the creation of a home for the Jewish people, Israel. That narrative culminated in the West watching the communist regimes in Europe crumbling at its feet.But other "twentieth centuries" are now looming over the world. Western intellectuals' and political leaders' grip on the historical narrative has held too long, outlasting the West's political triumph over communism. "A fixation on the crimes of Stalin, Mao, and Hitler managed to obscure the long centuries of global violence and dispossession that made Britain and the United States uniquely powerful and wealthy," says the Indian commentator and writer Pankaj Mishra. Without a change in point of view to make the narrative less West-centric, many in the West won't be able to appreciate those other views of history. This growing multipolarity of worldviews may even be the reason for the numerous clashes of opinions about the war in the Middle East. We are likely to face a mixed bag of forces fighting each other rather than one large coalition fighting for one big victory over one evil dictator. The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute.

Western Europe's post-World War II history is fixed in the mass consciousness as a success story. The unconditional triumph of the anti-Hitler coalition, the Marshall Plan, and Western political elites' efforts to prevent new wars between former enemies created the conditions for rapid postwar reconstruction and prosperity. Liberal democracies opposed communist dictatorships—and won. The project of correcting the sins of totalitarianism and the interest in the main villains of the last century—Stalin and Hitler—fixed attention on the crimes of totalitarian regimes. But the dominance of this story of evil defeated is wearing off. Other views of history are taking over the public imagination. European countries' former colonies in Africa and Asia had a twentieth century of their own. They had triumphs of their own and villains and heroes of their own. Some of the countries that collapsed as a result of the Western victory in 1989–1991, Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union in particular, also had villains and heroes of their own.In the West, the postwar decades were a time of economic miracles, the triumph of centrism in politics, and the unification of former enemies into a strong trade and political alliance, the European Union. For many in Africa and Asia, the postwar decades were, in contrast, a time of wars for independence and of political and civic strife.Many of those who try to imagine a postwar world today keep coming back to the West's idea of the twentieth century as a master narrative of things to come. Many are hoping for a new "1945." But in today's world, even the approximate contours of the future postwar world are not yet visible. The situation in postwar Europe was perhaps one of the "cleanest" in history. Germany's defeat was crushing, the winning coalition was broad. After all, it included the United States, the Soviet Union, and China. An agreement on the gravity of Nazi crimes was global and universal. Today's alignment of forces is very different. The coalition supporting Ukraine is sizable but barely extends beyond the West. The view of Putin as the source of all evil is far from universally held. A Gap between the West and the Rest Moscow's reputation in the West has been on a downward trajectory ever since the illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014, which marked the beginning of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. In the West, moral indignation rules. Leaders of the West do not hesitate to speak about Putin using terms like "a terrifying person" driven by "evil forces." Thinkers and politicians from the Middle East, India, or China, on the other hand, refuse to take a stance of utter condemnation toward Moscow. "My Chinese interlocutor sees the situation in Ukraine not as a war of aggression between sovereign countries, but rather as a revision of post-colonial borders following the end of Western hegemony," writes Mark Leonard, director of the European Council on Foreign Relations. "This is not the time to brand Vladimir Putin an 'evil madman,'" an academic from Qatar writes.The misalignment—with respect to both Ukraine and the Middle East—between the major nations of the West and the populous and powerful nations of the non-Western world is profound. While many sympathize with Ukrainians and their suffering, aggregated international polls point to slight majorities in the global south believing that the war is "none of their business" and preferring a quick end to it, even if Ukraine has to concede territory. This and other international surveys have shown a wide gap between the West and the rest when it comes to the desired outcomes of the war, and differing understandings of why the United States and Europe support Ukraine, Timothy Garton Ash, Ivan Krastev, and Mark Leonard wrote in a major study published earlier this year. Russia and China are "Winning" in the Middle EastHamas's brutal attack on Israel and the ensuing war in the Middle East has only deepened that divide. In the Middle East, and particularly in the Arab world, attitudes toward the United States have not been all-out positive for a long time. But now the United States has lost even more ground in the region—to China and Russia. Data from a recent public opinion poll conducted by the independent research group IIACSS have shown that trust in America and America's influence among Arabs in the region have reached their lowest point historically, while support for the United States' competitors and strategic opponents—China, Russia, and Iran—has increased.Of those polled in Iraq, Syria, Jordan, Egypt, Lebanon, and Palestine during late October 2023, only 2 percent to 7 percent believed that America was playing a positive role in the current war. By contrast, China's role in the conflict was seen as positive by 46 percent of those polled in Egypt, 34 percent in Iraq, and 27 percent in Jordan. Positive views of Russia were even higher: the percentage of those who believed that Russia had a positive influence neared half, averaging 47 percent among the publics surveyed (except in Palestine). IIACSS conducted the poll with its partners in the region, thereby polling nationally representative samples. It is not just that anti-American sentiment is prevalent there. It is a change of focus, from the West's singular view of history to a much greater diversity of viewpoints. At the heart of the Western master narrative of the twentieth century was victory over evil and the creation of a home for the Jewish people, Israel. That narrative culminated in the West watching the communist regimes in Europe crumbling at its feet.But other "twentieth centuries" are now looming over the world. Western intellectuals' and political leaders' grip on the historical narrative has held too long, outlasting the West's political triumph over communism. "A fixation on the crimes of Stalin, Mao, and Hitler managed to obscure the long centuries of global violence and dispossession that made Britain and the United States uniquely powerful and wealthy," says the Indian commentator and writer Pankaj Mishra. Without a change in point of view to make the narrative less West-centric, many in the West won't be able to appreciate those other views of history. This growing multipolarity of worldviews may even be the reason for the numerous clashes of opinions about the war in the Middle East. We are likely to face a mixed bag of forces fighting each other rather than one large coalition fighting for one big victory over one evil dictator. The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute.

