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We described physical activity measures and hourly patterns in patients with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) after stratification for generic and COPD-specific characteristics and, based on multiple physical activity measures, we identified clusters of patients. In total, 1001 patients with COPD (65% men; age, 67 years; forced expiratory volume in the first second [FEV1], 49% predicted) were studied cross-sectionally. Demographics, anthropometrics, lung function and clinical data were assessed. Daily physical activity measures and hourly patterns were analysed based on data from a multisensor armband. Principal component analysis (PCA) and cluster analysis were applied to physical activity measures to identify clusters. Age, body mass index (BMI), dyspnoea grade and ADO index (including age, dyspnoea and airflow obstruction) were associated with physical activity measures and hourly patterns. Five clusters were identified based on three PCA components, which accounted for 60% of variance of the data. Importantly, couch potatoes (i.e. the most inactive cluster) were characterised by higher BMI, lower FEV1, worse dyspnoea and higher ADO index compared to other clusters (p < 0.05 for all). Daily physical activity measures and hourly patterns are heterogeneous in COPD. Clusters of patients were identified solely based on physical activity data. These findings may be useful to develop interventions aiming to promote physical activity in COPD. ; The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: RM is supported by the National Council of Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), Brazil (246704/2012-8). DB holds a Canada Research Chair, Canada. SSCK was funded by the Medical Research Council, UK. WD-CM was funded by the Medical Research Council, UK, and the National Institute for Health Research, UK. MSP was supported by an unrestricted research grant from Astra Zeneca. KCF is supported by the Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel (CAPES), Brazil. SZ, DM, SD and JDL were supported by the following foundations: 'Gottfried und Julia Bangerter-Rhyner-Stiftung', 'Freiwillige Akademische Gesellschaft Basel' and 'Forschungsfonds der Universitat Basel', Switzerland. DS was supported by GSK and by the Medical Research Council, UK (G0701628). FP is supported by CNPq, Brazil. PRE was supported by an NHMRC Research Fellowship, Australia (1042341). MIP's contribution to this manuscript was funded by the NIHR Respiratory Biomedical Research Unit at the Royal Brompton and Harefield NHS Foundation Trust and Imperial College, UK. EFMW was supported by Point-One funding from AgentschapNL, Dutch Ministry of Economic affairs, the Netherlands. AWV was supported by 'Stichting de Weijerhorst' and Point-One funding from AgentschapNL, Dutch Ministry of Economic affairs, Netherlands. MAS was supported by Point-One funding from AgentschapNL, Dutch Ministry of Economic affairs, the Netherlands. Part of the data was sponsored by GlaxoSmithKline (data from the ECLIPSE cohort sub-study). Data from Ireland was supported by Beaumont Foundation, Ireland and SwordMedical Ltd, Ireland. The Australian sites were supported by a National Health and Medical Research Grant, Australia (grant no.: 570814). Part of the data collection in the UK (data from Leicester) was supported by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Leicestershire, Northamptonshire and Rutland Collaboration for Leadership in Applied Health Research and Care and took place at University Hospitals of Leicester NHS Trust, UK, and by the NIHR Leicester Respiratory Biomedical Research Unit, UK. Data from the PAC-COPD study was funded by grants from the following Spanish institutions: Fondo de Investigacion Sanitaria, Ministry of Health (FIS PI020541); Agencia d'Avaluacio de Tecnologia i Recerca Mediques, Catalonia Government (AATRM 035/20/02); Spanish Society of Pneumology and Thoracic Surgery (SEPAR 2002/137); Catalan Foundation of Pneumology (FUCAP 2003 Beca Maria Rava); Red RESPIRA (RTIC C03/11); Red RCESP (RTIC C03/09), Fondo de Investigacion Sanitaria (PI052486); Fondo de Investigacion Sanitaria (PI052302); Fundacio La Marato de TV3 (No. 041110); and DURSI (2005SGR00392); and by unrestricted educational grants from Novartis Farmaceutica and AstraZeneca Farmaceutica.

UID/EAT/00472/2013 ; Amidst the political-motivated movement of "national consciousness" which arose in the fin-de-siècle – profusely fostered since the celebrations, in 1880, of the third century of the death of Camões, the author of the epic poem Lusíadas, and deeply nurtured by the social upsurge against England, which forced the Portuguese Crown, through an ultimatum, in 1890, to discard its pretensions on the African Collonies – the quest to ascertain a "Portuguese music" arose within composers, musicians and critics of Lisbon's musical milieu. Just after the upgrowth of symphonic concerts within Lisbon's musical venues, which struggled to impose over a long-termed preference for opera, the attempts for a "Portuguese music", offered by Lisbon's composers, was coincidently offered among those artistic genres. In spite of the idiossincrasies of opera and instrumental music, the notions shared by several critics were, mutatis mutandis, much the same and was taken accordingly to the most renowned trends and examples of European "nationalistic schools", which was by that time included on Lisbon's concert programming. Focusing on Alfredo Keil's Dona Branca, Greenfield de Melo (1893) noted that a national opera should grasp not only a Portuguese libretto, wrote by a indigenous authour on national themes, but the Portuguese music, specifically, the popular songs (i.e., folk songs, distinct from the "popularized" themes) – which was recollected since the second quarter of the century – that retained the most "pure" and authentic aspects of "Portuguese music". Júlio Neuparth also ascertained that the resource to (that "invented") "tradition" was, due to the "purity" of that ancient and nearly untouched musical legacy, the most promissing method to achieve the "essence" of a Portuguese "nationalistic" compositional school. In what concerns instrumental music, it was indeed Neuparth which credited the successful attemps of a foreign composer, Victor Hussla: although the previous use of folk songs among opera and instrumental music by Portuguese composers, it was the notorious symphonic treatment of those musical materials, whitdrawn from Album de Músicas nacionais portuguesas collected by João António Ribas c. 1857, which made Hussla's Rhapsodies, op. 9 as a seminal work of "Portuguese music". It is fair to argue that Neuparth was stating as well, with that specific legitimation, the need to reformulate the far outdated pedagogical methods of the Portuguese institutions. On the following years, Sousa Morais, Filipe da Silva, Júlio Neuparth, António da Costa Ferreira, Ernesto Maia and others chose specific paratactic genres, such as the rhapsodie and paraphrase, to display their symphonic treatment of Portuguese "popular songs"; however, their works never achieved the recognition granted to Hussla's op. 9: while Hussla's Rhapsodies are currently accounted for on recent academic studies, the works by his followers – most of them constituted a common corpus exhibited by windbands during the tweentieth-century - remain still unnoticed. The present paper aims to discuss the influence of the ongoing upgrowth of a symphonic culture within Lisbon's musical praxis in the choice for those paractatic genres and specific compositional strategies to fullfil the need for the characteristics of a "Portuguese music" as well as to address the reception of its tokens on Lisbon's musical milieu. While the choice for the rhapsodie proceeds, certainly, from obvious sources, such as Liszt's Rhapsodies Hongroises, Lalo's Rhapsodie Norvegiénne, among others, the choice for the genre paraphrase is still unclear and requires a thorough study. Current studies have argued that some Portuguese composers, most notably Luís de Freitas Branco, took as methods for their composition the study of the most renowned works of consecrated European composers, most certainly due to the anachronic compositional methods of Portuguese pedagogical institutions. Therefore, it seems to be worth identifying presumable correlations between the symphonic treatment of popular song in some of the works presented in Lisbon at the time and the works of Hussla, Neuparth, Ferreira, Silva and Morais, as an attempt to suffice the lack of their compositional background. ; publishersversion ; published

