Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Chikkashindhag-1 microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and these physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 659 ha in Koppal taluk and district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought - prone with an average annual rainfall of 662 mm, of which about 424 mm is received during south–west monsoon, 161 mm during north-east and the remaining 77 mm during the rest of the year. An area of 94 per cent is covered by soils, 1 per cent by rock outcrops and 5 per cent is by habitation and settlements. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below. The soils belong to 8 soil series and 19 soil phases (management units) and 4 Land Management Units. The length of crop growing period is 150 cm). About 7 per cent area in the microwatershed has loamy soils and 87 per cent clayey soils at the surface. About 63 per cent area has non-gravelly (200 mm/m) in available water capacity. About 14 per cent area of the microwatershed has nearly level (0-1% slope) lands and 80 per cent area of the microwatershed has very gently sloping (1-3% slope) lands. An area of about 36 per cent area is moderately (e2) eroded and about 58 per cent area is slightly (e1) eroded. An area of about 53 per cent soils are moderately alkaline to strongly alkaline (pH 7.8-9.0) and 41 per cent soil are very strongly alkaline (pH >9.0) in soil reaction. The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed is dominantly 337 kg/ha) in available potassium. Available sulphur is low (20 ppm) in 31 per cent area of the microwatershed. An area of about 46 per cent is low (4.5 ppm) and 89 per cent is deficient (1.0 ppm) in available manganese content. Entire cultivated area of the microwatershed is sufficient (>0.2 ppm) in available copper content. An area of about 81 per cent is deficient (0.6 ppm) in available zinc content. The land suitability for 31 major crops grown in the microwatershed was assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 101(15) 362(55) Sapota - 139(21) Maize - 462(70) Pomegranate - 300(45) Bajra 139(21) 323(49) Guava - 139(21) Groundnut 33(5) 106(16) Jackfruit - 139(21) Sunflower 1(<1) 299(45) Jamun - 288(44) Cotton 1(<1) 463(70) Musambi 1(<1) 299(45) Red gram - 289(44) Lime 1(<1) 299(45) Bengalgram 1(<1) 462(70) Cashew - 139(21) Chilli 106(16) 33(5) Custard apple 140(21) 322(49) Tomato 106(16) 33(5) Amla 139(21) 323(49) Brinjal 139(21) 323(49) Tamarind - 149(23) Onion 33(5) 106(16) Marigold - 462(70) Bhendi 33(5) 429(65) Chrysanthemum - 462(70) Drumstick - 300(45) Jasmine - 302(46) Mulberry - 299(45) Crossandra - 152(23) Mango - 98(15) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 4 identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops. Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserves soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested for these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc., Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required. As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. That would help in supplementing the farm income, provide fodder and fuel, and generate lot of biomass which in turn would help in maintaining the ecological balance and contribute to mitigating the climate change. SALIENT FINDINGS OF THE SURVEY The data indicated that there were 109 (54.50%) men and 90 (45%) were women among the sampled households. The average family size of landless farmers' was 3.5, marginal farmers' was 7.1, small farmers' was 6.1, semi medium farmers' was 6.1, medium farmers' was 9.5 and for large farmers it was 6. The data indicated that, 42 (21%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 88 (44%) were in 16-35 years of age, 51 (25.50 %) were in 36-60 years of age and 19 (9.50 %) were above 61 years of age. The results indicated that the Chikkasindhogi-1 had 29.50 per cent illiterates, 12.50 per cent of them had primary school education, 22.50 per cent of them had middle school education, 25.50 per cent of them had high school education, 4 per cent of them had PUC education, 1 per cent of them had diploma, 0.5 per cent of them had ITI and 4.5 per cent of them had degree education. The results indicate that, 93.55 per cent of households practicing agriculture and 6.45 per cent of the household heads were agricultural labourers. The results indicate that agriculture was the major occupation for 67 per cent of the household members, 2 per cent were agricultural labourers, 1 per cent had household industry, 27.5 per cent of them were student, 1.5 per cent of them were housewife and 0.5 per cent of them were in government and private services. The results shows that 8 per cent of the households participated in user groups and 91.50 per cent of them have not participated in any local institutions. The results indicate that 35.48 per cent of the households possess thatched house, 6.45 per cent of the households possess Katcha house, 54.84 per cent of them possess pucca house and 3.23 per cent of them possess semi pucca house. The results shows that 93.55 per cent of the households possess TV, 77.42 per cent of the households possess Mixer grinder, 51.61 per cent of the