Neuvostoliiton hajottua venäjänkielisen väestön asema Virossa joutui kiivaan poliittisen kamppailun kohteeksi. Viron venäjänkielinen väestö, joka oli asettunut Viron alueelle neuvostovallan aikana, alettiin nähdä muukalaisina, joiden oikeus kotiin ja kansalaisuuteen Virossa tulivat monin tavoin kyseenalaistetuiksi. Tälle Neuvostoliiton sisäisen siirtolaisuuden kautta syntyneelle venäjänkieliselle väestölle ei annettu automaattisesti Viron kansalaisuutta, heillä ei ollut oikeutta kaksoiskansalaisuuteen ja heiltä edellytettiin viron kielen taitoa, mitä suurimmalla osalla heistä ei ennestään ollut. Tätä politiikkaa perusteltiin sillä, että se oli ainoa tapa suojella Viron kansallista itsenäisyyttä, ja uuden valtion perustana täytyi olla ajatus etnisestä virolaisuudesta ja viron kielestä. Tämän seurauksena venäjänkielinen väestö, joka oli kotiutunut Viroon vuosikymmenten kuluessa, on kokenut, että heidän kotinsa neuvostoajan jälkeisessä Virossa on uhattuna. He ovat myös kokeneet sosialismin kaatumista seuranneet, dramaattiset taloudelliset ja sosiaaliset muutokset, mukaan lukien Viron integrointi uusliberaalin kapitalismin rakenteisiin ja neuvostoaikaisten sosioekonomisten rakenteiden rapautuminen. Näihin muutoksiin on liittynyt monenlaista kamppailua, ja erityisesti iäkkäämmät sukupolvet ovat kärsineet myös tunnetasolla paljon. Tämä väitöskirja analysoi näitä kotiin ja kuulumiseen liittyviä kamppailuja Viron Narvassa. Narva on Viron koillisosassa sijaitseva suhteellisen pieni teollisuuskaupunki, jossa venäjänkieliset muodostavat asukkaiden enemmistön. Narvasta tuli rajakaupunki Viron itsenäistymisen yhteydessä, ja myöhemmin EU:n itäisin kaupunki. Keskityn erityisesti venäjänkielisen väestön kodin 'tekemisen' käytäntöihin, joita tarkastelen sekä neuvostoaikana että Neuvostoliiton hajoamisen jälkeisenä aikana. Tarkastelen venäjänkielisten narvalaisten arjen käytäntöjä kotia koskevan antropologisen tutkimuksen valossa, ja keskityn erityisesti kodin poliittisiin ulottuvuuksiin. Ammennan erityisesti niistä teoreettisista keskusteluista, joissa käsitteellistetään siirtolaisten kodin rakentamisen käytäntöjä ja kotia mahdollisuuksien tilana. Tarkastelen kodin 'tekemistä' materiaalisena, emotionaalisena, sosiaalisena ja poliittisena toimintana, ja ymmärrän sen prosessina, joka muokkautuu suhteessa valtioon, tulevaisuuden toiveisiin sekä jälkisosialistiseen transformaatioon. Tutkimus perustuu laajaan etnografiseen kenttätyöhön Narvassa vuosina 2010– 2011 sekä lyhyen seurantajakson aikana vuonna 2018. Informanttini ovat syntyneet Viron ulkopuolella entisen Neuvostoliiton alueella, mutta muuttaneet neuvostoaikana Narvaan. Tutkimuksen päähenkilöitä ovat siis neuvostoajan siirtolaiset, erityisesti venäjänkieliset iäkkäät sukupolvet, sekä kaupunki itsessään. Selvittämällä venäjänkielisen väestön muuttoliikkeen historiaa neuvostoaikana, kodin 'tekemisen' käytäntöjä Narvassa sinne muutettaessa sekä vuosikymmenten aikana muokkautuvaa asumisen ja kodin 'tekemisen' prosessia suhteessa paikkaan, paikallisyhteisöön ja valtioon, tutkimukseni valottaa sitä, miten keskustelukumppaneideni käsitys kodista Narvassa on muuttunut neuvostoajan jälkeen. Analysoin tapoja, joilla ihmiset muuntavat paikan kodiksi investoimalla siihen aikaa, energiaa ja työtä. En kuitenkaan tarkastele koteja ensisijaisesti henkilökohtaisena projektina, vaan korostan sosiaalisten ja taloudellisten rakenteiden, intersubjektiivisten neuvottelujen sekä poliittisten ja taloudellisten prosessien merkitystä. Tarkastelussani koti siis ulottuu rajattujen yksityisten tilojen, kuten asuntojen ja datšojen, ulkopuolelle. Koti luodaan suhteessa kaupungin rytmeihin ja rutiineihin, ja osana paikallisia ja valtiollisia poliittisia projekteja. Osoitan, että Narvasta tuli 'koti' erityisten sosiaalisten käytäntöjen ja ideologisesti muovautuneiden moraalimaailmojen kautta. Tämä tutkimus valottaa sitä prosessia, jossa Narva muuttui toivon ja kehityksen paikasta epävarmuuden ja epäoikeudenmukaisuuden tyyssijaksi neuvostosukupolven kokemuksissa. Samalla tutkimus valottaa kodin ja kotiutumisen sosiaalisia ja poliittisia prosesseja laajemminkin, kuten myös jälkisosialistisen transformaation ongelmakohtia. ; After the Soviet dissolution, home and the right to home became highly contested and politicised issues for Estonian Russian-speakers who had resettled in Estonian territory during the Soviet period. They began to be seen by the majority population as strangers who did not rightfully belong in an independent Estonia. The Soviet-era Russian-speaking resettlers were not automatically granted Estonian citizenship, were not entitled to dual citizenship, and were required to acquire Estonian language skills, which most of them did not already have. These policies, which undermined the position of Russian-speakers in comparison with the Soviet period, were justified by the post-Soviet Estonian state as being the only way to safeguard the sovereignty of an Estonian nation-state built on the idea of Estonian ethnicity and language. However, Russian-speakers have felt their home in post-Soviet Estonia to be under threat. They have also experienced the dramatic transformation of economic and social relations that came with the fall of socialism, including the integration of Estonia into the structures of neoliberal capitalism and its distancing from the socioeconomic structures of the former Soviet space. These changes have been accompanied by many struggles and a great deal of emotional suffering, especially for the older generations. This thesis examines past and present home-making practices among Narva's Russian-speaking population, the dominant inhabitants of a relatively small industrial town in the North-Eastern region of Estonia that became a border-town with the formation of the Russian Federation in 1991. I explore the everyday practices of Russian-speaking Narvans by engaging with the scholarship of anthropology of home, especially its political aspects, drawing from and contributing to discussions that emphasise the specificities of migrants' home and home as a space of possibilities. I use analytical lenses that scrutinise home-making as a material, emotional, social and political practice, with reference to relationships to both state and hope, and to postsocialist transformation. This thesis builds on extensive ethnographic fieldwork in Narva both in 2010- 2011 and during a short follow-up period in 2018 when I investigated the home- making practices of Russian-speaking Narvans who were born elsewhere and had moved to the town. By inquiring into their mobile life trajectories, processes of homing in Narva upon arrival and ongoing practices of dwelling in and relating to the place, the people and the ruling state, my research sheds light on why and how my interlocutors' sense of home in Narva, a particular kind of "Russian town" in the Soviet West, has changed since the Soviet era. The protagonists of this study are the Soviet-era resettlers, especially the Russian-speaking older generations with established Soviet subjectivities, and the town itself. I analyse the ways in which people turn places into homes by investing time, energy and labour. However, instead of arguing for home as a personal matter, I emphasize the role of wider societal structures, intersubjective matters, and external forces, including state politics and neoliberal capitalism, that affect how homes can be practised and perceived. In my exploration, home radiates out from tiny private capsules, such as apartments and dachas. Home is produced in relation to the rhythms and routines of the town at large, and as part of the local and national political projects. I discuss how Narva became a homely place through specific practices of sociality and ideologically shaped moral worlds. This study sheds light on the process by which Narva turned from a place of hope and development into a place of uncertainty and injustice in the experiences of the Soviet generation. At the same time, the study reflects the social and political processes of home and home-making more broadly, and disentangles the problematics of postsocialist transformation.