Constantius II gave the orders to Gallic troops to be sent to the East. Notarius Decentius arrived in Gaul with these orders. According to Constantius II`s decision substantial numbers of Gallic troops were sent from Gaul to the East. Caesar Julian hesitated over decision because of the absence of the high command. Julian organized accelerating sending of troops. Discontent with sending to foreign lands had grown in the army. It was peace in Gaul after numerous victories and soldiers didn`t want to leave the province.Sintula obeyed emperor Constantius II`s order and went to the east of the empire with one part of the army. The rest of the army went via Paris. Soldiers heard the appeal of Caesar at the outskirts of Paris. Julian protested against Constantius II`s decision. He had enlisted a lot of barbarians on condition that they would never leave the territory of the province. The army did not want to fight against Persia. As a result it was a riot in the army. Soldiers acclaimed Julian their Augustus. He eventually consented to their demands after several refusals. Julian had power over the military command and soldiers after successful campaigns in Gaul. The negotiations continued throughout 360 without any results. Two cousins could not share the power. Julian found out that the emperor bribed barbarian king Vadomarius to attack his troops. He used this tactics in fighting with the previous usurpers, Magnentius and Silvanius. A civil war had become inevitable. Julian with the army of 23,000 soldiers decided to march against the emperor. He divided his troops between his generals Nevitta and Jovinus. This division of the army intended to show the emperor larger forces of Caesar than they actually were. Julian arrived in Naissus by October of 361. There he wrote and sent letters to the local councils of Rome, Athens, Corinth and Sparta. One of these letters was preserved. It was a letter to the Athenians. He wrote this letters in defence of his conduct and now we are able to estimate Caesar Julian`s motives of activities.The majority of researchers believe that this Paris proclamation was the late Roman usurpation. However, Julian`s letter to the Athenians shows that he rejected the title of Augustus and the Paris proclamation was a spontaneous act of the troops. Julian was faced with a difficult choice. On the one hand he had to execute the order of the Emperor and send troops to the East and on the other hand the province of Gaul were threatened by the attack of the barbarians. The article shows that the adoption of the title of Augustus by Julian was forced. It is established that Caesar Julian was tried to solve the problem diplomatically and attempted to avoid a civil war in the Roman Empire. The Julian`s popularity and considerable success in province restoring intensified protest of the army against sending substantial part of troops to Constantius II are described. The author also proves that Julian has not deviated from the execution of the order and recognized the authority of the emperor over him. ; В статье показано, что принятие Юлианом титула Августа было вынужденным. Установлено, что цезарь Юлиан пытался решить проблему дипломатическим путем и избежать гражданской войны в Римской империи. Раскрыто, что популярность Юлиана и значительные успехи в восстановлении провинции активизировали протест армии против отправки большого числа войск императору Констанцию II. Доказано, что Юлиан не уклонялся от выполнения приказа и признавал власть императора над собой. ; У статті показано, що прийняття Юліаном титулу Августа було вимушеним. Встановлено, що цезар Юліан пробував розв'язати проблему дипломатичним шляхом і намагався уникнути громадянської війни у Римській імперії. Розкрито, що популярність Юліана і значні успіхи у відновленні провінції активізували протест армії проти відправлення значної частини військ імператору Констанцію II. Доведено, що Юліан не відхилявся від виконання наказу і визнавав владу імператора над собою.

В статье рассматривается процесс формирования и сущностные аспекты понятия «национальная ментальность». Автор подчеркивает, что возникновение феномена национальной ментальности происходит уже в начале этногенезиса. В этот начальный период появляется оригинальное ментальное ядро-основа, ко- торое остается с определенными модификациями в течение всей национальной истории. Это обусловлено существованием перманентных факторов, среди кото- рых наибольший вес имеют: биологический, географический и геополитический факторы. На протяжении всей истории того или иного этноса от поколения к поколению передается определенный психоповеденческий инвариант, который реализуется на совместной языковой, культурной и морально-этической основе. В начале возникновения национального характера особенно заметную роль играет коллективное этническое бессознательное, которое возникает из остатков со- вместных переживаний этнической группы как определенные неосознаваемые реакции на постоянно воспроизводимые специфические условия ее существования (К. Юнг). Делается вывод, что структура понятия «национальная ментальность» (психический склад нации-этноса) состоит из трех основных элементов: нацио- нального характера, национального сознания и этнического бессознательного. ; The process of formation and the essential aspects of the concept of «national mental- ity». The author notes that the emergence of the phenomenon of national mentality is early ethnogenesis. During this initial period there is an original mental-core base, which remains with certain modifications throughout the nation's history. This is due to the ex- istence of permanent factors, among which the most important are: biological, geograph- ical and geopolitical factors. Throughout the history of a particular ethnic group, from generation to generation is passed certain invariant psyhobehavioral implemented on a common language, cultural, moral and ethical basis. At the beginning of the emergence of national character is particularly noteworthy role played by ethnic collective uncon- scious that arises from the remnants of shared experiences as certain ethnic groups un- conscious reaction to constantly reproducible specific conditions of its existence (K. Jung). The category of «national character» covers mainly emotional and sensual level of the national psyche and reflected in prevailing in a given ethnic community emotions, feelings and moods, as well as the speed and intensity of the response to certain events, the na- tional temperament. The origins of the aggregate mental qualities, creating national character should look as part of the original ingredient mental nucleus lever on stage ethnogenesis. Elements of national character is an important way to natural, empirical, everyday reflection of reality in the psyche of members of a national-ethnic community, thus creating its original bio-psychic unity. Ultimately, the best reflection of national po- litical mentality is the national state of specific institutions – the base of the political system of the nation, government, government, essential features of the political regime, political traditions prevailing in this national ideology, as well as typical everyday stereo- types and tips; distributed among specific national models of political behavior, subcon- scious reflection of different generations nation for similar events, collisions, typical feelings and emotions about their own state factors. It is concluded that the structure of the concept of «national mentality» (mental-ethnic composition of the nation) consists of three main elements: national character, national identity and ethnic unconscious. ; У статті розглядається процес формування та сутнісні аспекти поняття «на- ціональна ментальність». Автор наголошує, що виникнення феномену національної ментальності відбувається вже на початку етногенезу. У цей початковий період з'являється оригінальне ментальне ядро-основа, яке залишається з певними моди- фікаціями протягом усієї національної історії. Це обумовлено існуванням перма- нентних факторів, серед яких найбільшу вагу мають: біологічний, географічний та геополітичний фактори. Протягом усієї історії того чи іншого етносу від поколін- ня до покоління передається певний психоповедінковий інваріант, що реалізується на спільній мовній, культурній та морально-етичній основі. На початку виникнення національного характеру особливо прикметну роль відіграє колективне етнічне підсвідоме, яке виникає із залишків спільних переживань етнічної групи як певні не- усвідомлювані реакції на постійно відтворювані специфічні умови її існування (К. Юнг). Робиться висновок, що структура поняття «національна ментальність» (психічний склад нації-етносу) складається з трьох основних елементів: національ- ного характеру, національної свідомості та етнічного підсвідомого.