households possess motor cycle, 6.45 per cent of the households possess tempo, 3.23 per cent of the households possess refrigerator and bicycle, and 93.55 per cent of the households possess mobile phones. The average value of television was Rs.6276, mixer grinder was Rs.1515, motor cycle was Rs.52437, mobile phone was Rs.1710, refrigerator was Rs.8000 and bicycle was Rs.3000. About 22.58 per cent of the households possess plough, 3.23 per cent of them possess tractor, 12.90 per cent of them posses bullocks cart, 38.17 per cent of them power tiller and 93.55 per cent of them possess weeder. The results show that the average value of plough was Rs.1,500, the average value of tractor was Rs. 5,00,000 and the average value of sprayer was Rs.3,953, the average value of bullock cart Rs.18,500, and the average value of weeder Rs.95. 2 The results indicate that, 16.13 per cent of the households possess bullocks, 22.58 per cent of the households possess local cow, 3.23 per cent of the households possess crossbred cow, 22.58 per cent of the households possess local cow and buffalo, 3.23 per cent of the households possess crossbred cow, goat and poultry birds. The results indicate that, average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 2.27, average own labour (women) available was 1.90, average hired labour (men) available was 3.47 and average hired labour (women) available was 7.77. The results indicate that, 90.32 per cent of the household opined that hired labour was adequate and 3.23 per cent of the households opined that hired labour was inadequate. The results indicate that, 6 (3.0%) persons were migrated from the micro watershed which includes 3 persons from semi medium farmers and 3 persons from medium farmer category. People have migrated on average of 299.2 Kms and average duration was 8 months. Semi medium farmers have migrated 433.33 kms and on an average 10 months in a year. Improved quality of the life was the major positive consequence of migration of 16.67 per cent of the households and construction house was the major positive consequence for 33.33 per cent. Increased workload for other family members was the major negative consequence of migration. The results indicate that, households of the Chikkasindhogi-1 micro watershed possess 17.89 ha (39.72%) of dry land and 27.14 ha (60.28%) of irrigated land. The average value of dry land was Rs. 267994.14 and average value of irrigated was Rs.1, 89,272. The results indicate that, there were 14 functioning bore wells and 1 functioning open well in the micro watershed. Bore well was the major irrigation source in the micro water shed which was possessed by small farmers, medium farmers, semi medium farmers and large farmers. The depth of bore well was found to be 47.64 meters and the depth of open well was found to be 0.29 meters. The results indicate that, marginal farmers had irrigated area of 1.75 hectares, small farmers had 6.67 hectares, semi medium farmers had 8.73 hectares, medium farmers had 7.69 hectares and large farmers had 4.05 hectares of irrigated land. The results indicate that, farmers have grown Maize (26.34 ha), Tomato (2.4 ha), Cotton (2.05 ha), Groundnut (1.68 ha), Pearlmillet (2.59 ha), Paddy (0.81 ha), Sorghum (0.81 ha), Bengal gram (0.51 ha), Chilly (0.4 ha). The results indicate that, the cropping intensity in Chikkasindhogi-1 micro watershed was found to be 96.83 per cent. In case of marginal farmers it was 87.82 per cent, for small farmers it was 93.99 per cent, in case of semi medium farmers it was 100 per 3 cent, medium farmers had cropping intensity of 100 per cent and large farmers had 100 per cent. The results indicate that, 90.32 per cent of the households possess bank account and 12.90 per cent of them have savings. Around 50 per cent of landless, 44.44 per cent of marginal, 22.22 per cent of small, 50 per cent semi medium, 50 per cent of medium farmers and 100 per cent of large farmers have borrowed credit from different sources. About 10 per cent have availed loan in cooperative bank, 40 per cent have availed loan from friends and relatives and 100 per cent have availed loan from grameena bank. The results indicate that, 90.91 per cent of the households have borrowed loan for agriculture, 4.55 per cent have borrowed for buying irrigation related equipments and 4.55 per cent have borrowed for social functions like marriage, from institutional and non institutional sources. Results indicated that 100 per cent of the households did not repay their loan borrowed from institutional sources. The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for maize was Rs. 234356.79. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 167960. The net income from Maize cultivation was Rs. -66396.80, thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.72. The total cost of cultivation for tomato was Rs. 46729.38. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 67925.00. The net income from tomato cultivation was Rs. 21195.62. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.45. The total cost of cultivation for groundnut was Rs. 72133.49. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 62490.23. The net income from groundnut cultivation was Rs. -9643.26. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.87. The total cost of cultivation for cotton was Rs. 44743.83. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 75381.17. The net income from cotton cultivation was Rs. 30637.34. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.68. The total cost of cultivation for bengal gram was Rs. 251848.19. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 111150. The net income from bengal gram cultivation was Rs. -140698.19, thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.44. The total cost of cultivation for sorghum was Rs. 25747.08. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 24700. The net income from sorghum cultivation was Rs. - 1047.08. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.96. The total cost of cultivation for chilly was Rs. 76456.11. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 98800. The net income from chilly cultivation was Rs. 22343.89. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.29. The total cost of cultivation for paddy was Rs. 50384.32. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 38902.50. The net income from paddy cultivation was Rs. - 11481.82. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.77. 4 The results indicate that, 35.48 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate. Only 19.35 per cent of the households have opined that the green fodder is adequate. The data also revealed that 19.35 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder and green fodder were inadequate. The results indicate that the average annual gross income was Rs. 22500 for landless farmers, for marginal farmers it was Rs. 61655.56, for small farmers it was Rs.56222, for semi medium farmers it was Rs.94688, for medium farmers it was Rs.191500 and for large farmers it was Rs.73000. The results indicate that the average annual expenditure is Rs. 13296.47. For landless farmers it was 6250, for marginal farmers it was Rs 8969, for small farmers it was Rs. 4464.51, for semi medium farmers it was Rs. 10348.48 and for medium farmers it was Rs. 70500 and for large farmers it was Rs. 55000. The results indicate that, sampled households have grown 22 coconut, 19 mango and 3 sapota trees in their field. Farmers have also grown 5 coconut trees in their backyard. The results indicate that, 93.55 per cent of the households are interested in growing horticultural crops which include 100 per cent of marginal, small, semi medium, medium and large farmers. Households have planted 31 neem trees, 1 banyan tree in field and 9 neem trees in backyard. The results indicate that, households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 6193 for land development, Rs. 2241 for irrigation facility, Rs.4113 for improved crop production and Rs.1774 for improved livestock management. Loan from bank is the major source of investment for 78.13 per cent of households for land development. For irrigation facility 25 per cent of the households depend on loan from bank, 12.5 per cent depend on own funds and 9.38 per cent of the households depend on soft loans. For improved crop production 59.38 per cent of the households depend on bank loan and for improved livestock management 21.88 per cent of the households depend on bank loan. The results indicated that, Bengal gram, chilly, cotton, maize and tomato were sold to the extent of 100 per cent. The results indicated that, About 73.33 per cent of the households have sold agricultural produce to the local/village merchants includes 100 per cent of the marginal farmers, 85.71 per cent of the small farmers, 66.67 per cent of the semi medium farmers and 33.33 per cent medium farmers. About 23.33 per cent of the households have sold in regulated markets, which include 14.29 per cent of small farmers, 33.33 per cent of semi medium farmers, 66.67 per cent of the medium farmers and 100 per cent of the large farmers. About 9.68 per cent of the households have used tractor as mode of transport and 116.13 per cent have used truck. 5 The results indicated that, 90.32 per cent of the households have experienced the soil and water erosion problems i.e. 88.89 per cent of marginal farmers and 100 per cent of small, semi medium, medium and large farmers. 90.32 per cent of the households have shown interest in soil testing. The results indicated that, 51.61 per cent of the households have adopted field bunding, 3.23 per cent of the households have adopted contour bunds, 3.23 per cent of the households have adopted farm pond, 29.03 per cent have adopted bore well recharge pit and 45.16 per cent of the households are following summer ploughing. About 100 per cent of the households who adopted field bunding, farm pond and contour bund and 33.33 per cent the households who adopted bore well recharge pit, opined that they were in good condition. Around 66 per cent of the households opined that bore well recharge pits require full replacement. The results indicated that 87.10 per cent of soil conservation structure is constructed by farmers on their own, 41.94 per cent of the soil conservation structures are constructed by the government and another 3.23 per cent is constructed by farmer organizations. The