Artificial intelligence systems are currently deployed in many areas of human activity. Such systems are increasingly assigned tasks that involve taking decisions about people or predicting future behaviours. These decisions are commonly regarded as fairer and more objective than those taken by humans, as AI systems are thought to be resistant to such influences as emotions or subjective beliefs. In reality, using such a system does not guarantee either objectivity or fairness. This article describes the phenomenon of bias in AI systems and the role of humans in creating it. 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Actuality of research theme. The development of the economies of the leading countries of the world shows that today there has been a transition from the industrial stage of development to the post-industrial economy, also called the innovative economy, the knowledge economy, etc. In such circumstances, special attention is required to analyze the problems of the educational sector in the context of reform, as a component of the sustainable development of any society. Problem statement. The basis of national wealth, its most valuable resource is not the natural and reproducible capital, but the human and intellectual capital, as it is the level of its development and determines the economic growth rate of modern society. Today, in the context of educational reform, special attention needs to be paid to addressing the mismatch in the labor market supply and demand for labor resources of certain professions, qualifications and educational level of training. Analysis of the last researches and publications. Significant contribution to the consideration of human capital development problems were made by Boginya D. P., Vovkanych S. I., Heets V. M., Holubets M. A., Hrishneva O. A., Dolishnii M. I., Zlupka S. M., Kanigina Y. M., Kolot A. M., Kuzmin A. E., Mocherniy S. V., Fedulova L. I., Khmil F. I. [2-5] and others. Selection of unexplored parts of general issue. The issue of governance for sustainable development in the country is intrinsically linked to the process of reforming the country's education sector, so finding effective mechanisms for reform requires particular attention and in-depth theoretical and practical research. Therefore, there is a need to research the potential of such a segment of the market for educational services for higher education institutions, as retraining and advanced training of teachers of professional (professional-technical) education institutions in Ukraine. Task statement, research aim. The purpose of the study is to evaluate the potential and opportunities of expanding the segment of the market of educational services of higher education institutions for retraining and professional development of teachers of professional (professional-technical) educational institutions. Method or methodology of realization of research. In the process of realization researches drawn on scientific (analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, analytical grouping) and special (abstracting, economical-mathematical design, etc.) methods of study of the economic phenomena and processes. Exposition of basic material (job performances). The analysis of prospects and opportunities of development of the segment of the market of educational services of institutions of higher education in relation to retraining and professional development of teachers of institutions of professional (professional-technical) education is conducted in the work. The analysis of the Ukrainian labor market shows that there is a mismatch of supply and demand for the labor resources of certain professions and qualifications, which confirms the need to solve problems related to the need to overcome imbalances. It is proved that in order to solve the problems of reforming the education system in order to improve its quality and competitiveness, there is a need to optimize the system of training and retraining of pedagogical staff for professional (professional-technical) education. It is established that the success of reforms in the system of professional (professional-technical) education can be ensured by more active involvement in the process of retraining and advanced training of teachers of higher education institutions. In order to determine the potential of the mentioned segment of the market of educational services for higher education institutions, the analysis of indicators of educational activity in the professional-technical system of Ukraine was conducted. It is established that during 1991–2018 there was a decrease in both the number of vocational education institutions and the contingent of persons studying there. It is proved that the shortage of skilled workers is a consequence of the fact that during the years of independence the number of vocational schools has decreased by 40%, and the number of trained workers has decreased by more than half. The analysis of the relationship between the number of professional (professional-technical) educational institutions, the number of students and students in them and the number of teaching staff indicates a decrease in all of these indicators. The dynamics of indicators of the level of financing of education in general and vocational-technical in particular and the comparison of these indicators in Ukraine and economically developed countries of the world have been conducted. The necessity of increasing the volume of financing to the level of economically developed countries has been proved in order to ensure the efficiency of the initiated reforms. Conclusions. The paper analyzes the prospects and opportunities for the development of the market segment of educational services of higher education institutions for retraining and professional development of teachers of professional (professional-technical) education institutions. The analysis of the labor market of Ukraine revealed the existence of a mismatch of supply and demand for labor resources of certain professions and qualifications. It is proved that in order to solve the problems of reforming the education system in order to improve its quality and competitiveness, there is a need to optimize the system of training and retraining of pedagogical personnel for vocational education by involving teachers of higher education institutions. In order to determine the potential of the specified segment of the market of educational services for higher education institutions, the analysis of indicators of educational activity in the system of professional (professional-technical) education in Ukraine was conducted. According to the analysis of the dynamics of indicators of the level of financing of education in general and vocational and technical in particular, the necessity of simplifying licensing of the provision of services for retraining and upgrading of qualifications, attraction to financing of these services by non-state sources (in particular, from employers and investors), creation of mobile institutions with the possibility of receiving educational services in the field of distance education, use of Internet technologies, provision of educational services at the place of realization of acquired competences and deepening of client-oriented approaches to the content and form of the provision of services. This will ensure that, from a variety of (mainly non-governmental) sources, funding is increased to the level of economically developed countries in order to ensure the effectiveness of the reforms started.

Esta investigación, enmarcada en la línea de Educación y Sociedad de la Maestría en Educación de la Universidad Militar Nueva Granada, aborda la problemática de violencia escolar entre pares. Se propuso el diseño e implementación de una estrategia pedagógica basada en los juegos cooperativos que propendiera por el desarrollo de habilidades para el manejo asertivo de conflictos en el grado noveno. Dicha estrategia se llevó a cabo en la clase de Educación Física, tras una reflexión propia sobre la necesidad de abordar esta problemática de manera formativa, buscando, desde la clase, no sólo por el fortalecimiento de habilidades motoras sino también socioafectivas. Dado que la investigación buscó generar transformaciones en la convivencia de tres grupos de noveno a partir de una reflexión sobre la práctica docente y la comprensión de los modos en que dicha estrategia pedagógica propende por el desarrollo de habilidades para que los estudiantes manejen constructivamente el conflicto, se optó por un enfoque epistemológico crítico -social. Metodológicamente hablando, el estudio siguió una perspectiva cualitativa con un diseño de investigación -acción cuyas etapas se fundamentan en lo planteado por Evans (2010). De este modo, se desarrolló, junto con los estudiantes, un árbol de problemas para realizar un diagnóstico de la situación convivencial del grado. Luego, se creó una matriz de objetivos que diera cuenta de los resultados esperados tras la implementación de la estrategia. Posteriormente, se diseñó la propuesta pedagógica a partir de tres juegos tradicionales: Cadena humana, Congelados bajo tierra y Bomba al aire. Finalmente, se realizó una evaluación de carácter dialógico a través de grupos focales y reflexiones grupales al final de cada intervención. Los resultados muestran que el juego cooperativo se configura como una condición de posibilidad para generar espacios que permitan que los educandos dialoguen, comprendan la importancia de pensar en el otro y sean más conscientes de la forma como han manejado sus conflictos y de las consecuencias que trae la agresión. ; Tabla de contenido Resumen 7 Introducción 11 CAPÍTULO I. PLANTEAMIENTO DE LA INVESTIGACIÓN 14 1.1. Antecedentes: 14 1.2. Planteamiento del problema 22 1.3. Pregunta de investigación: 25 1.4. Justificación 25 1.5. Objetivos 29 1.5.1 General 29 1.5.2 Específicos 30 1.6. Alcances y limitaciones del proyecto: 30 CAPÍTULO 2. MARCO TEÓRICO-CONCEPTUAL 31 2.1. La lúdica 31 2.2 El juego 32 2.2.1 Juegos cooperativos 37 2.3 Estrategia pedagógica 41 2.4. Convivencia escolar: 43 2.5. Conflicto escolar y resolución asertiva de conflictos 44 2.5.1. Formación en el manejo asertivo del conflicto 47 CAPÍTULO 3. MARCO LEGAL 51 3.1. La Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos, el 10 de diciembre de 1948, donde se "reconoce que todos los seres humanos nacen libres e iguales en dignidad y derechos". 51 Dentro de ellos, se encuentra el derecho a una educación encaminada al: 51 3.2. Los Objetivos de desarrollo sostenibles impulsados por la Organización de Naciones Unidas (ONU) 51 3.3. El proyecto Educación para la Convivencia y la Cultura de la Paz en América Latina y El Caribe de la Unesco: 52 3.4. La Constitución Política de Colombia de 1991, especialmente, en sus artículos 1, 2 y 45 garantiza la institucionalización de principios democráticos y la formación integral de los ciudadanos en la convivencia, la justicia y la igualdad. 