В статті пропонується логічна реконструкція генези політичної ідеології: 1) десинкретизація первісного мислення і автономізація міфу від ритуалу; 2) телеологічний поворот мислення в ході «осьової революції»; 3) сакралізація «майбутнього» у християнстві; 4) легітимація особистого інтересу протестантизмом. Стверджується, що момент, коли сакрально зрозумілий інтерес асимілюється політичною практикою як засада легітимації політичних цілей, і є моментом народження політичної ідеології. Доводиться думка, що маркуванням постмодерного ментального повороту є редукція концепту «минуле — сучасне — майбутнє» до концепту «сучасне». ; The «deideologization» of modern politics can be regarded as a symptom of a crisis not of politics but rather of a traditional understanding of politics. The modern political class uses various ideological constructions as an instrument, which apparently are not politicized, but in essence they quite successfully solve the tasks of political management of the public consciousness. In modern scientific discourse, there is a return to the broad context of the use of the notion of «ideology», «ideologeme». Primarily, this concerns the semiotic interpretation of the ideology of U. Eco, R. Bart, J. Kristeva. The dichotomy of falsity — the truth of ideological consciousnesspassesthroughthe wholehistory of the study of the problem. For example, S. Zizek, who continued the Lacanian discourse of the unconscious, characterizes ideology as a «social symptom», meaning fantasm, which, being in part non-knowledge, not only distorts reality, but also structures it. The task of the article is to examine, in the context of a broad understanding of ideology and taking into account the significance of social unconsciousness in it: 1) the constructiveness of the influence of social time on the genesis and constitution of political ideology; 2) the chronotopical aspect of the political management of public consciousness under the conditions of mental transformations in the postmodern era. The following logical reconstruction of the genesis of political ideology is proposed: 1) samplingof primitive thinking and autonomization of myth from ritual; 2) teleological turn of thinking during the «axial revolution»; 3) the sacralization of the «future» in Christianity and 4) the legitimization of personal interest by Protestantism. It is argued that the moment when sacredly understood interest is assimilated by political practice and used as a basis for legitimizing political goals («bright future») is the moment of birth of the actual political ideology. In parallel with the sacralization and political assimilation of interest, the process of scientizing thought took place. The «sacralization» of the future, only liberated from the religious shell, is consistent with the enlightened ideology of progress. Scientific rationalization of thinking gradually devalues Christianity, and the modernized «chronos» of progress supersedes the «topos» of the «City of God.» The idea is that the alliance «power-technology-communication» that was formed in the postmodern epoch designated a mental turn, the marking of which was the reduction of the «past — present — future» concept to the «present» concept. In our opinion, in postmodern discourse,itis not so much a «deideologization» of consciousness as its «de-logization» Intertextuality, the deconstruction of the text, the discursive pluralism of postmodern discourse became demanded precisely because of the crisis of the «Logos» as a «supporting structure» of social consciousness. According to S. S. Averintsev, «we live in an era when all the words are spoken.» Paraphrasing the author, let's say: we live in an era when all the words are spoken, but have not yet figured out how to join in the meaning. ; В статье предлагается логическая реконструкция генезиса политической идеологии: 1) десинкретизация первобытного мышления и автономизация мифа от ритуала; 2) телеологогический поворот мышления в ходе «осевой революции»; 3) сакрализация «будущего» в христианстве; 4) легитимация личного интереса протестантизмом. Утверждается, что момент, когда сакрально понятый интерес ассимилируется политической практикой как основание легитимации политических целей, и является моментом рождения политической идеологии. Проводится мысль, что маркировкой постмодерного ментального поворота является редукция концепта «прошлое — настоящее — будущее» к концепту «настоящее».

The article analyzes the political changes that have taken place in Greece following a double parliamentary election of 2015 (in January and September), focusing on three levels: 1) party system change, 2) electoral system change into parliament, 3) constitutional reform. The first part of the text sets out the basic changes in the structure of the party system, emphasizing the electoral victory of the radical forces – the far left populist SYRIZA or the rise of the far-right (Golden Dawn) in the double election of 2015. The paper also briefly reviews the nature and functioning of the Greek parliamentary electoral system with special regard to the newly adopted electoral law. In this respect, the paper highlights the main constitutional principles governing suffrage, as a necessary background to examining and understanding the framework upon which Greek electoral systems are based. It also presents the main features of the current electoral system, since it is the one to be applied in the following parliamentary election. The focus will be then on the recent reform of the electoral system in Greece after the adoption of Law 4406/2016. The paper analyses its most significant aspects and raises a number of relevant questions. Special reference is made to the voting procedure followed by the Greek Parliament for the adoption of Law 4406/2016, since it is a key factor for its enforcement. Since the outbreak of the crisis discussions about constitutional reform have been ongoing in Greece, although the initiation of a formal amendment process was blocked until 2013, due to the time-constraints imposed by the constitutional amending formula. The paragraph assesses the proposals made in July 2016 by the Tsipras government for a radical revision of the 1975 Constitution, taking into account the intense debate which engaged Greek constitutional law scholars. The Author highlights the particular features of the Greek constitutional revision model, characterized by political-elite-driven change which has led in the past to amending attempts lacking of a broad consensus. The broad scope of the proposed amendments requires political foresight and caution to prevent the constitutional revision from being reduced to a mere political diversion to ensure the permanence in power of certain political actors in the absence of consent and to deflect attention from continued controversial austerity policies. Artykuł analizuje zmiany polityczne, jakie zaszły w Grecji po podwójnych wyborach parlamentarnych z 2015 r. (w styczniu i wrześniu), koncentrując się na trzech płaszczyznach: 1) zmiany modelu systemu partyjnego, 2) zmiany systemu wyborczego do parlamentu, 3) reformy konstytucji. W pierwszej części tekstu określono podstawowe zmiany w strukturze systemu partyjnego, podkreślając zwycięstwo wyborcze radykalnych ugrupowań – lewicowej Syrizy czy skrajnej prawicy (Złoty Świt) w podwójnej elekcji z 2015 r. W drugiej części artykułu została omówiona charakterystyka i sposób funkcjonowania greckiego parlamentarnego systemu wyborczego, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem nowo przyjętej ordynacji wyborczej. Zwrócono uwagę na główne zasady konstytucyjne dotyczące prawa wyborczego, jako niezbędnego tła dla zbadania i zrozumienia ram, na których opierają się greckie systemy wyborcze. Przedstawiono główne cechy obecnego systemu wyborczego na podstawie ostatniej reformy systemu wyborczego w Grecji, ustawy no. 4406 z 2016 r. Artykuł analizuje jego najważniejsze aspekty i porusza szereg istotnych pytań. Odwołuje się szczególnie do procedury głosowania prowadzonej przez grecki parlament w celu przyjęcia ustawy 4406/2016, ponieważ jest to kluczowy czynnik jej egzekwowania. Ostatnia część artykuły została poświęcona planowej zmianie greckiej konstytucji. Od wybuchu kryzysu gospodarczego w Grecji trwają dyskusje na temat reformy konstytucyjnej, chociaż proces formalnej zmiany został wstrzymany do 2013 r., ze względu na ograniczenia czasowe narzucone w konstytucji. W artykule dokonano oceny propozycji złożonych przez rząd Tsiprasa w lipcu 2016 r. w celu radykalnej rewizji konstytucji z 1975 r. Autorka podkreśla szczególne cechy greckiego modelu rewizji konstytucyjnej, charakteryzującego się zmianami kierowanymi przez elitę polityczną, które doprowadziły w przeszłości do zmian bez większego konsensusu. Szeroki zakres proponowanych poprawek wymaga politycznego przewidywania i ostrożności, aby zapobiec przekształceniu rewizji konstytucji w zwykłą zmianę polityczną oraz aby zapewnić ciągłość władzy niektórych podmiotów politycznych przy braku zgody i odwrócić uwagę od wciąż kontrowersyjnych polityk oszczędnościowych.