results indicated that, canal was the major source of drinking water for 93.55 per cent of the households and bore well was the source of drinking water for 3.23 per cent of the households. About 83.87 percent used fire wood and another 12.9 percent of the households used LPG. Electricity was the major source of light for all the households in micro watershed. About 25.81 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet i.e. 100 per cent of landless, 11.11 per cent of marginal, 11.11 per cent of small, 25 per cent of semi medium, 50 per cent of medium farmers and 100 per cent of large farmers had sanitary toilet facility. The results indicated that, 87.10 per cent of the sampled households possessed BPL card, 3.23 per cent of the households possessed APL and 6.45 per cent did not possess PDS card. About 67.74 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme which included 100 per cent of the landless, 55.56 percent of the marginal, 55.56 per cent of the small, 75 per cent of the semi medium, 100 percent of the medium and 100 per cent of the large farmers. The results indicated that, cereals were adequate for 90.32 per cent of the households, pulses were adequate for 87.10 per cent, oilseeds were adequate for 3.23 per cent, vegetables were adequate for 80.65 per cent, fruits were adequate for 22.58 per cent, milk was adequate for 83.87 per cent, egg were adequate for 16.13 per cent and meat was adequate for 6.45 per cent of the households. Cereals were inadequate for 3.23 per cent of the households, pulses were inadequate for 6.45 per cent, oilseeds were inadequate for 3.23 per cent, fruits were inadequate 6 for 25.18 per cent, eggs were inadequate for 35.48 per cent and meat was inadequate for 41.94 per cent of the households. Oilseeds were market surplus for 70.97 per cent of the households, vegetables were market surplus for 3.23 per cent, fruits were market surplus for 16.13 per cent, eggs were market surplus for 6.45 per cent and meat was market surplus for 9.68 per cent of the households. The results indicated that, lower fertility status of the soil was the constraint experienced by 48.39 per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field (74.19%), frequent incidence of pest and diseases (3.23%), inadequacy of irrigation water (38.71%), high cost of fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (41.94%), high rate of interest on credit (29.03%), low price for the agricultural commodities (3.23%), lack of marketing facilities in the area (9.68%), lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (16.13%), less rainfall (87.10%) and source of Agri–technology information (News paper/TV/Mobile) (16.13%). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project
Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Maslapur-2 microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and these physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 510 ha in Koppal taluk and district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought - prone with an average annual rainfall of 662 mm, of which about 424 mm is received during south–west monsoon, 161 mm during north-east and the remaining 77 mm during the rest of the year. An area of about 92 per cent is covered by soils and 8 per cent by rock outcrops, habitation and water bodies, settlements and others. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below. The soils belong to 11 soil series and 20 soil phases (management units) and 7 land management units. The length of crop growing period is 150 cm) soils. About 10 per cent has sandy soils at the surface, 78 per cent has loamy soils at the surface and 4 per cent has clayey soils at the surface. About 6 per cent of the area has non-gravelly (200 mm/m) in available water capacity. An area of about 6 per cent has nearly level (0-1%) and 86 per cent area has very gently sloping (1-3%) lands. An area of about 22 per cent has soils that are slightly eroded (e1) and 70 per cent moderately eroded (e2) lands. An area of about 35 per cent are slightly acid (pH 6.0-6.5) and 56 per cent are very neutral (pH pH 6.5-7.3) in soil reaction. The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils is 0.75%) in 31 per cent area of the soils. Available phosphorus is medium (23-57 kg/ha) in the entire area of the microwatershed. An area of about 34 per cent are low (337 kg/ha) in available potassium content. Available sulphur is low (4.5 ppm) in entire area of the microwatershed. Available zinc is deficient (0.6 ppm) in 50 per cent area of the microwatershed. Available manganese and copper are sufficient in all the soils. The land suitability for 31 major agricultural and horticultural crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum - 336 (66) Sapota 18 (4) 70 (14) Maize - 336 (66) Pomegranate 18 (4) 79 (15) Bajra 26 (5) 383 (75) Musambi 18 (4) 79 (15) Groundnut 26 (5) 377 (74) Lime 18 (4) 79 (15) Sunflower - 53 (10) Amla 44 (9) 382 (75) Red gram - 53 (10) Cashew - 88 (17) Bengalgram 9 (2) 257 (50) Jackfruit 18 (4) 70 (14) Cotton - 336 (66) Jamun - 97 (19) Chilli - 327 (64) Custard apple 44 (9) 382 (75) Tomato - 327 (64) Tamarind - 27 (5) Brinjal 26 (5) 284 (56) Mulberry 18 (4) 95 (19) Onion 26 (5) 284 (56) Marigold - 336 (66) Bhendi - 284 (56) Chrysanthemum - 336 (66) Drumstick 18 (4) 51 (10) Jasmine - 327 (64) Mango - 18 (4) Crossandra - 327 (64) Guava - 88 (17) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 7 identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops that helps in maintaining productivity and ecological balance in the microwatershed. Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested for these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc. Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required. As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. That would help in supplementing the farm income, provide fodder and fuel, and generate lot of biomass which in turn would help in maintaining the ecological balance and contribute to mitigating the climate change. SALIENT FINDINGS OF THE SURVEY The result indicated that 35 farmers were sampled in Maslapur-2 micro watershed among them 5(14.29%) were landless, 4 (11.43%) were marginal farmers, 16 (45.71%) were small farmers and 10 (28.57%) were semi medium farmers. The data indicated that there were 98 (58.68%) men and 69 (41.32%) women among the sampled households. The average family size of landless farmers' was 5, marginal farmers' was 3.75, small farmers' was 4.56 and semi medium farmers' was 5.40. The data indicated that, 27 (16.17%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 74 (44.31%) were in 16-35 years of age, 50 (29.94%) were in 36-60 years of age and 16(9.58%) were above 61 years of age. The results indicated that Maslapur-2 had 30.54 per cent illiterates, 49.70 per cent of them had primary school education, 1.80 per cent of them had middle school education, 8.38 per cent of them had high school education, 4.79 per cent of them had PUC, 0.60 per cent of them had diploma and ITI education, 2.99 per cent of them had degree education and 0.60 per cent of them did other education. The results indicate that, 82.86 per cent of households were practicing agriculture and 17.14 per cent of the households were agricultural labourers. The results indicate that agriculture was the major occupation for 20.96 per cent of the household members, 56.29 per cent were agricultural laborers, 1.80 per cent was in private sector, 20.36 per cent were students and 0.60 per cent was children. In case of landless farmers, 8 per cent were agriculturist, 60 per cent were general labourers and 32 per cent were students. In case of marginal farmers 20 per cent of them were practicing agriculture, 40 per cent were agricultural labourers, 6.67 per cent were in private service and 33.33 per cent were students. In case of small farmers, 21.92 per cent were agriculturists, 58.90 per cent were agricultural labourers and 19.18 per cent were students. In case of semi medium farmers 25.93 per cent were agriculturist, 55.56 per cent were agriculture labourers, 3.70 per cent were in private service, 12.96 per cent were students and 1.85 per cent was housewives. The results show that 100 per cent of the population in the micro watershed has not participated in any local institutions. The results indicate that 51.43 per cent of the households possess thatched house, 40 per cent of the households possess Katcha house and 8.57 per cent of them possess Pucca house. The results showed that 91.43 per cent of the households possess TV, 80 per cent of the households possess Mixer grinder, 28.57 per cent of the households possess bicycle, 34.29 per cent of the households possess motor cycle and 91.43 per cent of the households possess mobile phones. 2 The results show that the average value of television was Rs.4906, mixer grinder was Rs.1332, bicycle was Rs. 1650, motor cycle was Rs.33583 and mobile phone was Rs.1707. Data showed 22.86 per cent of the households possess bullock cart, 31.43 per cent of them possess plough, 2.86 per cent of them possess both power tiller and tractor, 28.57 per cent of them possess sprayer, 94.29 per cent of them possess weeder and 2.86per cent of them possess chaff cutter. The results show that the average value of bullock cart was Rs.18500, plough was Rs.2029, the average value of power tiller was Rs.30000, the average value was tractor was Rs.300000, the average value of sprayer was Rs.3368, the average value of chaff cutter was Rs.3000, and the average value of weeder was Rs.17. The results indicate that, 31.43 per cent of the households possess both bullocks and local cow, 2.86 per cent of the households possess both crossbreed cow and sheep respectively. In case of marginal households, 25 per cent of them possess bullocks, local cow and sheep respectively. 