52 3.5 Ley 115 o Ley General de Educación: 52 3.6. Estándares básicos de competencias ciudadanas 53 3.7. Ley 1620 de 2013: La Ley da origen al Sistema Nacional de Convivencia Escolar y Formación para el Ejercicio de los Derechos Humanos, Sexuales y Reproductivos y la Prevención y Mitigación de la Violencia Escolar. 53 3.8. Ley 1732 de 01 de septiembre de 2014, por la cual se establece la Cátedra de la Paz en todas las instituciones educativas del país. 54 CAPÍTULO 4. DISEÑO METODOLÓGICO 55 4.1. Tipo de estudio 55 4.2. Participantes 58 4.3. Técnicas e instrumentos de recolección de información: 58 4.3.1. Observación participante: 58 4.3.2. Análisis de documentos 59 4.3.3. Grupos focales con estudiantes 59 4.4. Análisis de la información recopilada 60 4.5 Consideraciones éticas 61 4.6. Descripción de las etapas de la investigación 62 CAPÍTULO 5. ANÁLISIS E INTERPRETACIÓN DE RESULTADOS 75 5.1. Juego como estrategia pedagógica 76 5.1.1. Relacionarse con el otro 78 5.1.2. El proceso de construcción de un nosotros 82 5.1.3. Visibilizar y/o cuestionar lo normalizado 88 5.2. Desarrollo de habilidades para el manejo del conflicto 90 5.3. Manejo asertivo y no asertivo del conflicto 98 CONCLUSIONES 102 LA VOZ DEL MAESTRO. REFLEXIONES Y APRENDIZAJES 105 RECOMENDACIONES 108 REFERENCIAS BIBLIOGRÁFICAS 109 ANEXOS 120 ; This research, framed in the line of Education and Society of the Master in Education of the Military University Nueva Granada, addresses the problem of school violence between peers. The design and implementation of a pedagogical strategy based on cooperative games aimed at developing skills for assertive conflict management in the ninth grade was proposed. This strategy was carried out in the Physical Education class, after their own reflection on the need to address this problem in a formative way, seeking, from the class, not only for the strengthening of motor skills but also socio-affective. Given that the research sought to generate transformations in the coexistence of three groups of ninth grade from a reflection on teaching practice and an understanding of the ways in which said pedagogical strategy tends to develop skills so that students constructively manage conflict, a critical-social epistemological approach was chosen. Methodologically speaking, the study followed a qualitative perspective with a research-action design whose stages are based on what Evans (2010) stated. Thus, together with the students, a problem tree was developed to make a diagnosis of the coexistence situation of the grade. Then, a matrix of objectives was created that would account for the expected results after the implementation of the strategy. Subsequently, the pedagogical proposal was designed from three traditional games: Cadena humana, Congelados bajo tierra and Bomba al aire. Finally, a dialogical evaluation was carried out through focus groups and group reflections at the end of each intervention. The results show that cooperative play is configured as a condition of possibility to generate spaces that allow learners to dialogue, understand the importance of thinking about the other and are more aware of the way they have handled their conflicts and the consequences it brings The agression. ; Maestría

The paper examines the role of physical culture and sports in the process of training Byzantine warriors in the Early and Middle Byzantine periods. Various types of sports games and competitions are considered - both for children and youth, by means of which pre-conscription training was provided, as well as military sports exercises and competitions in the Byzantine army. It is concluded that despite the elimination of the ancient system of palaestra and gymnasia, the mass physical training of Byzantine boys, adolescents and youth of military age in Byzantium was a profound and logical system aimed at the development of strong, courageous and tempered warriors. Its fundamental difference from the ancient period was that the primary physical education of children and adolescents was entrusted not to the state or community, but to the family. The task of the community was to create conditions for holding sports competitions, whereas the state was involved in the physical education of young men after they were included in military lists during maneuvers and military campaigns. ; В статье изучена роль физической культуры и спорта в процессе подготовки византийских воинов в ранневизантийский и средневизантийский периоды. Рассмотрены различные виды спортивных игр и состязаний – как детских и юношеских, благодаря которым обеспечивалась допризывная подготовка, так и военно-спортивные упражнения и соревнования в византийской армии. Сделан вывод о том, что, несмотря на ликвидацию античной системы палестр и гимнасиев, массовая физическая подготовка византийских мальчиков, подростков и юношей призывного возраста в Византии представляла собой хорошо продуманную и логично выстроенную систему, нацеленную на воспитание сильного, смелого и закаленного воина. Ее принципиальное отличие от античного периода заключалось в том, что физическое воспитание детей и подростков было возложено не на государство или общину, а на семью. Задачей общины при этом было создание условий для проведения спортивных соревнований, а государство подключалось к физическому воспитанию юношей после их включения в воинские списки в ходе учений и боевых походов. Библиографические ссылки Анонимный воинский трактат «Как выдерживать осаду» / пер. и коммент. В.В. Хапаева // Хапаев В.В. Византийский Херсон на рубеже тысячелетий: вторая половина Х – первая половина XI в. Симферополь: Нижняя Орiанда, 2016. С. 509–538. Армурис // Памятники Византийской литературы IX–XV веков / Отв. ред. Л.А. Фрейберг. М.: Наука, 1968. С. 158–160. Дигенис Акрит. 1960. М.: Изд-во АН СССР. 1960. 218 с. Дьяконов А.П. Византийские димы и факции (τα μέρη) в V–VII вв. // Византийский сборник / Oтв. ред. Е. А. Косминский М., Л.: АН СССР, 1945. С. 144–227. Курбатов Г.Л. 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The article deals with the tactics of battle sledging, in particular, known from the ethnographic descriptions of the koryak sledges. Obviously, since ancient times, the combat use of chariots and sledges was similar: shooting at the enemy – turning – repeated shooting. Such tactics was used in battles against enemy sledges or chariots, and against less mobile infantry. In order to use a sledge or chariots, a rather fl at terrain was required, although sledges were used in winter, and chariots in summer. The military use of chariots and sledges differed rather in terms of the social aspect. Whereas almost all reindeer-breeding Chukchi and Koryaks had sledges for driving and/or running in the primitive societies, only the noble or wealthy tribe members possessed chariots.In general, we can note the similarity of the combat use of sleds and chariots. Their owners obviously had a high social status. ; В статье рассматриваются вопросы тактики боя на нартах, в частности, известных по этнографическим описаниям корякских нарт. Очевидно, что с древнейших времен боевое использование колесниц и нарт было схожим: обстрел врага – разворот – опять стрельба. Так они действовали против нарт/колесниц противника и не столь подвижных пеших бойцов. Колесницы, как и нарты, действовали группами. Для нарт, как и колесниц, была необходима не слишком пересеченная местность, хотя нарты использовались в зимний период, а колесницы – в летний. Различие же между военным использованием колесниц и нарт наблюдается, скорее, социальное. Если ездовыми и/или беговыми нартами обладало практически все мужское население оленных чукчей и коряков, то в первобытных обществах колесницей, как считается, обладали лишь знатные/богатые члены племени. В целом можно отметить сходство боевого использования нарт и колесниц. Их владельцы, очевидно, обладали высоким социальным статусом. Библиографические ссылки Антропова В.В. Коряки // Народы Сибири / Под ред. М. Г. Левина, Л. П. Потапова. М.; Л.: АН СССР, 1956. С. 950−977. Антропова В.В. Вопросы военной организации и военного дела у народов крайнего северо-востока Сибири // Сибирский этнографический сборник T. II / Труды Института этнографии им. Н.Н. Миклухо-Маклая АН СССР. Т. 35. М.; Л.: Издательство АН СССР, 1957. С. 99−245. Бабошина О.Е. Сказки Чукотки. М.: Гослитиздат, 1958. 263 с. Бахрушин С.В. Научные труды. Т. III. Ч. 2. М.,: Издательство Ан СССР, 1955. 299 с. Беликов Л.В. Чукотские народные сказки, мифы и предания. Магадан: Магаданское книжное издательство, 1982. 211 с. Богораз В.Г. Материалы по изучению чукотского языка и фольклора, собранные в Колымском округе. Ч. I. / Труды Якутской экспедиции, снаряженной на средства И. М. Сибирякова. Отд. III. Т. XI. Ч. 3. СПб.: Типография АН, 1900. 417 с. Варенов А.В. К интерпретации наскальных изображений колесниц Центральной Азии. Препринт. Новосибирск, 1983. 4 с. Варенов А.В. Китайская манипула иньского времени // Военное дело населения юга Сибири и Дальнего Востока / Отв. ред. В. Е. Медведев, Ю. С. Худяков. Новосибирск: Наука, 1993. С. 41−64. Василевич Г.М., Левин М.Г. Оленный транспорт // Историко-этнографический атлас Сибири / Под ред. М. Г. Левина, Л. П. Потапова. М.; Л.: Издательство АН СССР, 1961. С. 11−54. Вдовин И.С. Очерки этнической истории коряков. Л.: Наука, 1973. 304 с. Витсен Н. Северная и Восточная Тартария / Пер. В. Г. Трисман. Т. II. Амстердам: Pegasus, 2010. 620 с. Генинг В.В. Об использовании боевых колесниц степным населением Евразии в эпоху бронзы // Древнейшие общности земледельцев и скотоводов Северного Причерноморья (V тыс. до н. э. – V в. н.э.) / Под ред. Е.В. Ярового. К.: Центр новостроечных археологических исследований АН СССР, 1991. С. 111−112. Генинг В.Ф., Зданович Г.Б., Генинг В.В. Синташта. 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Сказки и мифы народов Чукотки и Камчатки. (Сказки и мифы народов Востока) / Под ред. Меновщиков Г.А. М.: Наука, 1974. 646 с. Сказки народов Северо-Востока \ Под ред. Козлов Н.В. Магадан: Магаданское книжное издательство, 1956. 327 с. Сотникова C.B. К вопросу о парных захоронениях лошадей в колесничных культурах эпохи бронзы: реконструкция ритуалов и представлений (по материалам памятников синташтинского и петровского типа) // Проблемы истории, филологии, культуры (ПИФК). 2014. № 2 (44). С. 176 189. Черемпей П.К. Конец Бочкаревщины // Время, события, люди: Исторические очерки о становлении советской власти на Чукотке и Колыме / Гл. ред. И. Н. Каштанов. Магадан: Магаданское книжное издательство, 1967. С. 206−211. Чечушков И.В. Колесничный комплекс эпохи поздней бронзы степной и лесостепной Евразии (от Днепра до Иртыша). Автореф. Дисс… канд. истор.наук. М, 2013. 24 с. Этнографические материалы Северо-Восточной географической экспедиции. 1785―1795 гг. / Под ред. И.С. Вдовин. Магадан: Магаданское книжное издательство, 1978. 177 с. Bogoras W. Tales of Yukaghir, Lamut, and Russianized Natives of Eastern Siberia. (Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History. Vol. XX. Pt. 1). New York: Published by Order of the Trustees, 1918. 148 р.