BMWFW (Austria) ; FWF (Austria) ; FNRS (Belgium) ; FWO (Belgium) ; Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) ; Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) ; Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (FAPERJ) ; Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) ; MES (Bulgaria) ; CERN ; CAS (China) ; MOST (China) ; NSFC (China) ; COLCIENCIAS (Colombia) ; MSES (Croatia) ; CSF (Croatia) ; RPF (Cyprus) ; SENESCYT (Ecuador) ; MoER (Estonia) ; ERC (Estonia) ; IUT (Estonia) ; ERDF (Estonia) ; Academy of Finland (Finland) ; MEC (Finland) ; HIP (Finland) ; CEA (France) ; CNRS/IN2P3 (France) ; BMBF (Germany) ; DFG (Germany) ; HGF (Germany) ; GSRT (Greece) ; OTKA (Hungary) ; NIH (Hungary) ; DAE (India) ; DST (India) ; IPM (Iran) ; SFI (Ireland) ; INFN (Italy) ; MSIP (Republic of Korea) ; NRF (Republic of Korea) ; LAS (Lithuania) ; MOE (Malaysia) ; UM (Malaysia) ; BUAP (Mexico) ; CINVESTAV (Mexico) ; CONACYT (Mexico) ; LNS (Mexico) ; SEP (Mexico) ; UASLP-FAI (Mexico) ; MBIE (New Zealand) ; PAEC (Pakistan) ; MSHE (Poland) ; NSC (Poland) ; FCT (Portugal) ; JINR (Dubna) ; MON (Russia) ; RosAtom (Russia) ; RAS (Russia) ; RFBR (Russia) ; RAEP(Russia) ; MESTD (Serbia) ; SEIDI (Spain) ; CPAN (Spain) ; PCTI (Spain) ; FEDER (Spain) ; Swiss Funding Agencies (Switzerland) ; MST (Taipei) ; ThEP-Center (Thailand) ; IPST (Thailand) ; STAR (Thailand) ; NSTDA (Thailand) ; TUBITAK (Turkey) ; TAEK (Turkey) ; NASU (Ukraine) ; SFFR (Ukraine) ; STFC (United Kingdom) ; DOE (USA) ; NSF (USA) ; Marie-Curie program ; European Research Council (European Union) ; EPLANET (European Union) ; Leventis Foundation ; A. P. Sloan Foundation ; Alexander von Humboldt Foundation ; Belgian Federal Science Policy Office ; Fonds pour la Formation a la Recherche dans l'Industrie et dans l'Agriculture (FRIA-Belgium) ; Agentschap voor Innovatie door Wetenschap en Technologie (IWT-Belgium) ; Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports (MEYS) of the Czech Republic ; Council of Scientific and Industrial Research, India ; HOMING PLUS program of the Foundation for Polish Science ; European Union ; European Regional Development Fund ; Mobility Plus program of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education ; National Science Center (Poland) ; National Priorities Research Program by Qatar National Research Fund ; Programa Clarin-COFUND del Principado de Asturias ; Thalis program - EU-ESF ; Aristeia program - EU-ESF ; Greek NSRF ; Rachadapisek Sompot Fund for Postdoctoral Fellowship, Chulalongkorn University ; Chulalongkorn Academic into Its 2nd Century Project Advancement Project (Thailand) ; Welch Foundation ; National Science Center (Poland): Harmonia 2014/14/M/ST2/00428 ; National Science Center (Poland): Opus 2014/13/B/ST2/02543 ; National Science Center (Poland): 2014/15/B/ST2/03998 ; National Science Center (Poland): 2015/19/B/ST2/02861 ; National Science Center (Poland): Sonata-bis 2012/07/E/ST2/01406 ; Welch Foundation: C-1845 ; A search for events containing four top quarks (t (t) over bart (t) over bar) is reported from proton-proton collisions recorded by the CMS experiment at root s = 13 TeV and corresponding to an integrated luminosity of 2.6 fb(-1). The analysis considers the single-lepton (e or mu)+jets and the opposite-sign dilepton (mu(+)mu(-),mu +/- e -/+ , or e(+) e(-))+ jets channels. It uses boosted decision trees to combine information on the global event and jet properties to distinguish between t (t) over bart (t) over bar and t (t) over bar production. The number of events observed after all selection requirements is consistent with expectations from background and standard model signal predictions, and an upper limit is set on the cross section for t (t) over bart (t) over bar production in the standard model of 94 fb at 95% confidence level (10.2 x the prediction), with an expected limit of 118 fb. This is combined with the results from the published CMS search in the same-sign dilepton channel, resulting in an improved limit of 69 fb at 95% confidence level (7.4xthe prediction), with an expected limit of 71 fb. These are the strongest constraints on the rate of t (t) over bart (t) over bar production to date. (C) 2017 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier B.V.

