Suchergebnisse

The establishment of the Church of Christ in China -- From petition to cooperation -- The cooperative creation of the Border Service Department -- Serving the border peoples with a wartime agenda -- The challenges and new focus in the BSD's postwar services -- Embedding evangelism within the Border Service Program -- Different regimes, the same patriotism

The establishment of the Church of Christ in China -- From petition to cooperation -- The cooperative creation of the Border Service Department -- Serving the border peoples with a wartime agenda -- The challenges and new focus in the BSD's postwar services -- Embedding evangelism within the Border Service Program -- Different regimes, the same patriotism

The statement builds on the Galway Statement on Atlantic Ocean Cooperation1 and defines Ocean Literacy2 objectives in the context of that cooperation and societal challenges The statement is drafted by participants of the Transatlantic Ocean Literacy Workshop, 5th-6th September 2013, Plymouth, UK. 1 Galway Statement on Transatlantic Cooperation, http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_IP-13-459_en.htm 2 Ocean Literacy, http://oceanliteracy.wp2.coexploration.org/

Over the past two decades, the political development of nuclear states in South Asia derailed the nuclear nonproliferation process, at the current stage, five countries in Asia possess the nuclear arsenal, while in past twenty years, no major war has been noticed but relying on the state relations of Asian countries with their neighbours erected a question whether nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament are feasible in Asia. The historical enmity among these nations remained the driving force resulted in numerous wars and minor scale conflicts, recorded between India and Pakistan, Chinese involvement in the Korean peninsula war, conflict with India in Siachen, Ladakh, and northeastern region, indicating that the probability of war between these Asian nations is exceptionally high concerning the prospects of peace on the Asian continent. The strategic alliances of western nations with Asian countries, especially during conflict and war times, is considered the reason for the proliferation of nuclear weapons in Asia. The treaty on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons aiming to prevent the spread of atomic weapons failed to address the concerns of Asian countries, which resulted three nuclear power opposition in Asia alone. The failure of bilateral dialogues among the nuclear states prolonged the threat of major nuclear conflict in Asia seems not to be resolved with traditional western approaches of gunboat diplomacy and brinkmanship, especially in the case of India and Pakistan. This paper evaluates the current status of nuclear nonproliferation development in Asia while considering the historical conflict to comprehend realistic triggers points that could escalate the nuclear war, taking into accounts both the state actors and non-state actors influence in the development of national security threats, also laying down comprehensive approaches to tackle the current nuclear posture of the nuclear states simultaneously emphasizing plans on the avoidance of such trigger by evaluating current Asian political ...

Die Maghreb-Union ist eine Idee, die seit den 1950er Jahren als erstrebenswertes Ziel gilt. 1989 schien ein entscheidender Schritt getan, als sich die fünf Maghreb-Staaten Algerien, Marokko, Mauretanien, Libyen und Tunesien in der Arabischen Maghreb-Union (AMU) zusammenschlossen. Politische Differenzen zwischen den Maghreb-Staaten, insbesondere zwischen Algerien und Marokko, sowie innen- und außenpolitische Probleme einzelner AMU-Mitgliedsstaaten führten 1994 zu einer Blockade der AMU. Die Regimewechsel in Tunesien und Libyen 2011 stimulierten zwar seit 2012 Treffen auf Ministerebene, die politische Blockade der AMU wurde jedoch nicht gelöst. Die sicherheitspolitischen und wirtschaftlichen Probleme, eine Folge der politischen Entwicklungen nach 2011, begünstigten stattdessen eine nationale Rückbesinnung und Abschottung. Die anhaltende institutionelle Instabilität und der Aufschwung der Islamisten in Tunesien und Libyen wirken sich zudem kontraproduktiv auf die AMU aus. Regionale Kooperation wird ein Wunschbild bleiben, wenn sich die Vorstellungen von Staat und Gesellschaft und von der Rolle der Religion im Staat in den einzelnen Maghreb-Staaten weiter auseinander entwickeln.

The global commons – the High Seas, Antarctica, the Atmosphere, and Outer Space – are resource domains outside the authority of states. Historically, the global commons have been practically inaccessible and thus rarely subject to sovereignty claims and international regulations. With technological advances and environmental developments, the global commons have become a key site for international relations (hereinafter IR). In spite of often competing claims from state and non-state actors to these areas, the global commons have remained mainly cooperative. This is not what one would expect from most IR perspectives in a close to anarchical environment and a volatile geopolitical international environment. This Special Issue sets out to address this puzzle by asking: To what extent and why is there little conflict in the global commons? For this purpose, this introduction develops a common framework that distinguishes between three models and corresponding hypotheses of the factors affecting the level of cooperation and conflict in these domains. While two are based on realist and liberal IR perspectives, we draw on constructivism, political theory, and law to develop a third model, called the Human Heritage model. To conclude, this introduction also sums up the findings and discusses their implications for the global commons and IR studies.

Sørensen, C. L. Danish Party Policies on European and Nordic Cooperation. Cooperation and Conflict, XIV, 1979, 171-191. This article studies in detail the EC policies of eleven Danish parties with special emphasis on their implication for future Nordic cooperation. It is empirically based on election programmes and manifestoes used in the first direct elections to the European Parliament, where Danish parties were forced to state and explain their perceptions in a clear and explicit way on a number of issues related to European and Nordic cooperation. The EC election was an opportunity to discuss the future position of Denmark in international politics, but it largely developed into a repetition of the 1972 referendum on the costs and benefits of EC membership. The conclusion is that Danish political parties have been extremely status quo minded and immobile in their foreign policy perceptions throughout the seventies. If, therefore, Nordic cooperation is to be stimulated in the foreseeable future, initiatives in that direction will most certainly not come from Danish political parties, who seem to be locked in stereotyped perceptions of the foreign policy position of Denmark.