During armed conflict, people with disabilities are victims of a vicious cycle of violence, social polarization, deteriorating services and deepening poverty. They are among the most marginalized and excluded part of the population affected by the armed conflict. They are at greater risk in situations of conflict, most likely to be left behind when populations flee and also at greater risk of violence and discrimination. The international normative framework related to people with disabilities in armed conflicts is mainly based on human rights law and international humanitarian law. The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities moves the meaning of disability from regarding persons with disabilities as objects of medical care and charity to recognizing them as subjects with rights. There is still a long way to go in effectively protecting disabled people during armed conflicts. It seems that legal norms in this respect are sufficiently precise. But as often happens, the executive fails. The international community has a highly developed sense of solidarity and empathy for those in need. However, we are constantly observing many imperfections and shortcomings in the procedures and mechanisms of humanitarian aid operations. ; mbuczko@pwsip.edu.pl ; PhD, Lecturer, at the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Lomza State University of Applied Sciences (Poland). ; Lomza State University of Applied Sciences, Poland ; Advisory opinion of ICJ, Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, ICJ Reports par 70. (1996 July 8). ; Aust, A. (1986). The Theory and Practice of International Instruments. The International and Comparative Law Quarterly, 35(4), 787-812. ; Baxter, R. (1980). International law in "Her Infinite Variety". International and Comparative Law Quarterly, 29, 549-566. ; Bierzanek, R. (1987). Miękkie prawo międzynarodowe [International Soft Law]. Sprawy międzynarodowe, 1, 91-106. ; Bothe, M. (1980). 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Legal Protection of Child-Combatant after the Protocols: Reaffirmation, Development or a Step Backwords In: A.J.M. Delissen & G.J. Tan (Eds.), Humanitarian Law of Armed Conflict: Challenges Ahead; Essays in Honour of F. Kalshoven (pp. 153-164). Dordrecht, Netherlands; Boston, Mass., M. Nijhoff: Kluwer Academic Publishers. ; Devandas, C., Barriga, S., & Quinn, G. (2017). Ochrona osób cywilnych z niesprawnościami w warunkach konfliktu [Protection of civilians with disabilities during armed conflict]. Przegląd NATO [NATO Review]. Retrieved from https://www.nato.int/docu/review/2017/Also-in-2017/Protecting-civilians-with-disabilities-in-conflicts/PL/index.htm [accessed on 12.09.2019]. ; Gardam, J. (1998). Women, human rights and international humanitarian law. International Review of the Red Cross, 324, 421-432. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020860400091221. ; Gold, J. (1983). Strengthening the Soft International Law of Exchange Agreements. 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Günter Kunert (6 de marzo, 1929, Berlín) es un escritor nacido en la República Democrática de Alemania, donde pasa buena parte de su vida hasta que en 1979 se traslada definitivamente a la Alemania Occidental. De madre judía, tuvo que interrumpir sus estudios debido a la Rassengesetze (Ley racial) impuesta en 1935 por el régimen nacionalsocialista. Debido a estas medidas propias de la ideología antisemita, en 1939 es declarado Wehrunwürdig.[1] En 1943 se emplea durante un tiempo como aprendiz en el comercio textil. Finalizada la Segunda Guerra Mundial, en 1946 accede a la Universidad de Artes Aplicadas en el Berlín de la RDA, si bien hubo de abandonar los estudios en 1947. Ese mismo año publica su primer poema, «Un tren pasa de largo» (Ein Zug rollt vorüber) en el diario Berlin am Mittag. Será el principio de una continuada colaboración en revistas y diarios, compaginada con su trabajo creativo para cine, televisión y radio; son los tiempos en los que ya empieza a escribir una poesía marcada por una hostilidad hacia el régimen de su país. Hay que destacar el contenido crítico y carácter de parodia de muchos de sus artículos y escritos. A partir de entonces sus entregas para la revista semanal Frischer Wind y Eulenspiegel, junto a sus poemas para la revista satírica Ulenspiegel, conformarían su actividad de escritor profesional. En 1949 se afilia al SED (Partido de la Unidad Socialista de Alemania), y un año después vería la luz su primer poemario, Letreros de muros y caminos (Wegschild und Mauerinschrift), que merecerá la atención y apoyo de Johannes R. Becher, poeta y ministro de Cultura de la Alemania Oriental. En la misma época entabla relación con Bertold Brecht, quien señalará también el talento del joven poeta. En 1952 contrae matrimonio, y dos años más tarde ve la luz su libro de relatos cortos, El eterno detective y otros cuentos (Der ewiger Detektive und andere Geschichten). Su segundo libro de poemas aparecería en 1955, Bajo este cielo (Unter diesem Himmel), que recibiría el Premio Heinrich Mann en 1962. A este le seguirían los poemarios Obras del día (Tagwerke, 1960) y Recuerdo de un planeta (Eriennerungen an einen Planeten, 1963). El comprometido escritor expresará su preocupación por el retraso en la publicación de este último libro de poemas, publicado finalmente en la República Federal de Alemania, siendo así el primer volumen que vería la luz en ese país. A partir de ahí aumentarán las críticas hacia él en los debates políticosociales de la RDA, hecho que lo lleva a adoptar una postura más crítica y definida ante el Gobierno. Son los momentos en que empiezan a aparecer por primera vez sus textos poéticos en la Alemania Occidental, como por ejemplo Recuerdo de un planeta o Soñar despierto (Tagträume, 1964). Estas publicaciones conceden al autor una popularidad internacional. Pero será con el próximo volumen de cuentos, El funeral se llevará a cabo en silencio (Die Beerdigung findet in aller Stille statt,1968), cuando alcance ya una repercusión más notable. Su postura cada vez más crítica hacia el socialismo en la RDA provocará el recelo de los funcionarios que vigilan el área de la cultura. Sin embargo, Günter Kunert será uno de los privilegiados que obtiene visado para cruzar las fronteras. De esa manera asistirá como docente invitado durante 1972 y 1973 a la Universidad de Texas, en Austin, donde imparte clases de Literatura Alemana de la RDA. Ese viaje sería el origen de su posterior estudio, El otro planeta (Der andere Planet), un manifiesto de crítica social basado en sus experiencias por los EE. UU. Poco después, en 1974 será invitado como escritor residente en la Universidad de Warwick, Inglaterra. Durante esa época se dedica a la serie de poemarios, Poesía inglesa (Englische Gedichte, 1975), y Diario inglés (Ein englisches Tagebuch, 1978). De nuevo en su ciudad, ingresa como miembro de la Escuela de Artes de Berlín Oriental en 1976, y ese mismo año será uno de los primeros en firmar el manifiesto contra la expatriación del compositor Wolf Biermann, por lo que es expulsado de dicha institución. En 1977, cuando también es expulsado del SED, surgirán sus piezas radiofónicas de teatro, que saldrán reunidas bajo el título Otro K (Ein anderer K). Para realizarlas se inspirará en las figuras de Albrecht Dürer, Heinrich Heine y Heinrich von Kleist. Dos años después, en 1979, abandona la RDA para instalarse definitivamente en Kaisborstel, localidad del Land de Schleswig-Holzstein, situada en la parte occidental de Alemania. En 1980 realiza el poemario Procedimientos de mortificación (Abtötungsverfahren), compaginando en la misma época la vida académica en la J. W. Goethe Universidad de Fráncfort del Meno donde imparte lecciones de Poética. 1983 será una fecha especialmente productiva; aparece su libro Stilleben, y también concluye su primer drama, Futuronautas (Futuronauten), con estreno en el Teatro Nacional de Hannover, en el Land de Nieder-Sachsen. En 1985, continuando su labor docente, realizará sus conocidas conferencias sobre poesía en Fráncfort. A lo largo de la misma década el autor se dedica activamente a la producción pictórica y gráfica, ilustrando él mismo alguno de sus libros, y en 1987 presenta en Düsseldorf su primera exposición de pintura. A partir de entonces Günter Kunert es visto como un consolidado artista multifacético, que cultiva la escritura en diversas facetas, además del dibujo y la pintura. Este escritor de vertiente polifacética, en su abundante actividad literaria escribe ensayo, cuento, relatos de viajes, guiones de cine, y libretos de ópera. Cuenta en su haber además con una novela. Ha sido galardonado con prestigiosos premios, como el Heinrich Heine de la Ciudad de Düsseldorf (1980), el Friederich Hölderlin de la Ciudad Bad Homburg (1991), o el Premio de Poesía Georg Trakl (1997). Desde 1981 es miembro de la Academia Alemana de Lengua y Poesía, y en 2005 empieza a ejercer como Presidente de la Junta Directiva del Centro de Autores de Lengua Alemana en el Extranjero (PEN). [1] Wehrunwürdig, difícilmente traducible, es un término jurídico-militar; eximía del servicio militar a aquellos que eran considerados indignos para ello, quedando de esta manera bajo un tipo de libertad condicional; el ciudadano así designado no estaba amparado por los derechos civiles.