The purpose of this research is to present a historical review and critique of the actions of radicalism on the basis of fundamentalism in Indonesia. This research is motivated by the development of discourse related to fundamentalism and radicalism which is often identified to Islam group with negative connotation in Indonesia. The methodology used in this research is a qualitative descriptive approach with a historical-critical study method. Data were collected through literature studies and related literature of several Islamic organizations consisting of; Darul Islam Or Islamic State of Indonesia (NII); Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI); Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI); and the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI). The results show that fundamentalism and radicalism is a verbic word whose roots are not contained in the language of Muslims in various Arabic speaking countries. Fundamentalism by term is the assertion of certain religious activists who define religion absolutely and literally. Fundamentalism as a reaction to modernism emerged in the nineteenth century. At that time, modernism appeared very fiery in the United States. In the era of the 1990s, there was a change of format and fundamental strategy in radical Islamic movement in Indonesia. If in previous years this movement runs latently and always confronted by the State so as to generate political fear for Muslims then in the era of the 1990s radical Islamic movement appears openly, as seen in the movement Laskar Jihad, Jamaah Islamiah Ahlussunnah wal Jamaah, Ikhwanul Muslimin, Mujahidin Jamaah, Nurul Fikr, Islamic Defenders Front and Hizb ut-Tahrir Based on the results of research, author concluded that Fundamentalism and radicalism is not a term derived from Islam but the term of Christianity which is today used for Islam. Both fundamentalism and radicalism potentially exist to any group, whether religious, social, or political. It occurs in any religion. Fundamentalism can be a virtue if it is not performed by the action of radicalism. Therefore, the solution to the value of tolerance in fundamentalism is a deep understanding of belief or religion. ; Tujuan dari penilitian ini adalah untuk menampilkan tinjauan historis dan kritik terhadap aksi-aksi radikalisme dengan dasar fundamentalisme di Indonesia. Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh berkembangnya wacana terkait fundamentalisme dan radikalisme yang sering diidentikkan kepada kelompok Islam yang berkonotasi negatif di Indonesia. Metodologi yang digunakan dalam penilitian ini adalah pendekatan deskriptif kualitatif dengan metode kajian kritis-historis. Data dikumpulkan melalui studi literature dan pustaka terkait bebarapa organisasi islam yang terdiri dari; Darul Islam Atau Negara Islam Indonesia (NII); Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI); Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI); dan Front Pembela Islam (FPI). Hasil penelitian menujukkan bahwa fundamentalisme dan radikalisme merupakan kata jadian yang akar katanya tidak terdapat dalam bahasa kaum Muslim di berbagai negara yang berbahasa Arab. Fundamentalisme menurut istilah adalah penegasan aktivis agama tertentu yang mendefenisikan agama secara mutlak dan harfiah. Fundamentalisme sebagai reaksi terhadap modernisme muncul pada abad ke-XIX. Saat itu modernisme muncul sangat berapi-api di Amerika Serikat. Pada era 1990-an, ada perubahan format dan strategi yang mendasar dalam gerakan Islam radikal di Indonesia. Jika pada tahun-tahun sebelumnya gerakan ini berjalan secara laten dan selalu dihadang oleh Negara sehingga menimbulkan politik ketakutan bagi umat Islam maka pada era 1990-an gerakan Islam radikal justru muncul secara terang-terangan, seperti terlihat dalam gerakan Laskar Jihad, Jamaah Islamiah Ahlussunnah wal Jamaah, Ikhwanul Muslimin, Jamaah Mujahidin, Nurul Fikr, Front Pembela Islam dan Hizbut Tahrir Berdasarkan hasil penilitian dapat disimpulkan bahwa Fundamentalisme dan radikalisme bukanlah istilah yang berasal dari Islam tapi istilah dari agama kristen yang kemudian digunakan untuk Islam. Fundamentalisme dan radikalisme bisa terjadi pada kelompok manapun, baik berbau agama, sosial, maupun politik dan terjadi pada agama apapun. Fundamentalisme bisa baik jika tidak diiringi dengan aksi radikalisme. Oleh karena itu, pemahaman terhadap keyakinan atau paham yang dianut secara mendalam bisa dijadikan solusi agar nilai toleransi muncul pada paham fundamentalisme.

In the article scenarios of the further development of the EU are analyzed. in particular, "We are going the same way», which should solve big problems, in particular, the formation of the internal market, the digital single market, the energy union, the capital market and the defense alliance; "Single market - first of all", which provides for the promotion of innovation, cooperation in the areas of security, defense and migration; "Who wants more - does more", which means that all member states should move at the same pace; "Less is better" ("Europe of different speeds"), which focuses on the implementation of certain political spheres, but reduces the level of interaction in matters that do not bring progress; "Doing more and more together", according to which the member states transfer more power, resources and powers in decision-making to a particular body. Here the main scenarios of Brexit itself are also described: "hard" Brexit, "hard" Brexit without signing an agreement, "Refusal from Brexit", "Late Brexit", "English Brexit", "Soft" Brexit. The author's forecasts on the formation of European political consciousness are analyzed in the article. Analyzing the European political consciousness, the author outlines four main prospects for its development: positive inside (the assimilation of European culture by our citizens, the mastery of a common European history, acquaintance with the EU governance system and the building of Europe in Ukraine), externally positive (the formation of a European political consciousness based on parity national and European identity for external preservation of the mental signs of the "European»), neutral (due to the preservation of a peculiar status when Ukraine remains in the current state of uncertainty, underdevelopment of the economy, politics and socio-cultural sphere, when both national and European identity is weakly formed) and negative (foresees the deterioration of relations between Ukraine and the EU, the freezing of the dialogue on the Association Agreement and the European integration process in Ukraine in conditions of deepening the crisis of the EU). It is notedthat, depending on the scenario for the further development of the EU and Brexit, various consequences are possible for the development and dynamics of European political consciousness on the European continent in general and in Ukraine in particular. ; У статті аналізуються сценарії подальшого розвитку ЄС. зокрема «Йдемо тим же шляхом», який має вирішити великі проблеми, зокрема формування внутрішнього ринку, цифрового єдиного ринку, енергетичного союзу, ринку капіталу і оборонного союзу; «Єдиний ринок – перш за все», що передбачає сприяння інноваціям, співробітництву у сферах безпеки, оборони та міграції; «Хто хоче більше – робить більше», який означає, що не всі держави-члени повинні рухатися в однаковому темпі; «Краще менше та краще» («Європа різних швидкостей»), що концентрує зусилля наімплементації певних політичних сфер, але зменшує рівень взаємодії в питаннях, які не приносять прогресу; «Робимо більше і разом», згідно з яким країни-члени передають більше влади, ресурсів і повноважень в прийнятті рішень певному органу. Тут охарактеризовані також основні сценарії власно Брекзіту – «Жорсткий» Брекзіт, «Жорсткий» Брекзіт безпідписання угоди, «Відмова від Брекзіту», «Пізній Брекзіт», «Англійський Брекзіт», «М'який» Брекзіт. У статті аналізуються авторські прогнози щодо формування європейської політичної свідомості. Аналізуючи європейську політичну свідомість, автор виокремлює чотири основні перспективи її розвитку: внутрішньо позитивна (засвоєння нашими громадянами європейської культури, опанування спільної європейської історії, знайомство з системою управління ЄС та побудова Європи в Україні), зовнішньо позитивна (формування європейської політичної свідомості, що ґрунтується на паритеті національної та європейської ідентичності за зовнішнього збереження ментальної ознаки «європеєць»), нейтральна (обумовлена збереженням своєрідного статус-кво, коли Україна залишається у сучасному стані невизначеності, недореформованості економіки, політики і соціокультурної сфери, коли фактично слабко сформована як національна, так і європейська ідентичність) та негативна (передбачає погіршення відносин між Україною та ЄС, замороження діалогу щодо Угоди про асоціацію та євроінтеграційного процесу України в умовах поглиблення кризи ЄС). Тут зазначається, що залежно від сценарію подальшого розвитку ЄС та Брекзіту можливі різні наслідки для розвитку та динамікиєвропейської політичної свідомості на європейському континенті загалом та України зокрема.

В статье рассматривается процесс формирования и сущностные аспекты понятия «национальная ментальность». Автор подчеркивает, что возникновение феномена национальной ментальности происходит уже в начале этногенезиса. В этот начальный период появляется оригинальное ментальное ядро-основа, ко- торое остается с определенными модификациями в течение всей национальной истории. Это обусловлено существованием перманентных факторов, среди кото- рых наибольший вес имеют: биологический, географический и геополитический факторы. На протяжении всей истории того или иного этноса от поколения к поколению передается определенный психоповеденческий инвариант, который реализуется на совместной языковой, культурной и морально-этической основе. В начале возникновения национального характера особенно заметную роль играет коллективное этническое бессознательное, которое возникает из остатков со- вместных переживаний этнической группы как определенные неосознаваемые реакции на постоянно воспроизводимые специфические условия ее существования (К. Юнг). Делается вывод, что структура понятия «национальная ментальность» (психический склад нации-этноса) состоит из трех основных элементов: нацио- нального характера, национального сознания и этнического бессознательного. ; The process of formation and the essential aspects of the concept of «national mental- ity». The author notes that the emergence of the phenomenon of national mentality is early ethnogenesis. During this initial period there is an original mental-core base, which remains with certain modifications throughout the nation's history. This is due to the ex- istence of permanent factors, among which the most important are: biological, geograph- ical and geopolitical factors. Throughout the history of a particular ethnic group, from generation to generation is passed certain invariant psyhobehavioral implemented on a common language, cultural, moral and ethical basis. At the beginning of the emergence of national character is particularly noteworthy role played by ethnic collective uncon- scious that arises from the remnants of shared experiences as certain ethnic groups un- conscious reaction to constantly reproducible specific conditions of its existence (K. Jung). The category of «national character» covers mainly emotional and sensual level of the national psyche and reflected in prevailing in a given ethnic community emotions, feelings and moods, as well as the speed and intensity of the response to certain events, the na- tional temperament. The origins of the aggregate mental qualities, creating national character should look as part of the original ingredient mental nucleus lever on stage ethnogenesis. Elements of national character is an important way to natural, empirical, everyday reflection of reality in the psyche of members of a national-ethnic community, thus creating its original bio-psychic unity. Ultimately, the best reflection of national po- litical mentality is the national state of specific institutions – the base of the political system of the nation, government, government, essential features of the political regime, political traditions prevailing in this national ideology, as well as typical everyday stereo- types and tips; distributed among specific national models of political behavior, subcon- scious reflection of different generations nation for similar events, collisions, typical feelings and emotions about their own state factors. It is concluded that the structure of the concept of «national mentality» (mental-ethnic composition of the nation) consists of three main elements: national character, national identity and ethnic unconscious. ; У статті розглядається процес формування та сутнісні аспекти поняття «на- ціональна ментальність». Автор наголошує, що виникнення феномену національної ментальності відбувається вже на початку етногенезу. У цей початковий період з'являється оригінальне ментальне ядро-основа, яке залишається з певними моди- фікаціями протягом усієї національної історії. Це обумовлено існуванням перма- нентних факторів, серед яких найбільшу вагу мають: біологічний, географічний та геополітичний фактори. Протягом усієї історії того чи іншого етносу від поколін- ня до покоління передається певний психоповедінковий інваріант, що реалізується на спільній мовній, культурній та морально-етичній основі. На початку виникнення національного характеру особливо прикметну роль відіграє колективне етнічне підсвідоме, яке виникає із залишків спільних переживань етнічної групи як певні не- усвідомлювані реакції на постійно відтворювані специфічні умови її існування (К. Юнг). Робиться висновок, що структура поняття «національна ментальність» (психічний склад нації-етносу) складається з трьох основних елементів: національ- ного характеру, національної свідомості та етнічного підсвідомого.

In the scientific article, the approaches to understanding the political institution are generalized. A historical analysis of the development of the stages of research on political institutions is conducted, namely, «old» institutionalism and «new» institutionalism. The concept of «institution», its structure and functions was analyzed, and the distinction between the concepts «institution» and «organization» was established. During the research, several approaches to understanding the political institution were analyzed. The first approach defines the political institution as the rules of the game that were created by society, the main purpose of such institutions is to regulate the relationships between individuals in society, as well as individuals and the government. The second approach determines the institutions of the organization, which have a structure, operate within the framework of formal laws. The role of political institutions in shaping the political order of the state is determined. It was established that political institutions, firstly, help in the settlement of conflicts and problems in the state, and secondly, they help in achieving the goals of the state. The conditions for the formation and modernization of political institutions, as well as the role of society in these processes, are determined. Analysis of the types of political institutions allowed establishing the main institutions on which the functioning of a democratic state depends. It is also established that such political institutions should have a hierarchical structure with a division of powers. These institutions must be formal, that is, be legal. In the process of research, it was certain that political institutions, for their development, should have, first and foremost, the support of society. The level of development of political institutions is determined by the level of institutionalization, which can be determined by adaptability, complexity, autonomy, internal generalization of political institutions. The activities of political institutions should reflect public interests, that is, political institutions should ensure the development of all spheres of society. The study allowed the author to conclude that the study of political institutions on the basis of only one scientific approach will not allow explaining the current political processes in the state. Identifying these scientific approaches, one can conclude that political institutions are a set of social relations in the political sphere that are regulated by formal and non-formal rules and have an organizational structure. ; Проведено исследование по обобщению понимания содержания понятия политического института. Проанализированы этапы развития научного исследования политических институтов. Проведен анализ концептуальных подходов к их определению, а именно, в первую очередь, как совокупность формальных и неформальных правил созданных обществом для регулирования отношений в нем, а также политических институтов как организаций, обладающих определенной структурой, деятельность которых основывается на общепринятых законах и направлена на регулирование общественных отношений. Также исследуется понятие «институт», определяются его сущность, структура и характер формирования. Отдельно определены различия понятий «институт» и «организация». В рамках исследования также были определены процессы, способствующие формированию и модернизации политических институтов, их цели, составляющие элементы. Проанализирована роль политических институтов, как субъектов политической жизни государства, критерии определяющие уровень их институционализации. Исследовано разделение политических институтов на формальные, то есть имеющие определенную структуру и в своей деятельности руководствуются законами и неформальные политические институты, которые в основном играют роль дополнительных. ; Проведено дослідження щодо узагальнення розуміння змісту поняття політичного інституту. Проаналізовано етапи розвитку наукового дослідження політичних інститутів. Проведено аналіз концептуальних підходів до їх визначення, а саме, в першу чергу, як сукупність формальних та неформальних правил створених суспільством для регулювання відносин в ньому, а також політичних інститутів як організацій, що володіють певною структурою, діяльність котрих ґрунтується на загальноприйнятих законах та спрямована на регулювання суспільних відносин. Також досліджується поняття «інститут», визначаючи його сутність, структуру та характер формування. Окремо визначено відмінності понять «інститут» та «організація». В рамках дослідження також було визначено процеси, що сприяють формуванню та модернізації політичних інститутів, їх мету, складові елементи. Проаналізовано роль політичних інститутів, як суб'єктів політичного життя держави, критерії, що визначають рівень їх інституціоналізації. Досліджено поділ політичних інститутів на формальні, тобто такі, що мають визначену структуру і в своїй діяльності керуються законами, та неформальні політичні інститути, що здебільшого відіграють роль додаткових.