Günter Kunert (6 de marzo, 1929, Berlín) es un escritor nacido en la República Democrática de Alemania, donde pasa buena parte de su vida hasta que en 1979 se traslada definitivamente a la Alemania Occidental. De madre judía, tuvo que interrumpir sus estudios debido a la Rassengesetze (Ley racial) impuesta en 1935 por el régimen nacionalsocialista. Debido a estas medidas propias de la ideología antisemita, en 1939 es declarado Wehrunwürdig.[1] En 1943 se emplea durante un tiempo como aprendiz en el comercio textil. Finalizada la Segunda Guerra Mundial, en 1946 accede a la Universidad de Artes Aplicadas en el Berlín de la RDA, si bien hubo de abandonar los estudios en 1947. Ese mismo año publica su primer poema, «Un tren pasa de largo» (Ein Zug rollt vorüber) en el diario Berlin am Mittag. Será el principio de una continuada colaboración en revistas y diarios, compaginada con su trabajo creativo para cine, televisión y radio; son los tiempos en los que ya empieza a escribir una poesía marcada por una hostilidad hacia el régimen de su país. Hay que destacar el contenido crítico y carácter de parodia de muchos de sus artículos y escritos. A partir de entonces sus entregas para la revista semanal Frischer Wind y Eulenspiegel, junto a sus poemas para la revista satírica Ulenspiegel, conformarían su actividad de escritor profesional. En 1949 se afilia al SED (Partido de la Unidad Socialista de Alemania), y un año después vería la luz su primer poemario, Letreros de muros y caminos (Wegschild und Mauerinschrift), que merecerá la atención y apoyo de Johannes R. Becher, poeta y ministro de Cultura de la Alemania Oriental. En la misma época entabla relación con Bertold Brecht, quien señalará también el talento del joven poeta. En 1952 contrae matrimonio, y dos años más tarde ve la luz su libro de relatos cortos, El eterno detective y otros cuentos (Der ewiger Detektive und andere Geschichten). Su segundo libro de poemas aparecería en 1955, Bajo este cielo (Unter diesem Himmel), que recibiría el Premio Heinrich Mann en 1962. A este le seguirían los poemarios Obras del día (Tagwerke, 1960) y Recuerdo de un planeta (Eriennerungen an einen Planeten, 1963). El comprometido escritor expresará su preocupación por el retraso en la publicación de este último libro de poemas, publicado finalmente en la República Federal de Alemania, siendo así el primer volumen que vería la luz en ese país. A partir de ahí aumentarán las críticas hacia él en los debates políticosociales de la RDA, hecho que lo lleva a adoptar una postura más crítica y definida ante el Gobierno. Son los momentos en que empiezan a aparecer por primera vez sus textos poéticos en la Alemania Occidental, como por ejemplo Recuerdo de un planeta o Soñar despierto (Tagträume, 1964). Estas publicaciones conceden al autor una popularidad internacional. Pero será con el próximo volumen de cuentos, El funeral se llevará a cabo en silencio (Die Beerdigung findet in aller Stille statt,1968), cuando alcance ya una repercusión más notable. Su postura cada vez más crítica hacia el socialismo en la RDA provocará el recelo de los funcionarios que vigilan el área de la cultura. Sin embargo, Günter Kunert será uno de los privilegiados que obtiene visado para cruzar las fronteras. De esa manera asistirá como docente invitado durante 1972 y 1973 a la Universidad de Texas, en Austin, donde imparte clases de Literatura Alemana de la RDA. Ese viaje sería el origen de su posterior estudio, El otro planeta (Der andere Planet), un manifiesto de crítica social basado en sus experiencias por los EE. UU. Poco después, en 1974 será invitado como escritor residente en la Universidad de Warwick, Inglaterra. Durante esa época se dedica a la serie de poemarios, Poesía inglesa (Englische Gedichte, 1975), y Diario inglés (Ein englisches Tagebuch, 1978). De nuevo en su ciudad, ingresa como miembro de la Escuela de Artes de Berlín Oriental en 1976, y ese mismo año será uno de los primeros en firmar el manifiesto contra la expatriación del compositor Wolf Biermann, por lo que es expulsado de dicha institución. En 1977, cuando también es expulsado del SED, surgirán sus piezas radiofónicas de teatro, que saldrán reunidas bajo el título Otro K (Ein anderer K). Para realizarlas se inspirará en las figuras de Albrecht Dürer, Heinrich Heine y Heinrich von Kleist. Dos años después, en 1979, abandona la RDA para instalarse definitivamente en Kaisborstel, localidad del Land de Schleswig-Holzstein, situada en la parte occidental de Alemania. En 1980 realiza el poemario Procedimientos de mortificación (Abtötungsverfahren), compaginando en la misma época la vida académica en la J. W. Goethe Universidad de Fráncfort del Meno donde imparte lecciones de Poética. 1983 será una fecha especialmente productiva; aparece su libro Stilleben, y también concluye su primer drama, Futuronautas (Futuronauten), con estreno en el Teatro Nacional de Hannover, en el Land de Nieder-Sachsen. En 1985, continuando su labor docente, realizará sus conocidas conferencias sobre poesía en Fráncfort. A lo largo de la misma década el autor se dedica activamente a la producción pictórica y gráfica, ilustrando él mismo alguno de sus libros, y en 1987 presenta en Düsseldorf su primera exposición de pintura. A partir de entonces Günter Kunert es visto como un consolidado artista multifacético, que cultiva la escritura en diversas facetas, además del dibujo y la pintura. Este escritor de vertiente polifacética, en su abundante actividad literaria escribe ensayo, cuento, relatos de viajes, guiones de cine, y libretos de ópera. Cuenta en su haber además con una novela. Ha sido galardonado con prestigiosos premios, como el Heinrich Heine de la Ciudad de Düsseldorf (1980), el Friederich Hölderlin de la Ciudad Bad Homburg (1991), o el Premio de Poesía Georg Trakl (1997). Desde 1981 es miembro de la Academia Alemana de Lengua y Poesía, y en 2005 empieza a ejercer como Presidente de la Junta Directiva del Centro de Autores de Lengua Alemana en el Extranjero (PEN). [1] Wehrunwürdig, difícilmente traducible, es un término jurídico-militar; eximía del servicio militar a aquellos que eran considerados indignos para ello, quedando de esta manera bajo un tipo de libertad condicional; el ciudadano así designado no estaba amparado por los derechos civiles.