Визначено стан розроблення проблеми культури американської школи в сучасній вітчизняній порівняльній педагогіці. Схарактеризовано концептуальні підходи до розгляду культури школи в сучасній теорії освіти США. Виокремлено історичні етапи становлення і розвитку культури американської школи. З'ясовано провідні стратегії (розвиток культури високих досягнень, культури співробітництва, культури турботливого та безпечного середовища) та механізмів (програм розвитку культури школи як професійної навчальної громади, чартерних шкіл, автономного шкільного менеджменту, інноваційних шкільних мереж) розвитку культури американської школи в контексті реформи середньої освіти США 80-х років ХХ – початку ХХІ століття. На основі порівняння особливостей розвитку культури американської та української школи окреслено можливості використання інноваційних ідей американського досвіду в Україні. ; The author investigates the theoretical basis, major strategies and mechanisms of the American school culture development in the context of USA secondary education reform during the 80th of XX century – the beginning of the XXI century and outlining opportunities to implementation of innovative American experience in Ukraine. The analysis of development of American school culture problem in modern native comparative pedagogical thought is done. Thus scientists explore the problem of American school culture in the context of such problems: the history of American education, philosophical principles of its functioning, management features, problems of training and education, the characteristics of the professional development of pedagogical staff. The concept «school culture» in the modern theory of education of the USA is characterized. It is determined that there are different approaches to the interpretation of the concept «school culture» in the American theory of education, a compilation of which allowed us to determine it as a complex of professional practice, standards of behavior, the basic values and facilities that are implemented and shared by all members of the school organization.The main approaches to its structure elements and functions are covered. On the basis of analysis of cultural, historical, socio-economic, socio-political and pedagogical factors the stages of development of American school culture are defined: 1) Puritan culture (1607–1776); 2) the civic culture (1776 – the first half of the XIXth century); 3) the pragmatic culture (the second part of the XIXth – first half of the XXth century); 4) protest culture (60-s–70-s of the XXth century); 5) high achievements culture (1983 – the beginning of the XXI century). It is revealed that the major strategies of development of American school culture in the context of the reform of secondary education in the USA 80s of XX – beginning of XXI century period are: the creation of high achievements culture, culture of partnership, culture of safe and caring environment. Mechanisms of such development of school culture were the introduction of the new curriculum, educational and managerial practices, certain tasks of educational reform, first of all programs of development of schools as professional learning communities, charter schools, school based management, innovative school networks, and also programs of the school as a caring community. Comparative characteristic of Ukrainian and American school culture is given; innovation potential of the American experience in the school culture development and opportunities for its use in Ukraine are defined. At the national level the educational legislative base should be upgraded taking into account modern researches in the field of the theory of educational reforms, the results of modern American researches on the school culture as a facilitator of educational change, the possibilities of school organizations to define optimal ways of cooperation with parents and other stakeholders; development state support of schools participation in the programs of school based management and innovative educational networks. At the local level a range of activities aimed the formation of readiness of the participants of the educational process to participate in the educational reforms through their empoverment as well as local education authorities are offered; implementation of programs of school bazed management, strengthening the methodological contacts of the educators within the innovative school networks. At the institutional level the transformation of the educational institutions by improving leadership skills of teachers, their professional and personal development in the framework of the reconstruction of secondary schools into «caring communities» and «professional learning community» should be promoted.

У статті розкрито методологічні засади психолого-педагогічної підготовки професійних суддів у системі суддівської освіти України і Канади. Автором на основі аналізу фахової літератури доведено, що сьогодні немає дійсного глобального інструменту щодо стандартизації змісту підготовки й відбору професійних суддів у суддівській системі, яка б об'єднувала всіх учасників. Це пояснюється відмінностями в історичному аспекті, устрої судових систем держав. Результатом дослідження стало визначення тринадцяти якостей, які можна згрупувати у три блоки: розуміння людських відносин; оволодіння судовими методами; екологічний та управлінський аналіз. Таким чином, саме передача професійних прийомів та цінностей є основою принципів суддівської освіти. ; The article reveals the methodological foundations of psychological-pedagogical training of professional judges in the system of judicial education of Ukraine and Canada. The author, based on the analysis of professional literature, has proved that today there is no real global instrument for standardizing the content of training and selection of professional judges in the judiciary system, which would unite all the participants. This is due to differences in the historical aspect, the structure of the judicial systems of states. The result of the study was the definition of thirteen qualities, which are grouped into three blocks: an understanding of human relationships; mastery of court methods; environmental and managerial analysis. Thus, the transfer of professional techniques and values is the basis of the principles of judicial education. First of all, it is expedient to develop a coherent program in the framework of which it is necessary to form the institutional capacity of the NSJU as the only and the leading scientific and methodological center capable to fully satisfy the needs of judges, among the immediate measures that are a challenge for the present day for the NSJU in the aspect of psychological-pedagogical training of professional judges. In psychological-pedagogical training and improvement of qualification on the basis of the use of modern psychological- pedagogical technologies and techniques. For this purpose, the primary tasks are to improve the system of training candidates for a position of judge, which would provide the judicial system of Ukraine with highly professional specialists with an objectively assessed level of personal and moral qualities that can honestly, impartially and objectively carry out judicial proceedings in the future; extension of the list of psychological and pedagogical disciplines of the NSJU; building an effective model of cooperation between the NSJU and the entire judicial corps, attracting the best and most experienced judges to teaching, having pedagogical skills. Based on the fact that training at the NSJU is carried out by judges and experts in each discipline, it is advisable for the teachers to choose among the best in their profession the body, responsible for training, taking into account the judge's knowledge of the subjects he teaches, teaching skills and pedagogical skills. Based on the analysis of professional literature, it has been proved that today there is no real global instrument, or any generally accepted international charter, to standardize the content of training and selection of professional judges in the judiciary system, which would unite all the participants. Paradoxically, this situation is not actually the result of a lack of consensus. This is due to differences in the historical aspect, the structure of the judicial systems of states. For example, the French National School of Courts, on the occasion of its last major reform, has developed a definition of a list of the personal and professional qualities of judges. These thirteen qualities can be grouped into three blocks: an understanding of human relationships; mastery of the court methods; environmental and managerial analysis. Thus, the transfer of professional techniques and values is the basis of the principles of judicial education. Instead of this, the European vector of state-building chosen by Ukraine prompts the urgent need for adaptation of Ukrainian legislation in the justice sector to the acquis communautaire of the EU, in particular in regards to the introduction of standards for judicial education as an important component in improving the quality and efficiency of national judiciary system, and increasing public confidence in judiciary system.

Sõnastik / Glossary ; Vesiviljelus (aquaculture) on kiiresti laienev ja arenev kalanduse haru, kus pidevalt lisandub uusi tehnoloogiaid ja nendega seotud termineid. Selle valdkonna eestikeelset oskussõnavara võib laialipillatult leida õpikutest, andmebaasidest ja Vikipeediast. Paraku on eestikeelsed õpikud vananenud ja neis sisalduv terminoloogia põhineb tihti venekeelsete mõistete ülevõtmisel. Vesiviljeluse terminite andmebaasi veel pole. Eestikeelset terminoloogiat vajavad aga vesiviljelust alustavad ettevõtjad, riigiametnikud, Euroopa Liidu direktiivide tõlkijad ja ajakirjanikud, Eesti Maaülikoolis, Eesti Mereakadeemias ja Järvamaa Kutsehariduskeskuses vesiviljelust õppivad üliõpilased (õppematerjalide tõlkimisel ja referaatide koostamisel) ning ka neid õpetavad õppejõud. Käesoleva sõnastiku koostamise eesmärgiks oligi koondada eesti- ja ingliskeelsed vesiviljelusterminid tõlkimist hõlbustavasse süsteemi ja anda neile sisuline seletus. Ükski sõnastik ei saa olla entsüklopeedia, mis hõlmaks põhjalike selgitustega kogu vaadeldavat valdkonda. See kehtib ka siinse sõnastiku ja vesiviljeluse kohta, millel on kokkupuutepunkte nii bioloogiaga (nt ihtüoloogia, veekogude ökoloogia, geneetika, arengubioloogia) kui ka tehnika, veterinaarmeditsiini, söötmisteaduse, hüdrokeemia ja teiste erialadega. Seepärast sisaldab sõnastik iga termini puhul vaid vesiviljelusega seotud vasteid ja seletust, jättes kõrvale paralleeltähendused ja üldisemad mõisted. Loomulikult on vesiviljelusega seotud terminite nimekiri palju pikem siintoodust. Sõnastiku koostamisel lähtus autor oma kogemustest üliõpilaste juhendamisel ja küsimustest, mis on kogunenud algajaid kalakasvatajaid nõustades. Seetõttu sisaldab sõnastik ka palju tavalisi sõnu, mille vasteid leiab üldsõnastikest, kuid seletuse osa aitab mõista nende sisu vesiviljeluse seisukohalt. Tihti puuduvad eesti keeles ingliskeelsele terminile vastavad lühikesed väljendid ja vastupidi, mistõttu mõnikord tuli kasutada mitmesõnalisi väljendeid. Sõnastiku mõistete seletustes puuduvad vesiviljeluse tootmise praegust seisu kajastavad arvandmed, sest need muutuvad iga aastaga. Selle asemel on kasutatud üldhinnanguid, nagu "suure tähtsusega" või "väheses mahus". Loodan, et sõnaraamat on abiks kõigile, kelle huvid on seotud vesiviljelusega. Tagasiside, märkused ja soovitused, mis aitaksid sõnastikku edaspidi paremaks muuta, on igati teretulnud. Suur tänu abi eest sõnastiku koostamisel Marje Aidile ja teistele Eesti Maaülikooli vesiviljeluse osakonna töötajatele! Sõnastiku koostamist rahastas Euroopa Merendus- ja Kalandusfond Tartu Ülikooli Eesti Mereinstituudi kalanduse teabekeskuse kaudu. Tiit Paaver Eesti Maaülikooli emeriitprofessor Tartu, 2017 ; Aquaculture is a fast developing branch of management of live resources of water environment. Its technology gets modernized continuously and new terms arise every year, while the basic terminology in biology, veterinary medicine, nutrition science etc. has remained the same during many years. In Estonia the complete dictionary of aquaculture is still missing. Old Estonian textbooks contain usually some fragments of it or are out-of-date and based on Russian terminology. However, we need in Estonia a modern Estonian-English dictionary covering opportunities of translation in both directions and explaining the essence of the terms. Certainly the students, scientists and administrators need the information for translating the Estonian terms into internationally accepted context in English. Administrators, journalists, translators of regulations of European Union also need to know the Estonian terms of the aquaculture and their essence. At the same time students, teachers and fish farmers need to know English terms and their meaning to translate articles, textbooks, regulations etc. Compiling of the dictionary was especially difficult because many terms in Estonian do not have precisely corresponding short equivalent in English, while some words in English have very broad and ambiguous meaning. Based on the experience of author in teaching aquaculture and consulting of the beginners in aquaculture, the list of terms which may be of help for reader has been assembled, although the needed number of them is much higher. The data about current aquaculture production volumes are missing from the dictionary, because they change every year. I do hope that the dictionary will be of help for many people working in the field of aquaculture. My sincere thanks to my colleagues in the department of aquaculture of EULS, especially to Marje Aid for help in preparing the manuscript. The glossary was compiled in the department of aquaculture of Estonian University of Life Sciences. The glossary was financed by Fisheries Information Center from the European Maritime and Fisheries Fund. Any suggestions or corrections considering this dictionary are welcome. Tiit Paaver Professor emeritus of Estonian University of Life Sciences Tartu, 2017

The institution of traditional leadership represents the early form of societal organisation. It embodies the preservation of culture, traditions, customs and values. This paper gives a brief exposition of the impact that the pre-colonial and colonial regimes had on the institution of traditional leadership. During the pre-colonial era, the institution of traditional leadership was a political and administrative centre of governance for traditional communities. The institution of traditional leadership was the form of government with the highest authority. The leadership monopoly of traditional leaders changed when the colonial authorities and rulers introduced their authority to the landscape of traditional governance. The introduction of apartheid legalised and institutionalised racial discrimination. As a result, the apartheid government created Bantustans based on the language and culture of a particular ethnic group. This paper asserts that the traditional authorities in the Bantustans of Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda and Ciskei seemed to be used by the apartheid regime and were no longer accountable to their communities but to the apartheid regime. The Bantustans' governments passed various pieces of legislation to control the institution of traditional leadership, exercised control over traditional leaders and allowed them minimal independence in their traditional role. The pattern of the disintegration of traditional leadership seemed to differ in Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda and Ciskei. The governments of these Bantustans used different political, constitutional and legal practices and methods to achieve this disintegration. The gradual disintegration and dislocation of the institution of traditional leadership in these four Bantustans led to the loss of valuable knowledge of the essence and relevance of the institution of traditional leadership. One of the reasons for this anomaly emanated from the fact that undemocratic structures of government were established, commonly known as traditional authorities. More often than not these traditional institutions were mere puppet institutions operating on behalf of the Bantustan regime, granted token or limited authority within the Bantustan in order to extend the control of the Bantustan government and to curb possible anti-apartheid and anti-Bantustan-system revolutionary activity within traditional areas. The advent of the post-apartheid government marked the demise of apartheid and the Bantustan system for traditional leaders and the beginning of a new struggle for the freedom of the traditional authorities. This paper highlights changes brought about by the new constitutional dispensation in the institution of traditional leadership. The author demonstrates that the primary objective of the democratic government of South Africa in this regard is to transform the institution of traditional leadership and re-create the institution completely in line with the values and principles of the 1996 Constitution and democracy. The post-apartheid order rejects the old order as far as it is sexist, racist, authoritarian and unequal in its treatment of persons. All of the rules, principles and doctrines of the institution of traditional leadership apply in the new dispensation only in so far as they are rules, principles and doctrines that would survive the scrutiny of the present society when measured against their compliance with the requirements of human dignity, equality and freedom. The government has enacted democratic legislation intended to change the institution of traditional leadership and make it consistent with the 1996 Constitution. The institution of traditional leadership is obliged to ensure full compliance with the constitutional values and other relevant national and provincial legislation. The right to equality, including the prohibition of discrimination based on gender and sex, has an important impact on the institution of traditional leadership. For example, under the new constitutional dispensation women may become traditional leaders in their traditional communities, which is contrary to the old and long observed African customary rule of male intestate succession, which excluded women from succession to the position of traditional leadership. One of the remarkable features of the transformation of traditional leadership in South Africa is that gender equality has been progressively advanced. The inclusion of women in traditional government structures adds democratic value and credibility to the institution of traditional leadership, which for many years remained essentially male-dominated. The doctrine of transformative constitutionalism is well established in South Africa.