Over the past three decades, public administrations have been subject to a far-reaching restructuring towards outsourcing in a wide range of tasks and services. Under the pressure of increasing public debt, stricter spending constraints, shifting consumer preferences and the demand for higher value for money in an era of austerity, these organisations have differentiated the provision of services, opening the traditional public production and delivery to competition. The picture that emerged following these processes is strikingly various and patchy: public administrations across Europe, indeed, have adopted a wide set of market-type mechanisms, including public-private partnership, voucher system and contracting out (OECD 2011). The restructuring process of public services provision towards outsourcing represents a tile within a broader mosaic of public administration reform, an 'unending wave of reforms' (Pollitt 2002) that has expanded progressively since the 1980s across all European governments under the label of New Public Management (NPM) (Hood 1991), suggesting uniformity and communality. This doctrine aimed to remove any difference between the public and the private sector as a way of increasing the efficiency and effectiveness of public services: thus governments imported in their public bureaucracies business-like tools and values, alongside with market-type mechanisms from the private sector. Outsourcing stems precisely from NPM-inspired reform stream, as a market-type mechanism for saving government public funds (Savas 2000): opening service provision to market competition might achieve a cost reduction, since private providers in a competitive regime are expected to realize economies of scale and to raise effort or productivity with a given input/workforce-combination. Unquestionably, outsourcing has promoted a model of competition, but that is often largely based on the reduction of labour costs and not on the improvement of quality and innovation: empirical evidence increasingly emerged, arguing that cost savings may simply correspond either to reduced employment or to a fall in employment terms and conditions (Flecker and Hermann 2009). This process, leading to complex changes in the organisation of work and employment conditions has been subject to growing scrutiny mainly across private sector firms (Flecker et al. 2005, Marchington et al. 2005, Flecker 2009, Perraudin et al. 2009). It has been assumed that external restructuring of companies, involving the dispersion of activities across organisational boundaries, has led to a degradation of working terms and conditions (Doellgast and Greer 2007, Flecker and Meil 2010), since it may trigger competition with a cheaper labour-supply, shifting work from highly unionized and better sheltered organisations to more vulnerable companies, subjects to market fluctuations, where trade union power is low or inexistent. The vertical disintegration presents substantial challenge to employment relation structure as well (Doellgast and Greer 2007), weakening the bargaining power of union while the dependency relations between companies along the value chain can be expected to translate into increased disparities and instability in terms of employment and working conditions (Flecker 2009). Thus, drawing on varying approaches in the literature, the research aims to discuss the impacts of outsourcing on working conditions and employment relations structure in the public sector at a double comparative level: across countries and between public administration sub-sectors within each country. This multi-level comparative research design, indeed, enables to address the second main research question, that is whether implications following outsourcing process display convergent or divergent internal trajectories on the one side between different sectors within national frameworks and on the other side across different countries; and finally to identify which factors do intervene in explaining these patterns. The underlying theoretical hypothesis is that national institutional arrangements and industrial relations regimes featuring each country may intervene in mediating the implications over labour and employment relations structures following outsourcing. Likewise, different legislative pressures, economic constraints affecting the sectors under scrutiny and sector-specific characteristics may lead to divergent implications between sub-sectors. Hence I explore these issues through a case-study analysis of public services outsourcing across three countries ˗ Italy, England and Denmark as they each answer to a different industrial relations model ˗ and two sectors: health care sector and local government. Findings are based on an in-depth qualitative analysis carried out across the six case studies through 75 semi-structured interviews (25 conducted in Italy, 24 in England and 26 in Denmark): all the interviews were recorded, literally transcribed and content-analysed using the software tool ATLAS.ti and complemented by a documental analysis based on a wide range of secondary sources – such as academic literature, legislation, annual reports, internal PowerPoint presentations, collective agreements, practitioners' reports, related surveys, employers' associations and unions internal documents and newspaper articles. Empirical evidence shows an overall picture dominated by growing fragmentation of employment conditions (Flecker 2010) and a deterioration of work. Employment has generally become more insecure (Huws and Podro 2012) and flexible, in terms of both working hours and workplace flexibility. Greater demands are placed on work tasks, including increasing workload due to understaffing, work intensification, higher speed in the work and the use of piecework (Flecker and Hermann 2009, Hasle et al. 2014). Moreover, public administrations have deliberately exploited private sector regulations in order to escape expensive widely encompassing public-sector collective agreements under the pretext of raising competition: outsourcing was to a large extent driven by the search for lower wage rate paid by external contractors (Flecker and Herman 2011, Grimshaw, Rubery and Marino 2012). Despite these convergent tendencies, implications for labour and industrial relations display clear national distinctiveness, mediated by the industrial relations model adopted in each country: thus evidence regarding Italian and Danish cases is less unambiguously negative since a system of employment relations with high collective bargaining coverage and strong union membership works as a buffer in protecting job terms and conditions during contracting out process (Petersen et al. 2011, Jaehrling 2014). Conversely, a regime which puts emphasis mainly on market adjustments and self-regulation, reducing in this way the role of employment regulation and organized labour institutions might pave the way to detrimental consequences for labour, since workforce is let free to compete in a market regime featured by weakness of employment relations structure and devoid of strong job protection as in England. Divergent trajectories emerge between sectors as well: municipalities are more likely to outsource services with detrimental consequences for labour, compared to health care sector, because of the inherent pressure exercised by growing budget cut, legislative constraints to reduce public employment size, austerity measures and raising number of services to provide.

2012/2013 ; Between 1991 and 1995, close to three hundred thousand people were killed in the former Yugoslavia. The international responses to this catastrophe was at best uncertain and at worst appalling. While both the United States and the European Union initially viewed the Balkan wars as a European problem, the Europeans chose not to take a strong stand, restricting themselves to dispatching U.N. "peacekeepers" to a country where there was no peace keep, and withholding from them the means and the authority to stop the fighting. In Bosnia the Europe sought to avoid military involvement, citing every excuse she could think of not to intervene to prevent the genocide of 250.000 Bosnian Muslims, who ultimately died at the hands of their Serbian tormentors. The British and French, too, who had primarily responsibility for dealing with this European problem, had persuaded the United Nations to impose an arms embargo on both sides in the Bosnian war. As often happens, the embargo did little damage to Serbia's military capacities, since their army had inherited the extensive military hardware Yugoslavia had amassed under its former Communist regime. But the embargo did deny the means of self-defense to the poorly equipped majority Muslim population in Bosnia. Unarmed, they could do little to repel the invaders or to protect their villages. Some European leaders were not eager to have a Muslim state in the heart of the Balkans, fearing it might become a base for exporting extremism, a result that their neglect made more, not less, likely. However, from the beginning of Yugoslavia's collapse, Americans divided into two groups, broadly defined: those who thought that Americans should intervene for either moral or strategic reasons, and those who feared that if they did, they would become entangled in a Vietnam-like quagmire. As awareness of ethnic cleansing and genocide spread, the proportion of those who wanted the United States to "do something" increased, but they probably never constituted a majority. Nevertheless, when the situation seemed most hopeless in July 1995 - the United States put its prestige on the line with a rapid and dramatic series of high-risk actions: an all-out diplomatic effort in August, heavy NATO bombing in September, a cease-fire in October, Dayton in November, and, in December, the deployment of twenty thousand American troops to Bosnia. Finally, in late 1995, in the face of growing atrocities and new Bosnian Serb threats, the United States decided to take part in Bosnia, the war was over and the America's role in post-Cold War Europe redefined. There is a lesson here to be learned by Europe that Bosnian Muslims are the best Christians in the world. The policy-makers cannot have a double heart, one for love and other for hate because some European leaders were not eager to have a Muslim state in the heart of Europe. They spoke of a painful but realistic restoration of Christian Europe. Of course Christianity, like any other religion has nothing to do with the barbarities and the greatest collective failure of Europe. The lesson that Western civilization thought it had drawn from the genocide of World War II – "Never again!"- must now be qualified to read: "except when politically inconvenient." ; La tragedia della ex-Jugoslavia e al suo interno quella della Bosnia Erzegovina riguardano pagine straordinariamente sconvolgenti della storia del mondo posto-Ottantanove, addirittura — si può dire — la conseguenza più grave, anche se non diretta, della dissoluzione dell'Unione Sovietica e conseguentemente di quel bipolarismo che aveva "ingessato" tutte le ipotesi o i tentativi di trasformazione degli esiti e delle conseguenze della seconda guerra mondiale. In un'impostazione sostanzialmente di storia politico-sociale, il candidato ricostruisce le vicende che vanno dal 1990 al 1995, ovvero da quella che il candidato chiama "la morte della Jugoslavia" fino all'intervento, decisivo in termini militari, della NATO nel conflitto, che aveva già visto negli anni precedenti emergere la guerra in Slovenia, in Croazia, prima di colpire anche la Bosnia Erzegovina, con la finale Conferenza che porta agli Accordi di Dayton. L'attore centrale di tutta questa vicenda è naturalmente la Serbia di Milosevic, ricordare il quale non fa che aiutarci a veder riapparire i fantasmi di vicende atroci di sterminio di civili, di stupro etnico, di "pulizia etnica", di genocidio. Il candidato fa opportunamente precedere la sua analisi da una cronologia, piuttosto lunga, che consente di scandire con precisione i diversi passaggi di una storia eccezionalmente drammatica. Segue il programma del suo lavoro, con l'indicazione del metodo di ricerca e degli strumenti di cui si è valso. Le cinque parti sostanziali in cui si suddivide il lavoro riguardano la dissoluzione della Jugoslavia, a partire dai falliti tentativi di Tito di salvaguardare l'integrità di quella Federazione, e analizzando attentamente i due "scivolamenti" della guerra in Slovenia dapprima e in Croazia poi. Il candidato analizza la società e la storia della Bosnia Erzegovina, condizione ovviamente preliminare per comprendere gli eventi successivi. Le tre categorie alle quali il candidato riconduce quella vicenda sono il multiculturalismo, la multietnicità e il multiconfessionalismo — tre dimensioni che potrebbero poter essere rispettate e addirittura apprezzate e che invece, in ogni parte del mondo, e più che altrove in Bosnia trovano ostacoli e resistenze violente e sanguinose. Risulta, come il candidato fa notare, adottare l'arma del nazionalismo e delle sue retoriche, impedendo così a ogni pur volenteroso tentativo di portare la democrazia nel proprio paese di trionfare. Il candidato chiarisce, in questo quadro, che la cosiddetta "balcanizzazione" che si fa discendere da quella parte del mondo, non deve essere intesa come un termine negativo ma come la pura e semplice conseguenza dei frequenti interventi esterni che là si sono realizzati. Il candidato dedica non poca attenzione al ruolo degli Stati Uniti nella vicenda, e alle diverse strategie — politiche e militari — adottate: con i devastanti risultati che tuttavia, purtroppo, conosciamo. L'Unione Europea non esce ovviamente meglio dell'alleato d'oltre Atlantico dalla ricostruzione del candidato, che poi giunge anche a ripercorrere le vicende di alcuni importanti uomini politici locali, sopra tutti Izebegovic e Karadzic, l'un contro l'altro schierati. Né sono passate sotto silenzio le vicende di alcune delle pagine più drammatiche: il massacro di Srebrenica, i bombardamenti su Sarajevo e in particolare il secondo bombardamento sul mercato. La risoluzione della crisi giunse, come per incanto, quando la NATO accolse l'invito ONU di intervenire: l'intervento fece tacere le armi, portò agli accordi di Dayton, ma non alla riconciliazione, che dal 1995 ha comunque incominciato il suo lento, ma — sperabilmente — solido cammino. ; XXV Ciclo ; 1982

El Estado Colombiano es el mayor empleador, siendo los cargos de las entidades públicas los empleos más buscados por los ciudadanos en todos los niveles en atención a la llamada estabilidad laboral. La regulación del acceso y permanencia en empleo público se encuentra en "Ley 909 del 2004", que reglamenta la carrera administrativa y el funcionamiento de la Comisión Nacional del Servicio Civil (CNSC), como ente que regula y supervisa el ingreso y movilidad dentro del servicio público. Para ingresar a la carrera administrativa la CNSC debe planear, ejecutar y evaluar los concursos públicos, función que no ha cumplido con la celeridad y eficiencia del servicio público, permitiendo la continuidad de las costumbres politiqueras de quienes ostentan el poder. El nombramiento provisional y los encargos han sido mal utilizados. Los procesos de reestructuración, fusión y eliminación de las entidades públicas, para cumplir con las exigencias de los organismos internacionales en asuntos financieros y políticos, han llevado al lastre los derechos al trabajo y la seguridad social. Varios han sido los intentos de la clase política, para legitimar los equivocados procedimientos actos que en buena hora la Corte Constitucional en cumplimiento de su función guardiana de la Constitución Política, ha dejado sin efecto. En Sentencia C-588 de 2009, se reiteró la vigencia de la carrera administrativa como la única forma legal de acceder a los cargos públicos, sin embargo, el Congreso de la República continua insistiendo, a través de varios actos legislativos, con el reconocimiento de derechos por encima de los demás ciudadanos que se encuentran en situaciones de encargos y nombramientos provisionales. ; Speaking of public employment in Colombia, is not to try a legal issue – administrative among others, directly or indirectly, the state is the largest employer in the country and, therefore, in this type of employment, without exaggeration, it is put at stake, social peace, the public perception of justice as well as the quality of life and the welfare of much of the Colombian population. In a society like ours, in which the deterioration of working conditions is increasing, where the professional life has ceased to be, for a good portion of the population, a hope of wealth, in which the real unemployment is sub - registered, and the underemployment or the precarious employment "relieve" the conscience and government statistics, having a stable public employment, decently paid and of quality, has become the main attraction and the target for thousands of Colombians that dream of a better tomorrow for themselves and for theirs. Many of these desires were collected and expressed normatively in the "Law 909 of 2004," which regulates the civil service, a claim that is coupled with the entry into operation of the National Civil Service Commission (CNSC), the entity that regulates and monitors the entry and mobility within the public service. Today, early in the second decade of the century, more than five years of entry into efficacy of these rules and institutions, and with the ostensible slowness, or rather inability, of the entrance examinations to the public sector, we face to the survival of the eternal state employment services, such as political contributions, the "payment for favors", corruption, creation, without any planning or sense of duties and functions to justify institutional charges, or the familiar "parallel payrolls, " for which there is a large debate. In this sense, it is clear that the provisional nominations and orders for longer than prescribed by law, bring along the violation of the principle of legal security that the administration must ensure that citizens have should have, likewise, the state has restructured, deleted, merged, public entities, to meet the demands of international financial and political matters, regardless of the right to work and social security of the population. In this issue, the Constitutional Court in ruling C-588, 2009, has defended the validity of the administrative career as the only legal form of access to public office, however, Congress has insisted, through legislation, to recognize the provisional workers rights over other citizens. It is at this stage on which this research aims to target a panoramic review of public employment in Colombia, analyzing its legal- conceptual bases, proposing from there, a list of basic recommendations that can improve the administrative career in the country, understood as an appropriate instrument to ensure fair and democratic right to work, on equal terms to all Colombians who have the knowledge, skills and profiles to hold certain posts in the State. In furtherance of this objective, the paper is divided into three chapters that seek, as a whole, assuming a hermeneutic understanding of the law, ie a vision of law, taking as background the need to articulate the legitimacy, validity and the effectiveness of the rules, deals to highlight the interpretive character of the rules and principles by linking legal texts with problematic contexts, in order to propose viable solutions to the socio- legal problems. With this claim, a first chapter focuses on the Origin of public employment in Colombia and the administrative career development, highlighting the appropriateness of the latter to ensure equality, democracy and quality of public employment; in a second chapter it is analyzed the structure and functions of the national Civil Service Commission, assessing their development in relation to the objectives that motivated its creation; and in a third chapter it is analyzed the legislative acts that have tried to dismiss the administrative career objectives, ending with a conclusion that seek to clarify the problematic points of the issue and set benchmarks, both political and legal, for their solution, emphasizing the importance of strengthening the civil service and the bodies responsible for promotion and administration. From a legal- political perspective, it is understood how one of the conceptual discussions that explain the crisis of the administrative career in Colombia, is the one between the welfare state model, proposed by the Charter of 1991, and public policies type neo- liberal, that have led the so called "institutional reforms" or the elimination of public institutions, national governments since the late 80s, which are well founded, paradoxically, in some sections of the Constitution itself. ; Maestría ; El trabajo y la seguridad social