43.75 per cent of the small farmers possess bullock and local cow correspondingly, 6.25 per cent of the small farmers possess crossbred cow. In case of semi medium farmers, 30 per cent of households possess bullock and local cow respectively. The results indicate that, average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 1.80, average own labour (women) available was 1.63, average hired labour (men) available was 6.80 and average hired labour (women) available was 7.09. In case of marginal farmers, average own labour men available was 1.50, average own labour (women) was 1.25, average hired labour (men) was 7.75 and average hired labour (women) available was 8.50. In case of small farmers, average own labour men available was 1.88, average own labour (women) was 1.63, average hired labour (men) was 8.94 and average hired labour (women) available was 9.25. In case of semi medium farmers, average own labour men available was 2, average own labour (women) was 1.90, average hired labour (men) was 5.20 and average hired labour (women) available was 5.30. The results indicate that, 97.14 per cent of the households opined that the hired labour was inadequate. The results indicate that, households of the Maslapur-2 micro watershed possess 23.43 ha (61.01%) of dry land and 14.97 ha (38.99%) of irrigated land. Marginal farmers possess 2.59 ha (100%) of dry land. Small farmers possess 18.81 ha (88.74%) of dry land and 2.39 ha (11.26%) of irrigated land. Semi medium farmers possess 2.03 ha (13.90%) of dry land and 12.58 ha (86.10%) of irrigated land. The results indicate that, the average value of dry land was Rs. 243,202.62 and average value of irrigated land was Rs. 460,746.14. In case of marginal famers, the average land value was Rs. 579,812.21 for dry land. In case of small famers, the 3 average land value was Rs. 207,250.43 for dry land and Rs. 753,559.31for irrigated land. In case of semi medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 147,609.56 for dry land and Rs. 405,178.51 for irrigated land. The results indicate that, there were 15 functioning and 14 de-functioning bore wells in the micro watershed. The results indicate that, bore well was the major irrigation source in the micro water shed for 42.86 per cent of the farmers in micro watershed. The results indicate that, the depth of bore well was found to be 29.52 meters. The results indicate that, marginal, small and semi medium farmers had irrigated area of 0.40ha, 3.48 ha and 11.05 ha of irrigated land respectively. The results indicate that, farmers have grown maize (14.71 ha), groundnut (8.40 ha), bajra (1.88 ha), Sunflower (1.62 ha), Bengal gram (1.21 ha), Red gram (1.21 ha), Sorghum (1.21 ha), castor (0.81 ha), Tomato (0.81 ha), water melon (0.81 ha) and Banana (0.49 ha) in kharif season and also grown maize (1.62 ha) and groundnut (1.21 ha) in Rabi season. Marginal farmers have grown maize, bajra, sunflower and Bengal gram. Small farmers had grown maize, groundnut, bajra, Bengal gram, paddy, red gram, sorghum, castor and banana. Semi medium farmers had grown maize, groundnut, sunflower, tomato and watermelon. The results indicate that, the cropping intensity in Maslapur-2 micro watershed was found to be 92.65 per cent. In case of marginal farmers it was 100 per cent, small farmers it was 92.25 per cent and in case of semi medium it was 92.18 per cent. The results indicate that, 82.86 per cent of the households have bank account and 85.71 per cent of the households have savings. The results indicate that, 60 per cent of the households have availed credit from different sources. The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for maize was Rs. 27663.19. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 28612.58. The net income from Maize cultivation was Rs. 949.39, thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.03. The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for groundnut was Rs. 53510.06. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 54452.62. The net income from groundnut cultivation was Rs. 942.56. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.02. The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for tomato was Rs. 30927.98. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 74100. The net income from tomato cultivation was Rs. 43172.02. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.4. The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for water melon was Rs. 37280.33. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 69160. The net income from water melon cultivation was Rs. 31879.67. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.86. 4 The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for banana was Rs. 95816.55. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 679249.97. The net income from banana cultivation was Rs. 583433.42. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:7.09. The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for paddy was Rs. 58817.01. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 156227.50. The net income from paddy cultivation was Rs. 97410.49. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.66. The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for bengalgram was Rs. 45612.07. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 45960.53. The net income from bengalgram cultivation was Rs. 348.45. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.01. The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for Sunflower was Rs. 27395.92. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 50931.76. The net income from Sunflower cultivation was Rs. 23535.83. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.86. The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for bajra was Rs. 21266.79. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 20729.50. The net income from bajra cultivation was Rs. -537.29. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.97. The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for sorghum was Rs. 14285.38. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 31369. The net income from sorghum cultivation was Rs. 17083.62. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.2. The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for redgram was Rs. 13687.64. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 31122.00. The net income from redgram cultivation was Rs. 17434.36. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.27. The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for Castor was Rs. 32673.72. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 29640. The net income from Castor cultivation was Rs. -3033.72. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.91. The results indicate that, 25.71 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate and 11.43 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was inadequate. The results indicate that, in landless farmers, the average annual gross income from wage was Rs. 43000, in marginal farmers, the average annual gross income from service/salary was Rs.27500, wage was Rs.23750, agriculture was Rs.28025 and goat farming was Rs.10000. In small farmers, the average annual gross income from service/salary was Rs.5312.50, wage was Rs.24187.50, agriculture was Rs.64390.63 and dairy farming was Rs.3937.50. In semi medium farmers, the average annual gross income from wage was Rs.13500, agriculture was Rs.69100 and dairy farming was Rs.800. 5 The results indicate that, in case of landless the average annual expenditure from wage was Rs. 17000. In marginal farmers, the average annual expenditure from service/salary was Rs.5000, wage was Rs.8333.33, agriculture was Rs.14750 and goat farming was Rs.15000. In small farmers, the average annual expenditure from service/salary was Rs.20000, wage was Rs.7133.33, agriculture was Rs.31875 and dairy farming was Rs.5800. In semi medium farmers, the average annual expenditure from wage was Rs.10000, agriculture was Rs.29000 and dairy farming was Rs.1333.33. The results indicate that, sampled households have grown 24 coconut, 2 lemon trees and 13 mango trees in their fields. The results indicate that, households have planted 55 neem trees and 5 tamarind trees in their field and also planted 1 neem tree in their back yard. The results indicate that, the average additional investment capacity with the households for land development was Rs. 7342.86, for irrigation facility Rs. 1057.14 and for improved crop production Rs. 285.71. The results indicate that, government subsidy was the source of additional investment capacity for 85.71 per cent of the households for land development, 22.86 per cent of the households for irrigation facility and 5.71 per cent of the households for improved crop production . The results indicated that, banana, Bengal gram, castor, red gram, sorghum, tomato and water melon crops were sold to the extent of 100 per cent. Bajra, groundnut, maize, paddy and sunflower crops were sold to an extent of 92.05 per cent, 92.02 per cent, 98.89 per cent, 88.89 per cent and 28 per cent respectively. The results indicated that, 94.29 per cent of the famers have sold their produce in regulated markets. The results indicated that, 94.29 per cent of the households have used tractor as a mode of transportation for their agricultural produce. The results indicated that, 80 per cent of the households have experienced soil and water erosion problems in the farm i.e., 100 per cent of the marginal farmers, 87.50 per cent of the small farmers and 100 per cent of the semi medium farmers have experienced soil and water erosion problems. The results indicated that, 82.86 per cent have shown interest in soil test. The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the households used fire wood. The results indicated that, piped supply was the major source of drinking water for 97.14 per cent of the households and 2.86 per cent of the households were using bore well for drinking water in the micro watershed. The results indicated that, Electricity was the major source of light for 100 per cent of the households in micro watershed. 6 The results indicated that, 57.14 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet i.e. 100 per cent of the landless, 100 per cent of the marginal, 6.25 per cent of the small and 100 per cent of the semi medium farmers. The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the sampled households possessed BPL card. The results indicated that, 40 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme. The results indicated that, cereals were adequate for 100 per cent of the households, pulses were adequate for 60 per cent, oilseeds were adequate for 40 per cent, vegetables were adequate for 54.29 per cent, fruits were adequate for 82.86 per cent, milk was adequate for 45.71 per cent, eggs were adequate for 60 per cent and meat was adequate for 60 per cent of the households. The results indicated that, pulses were inadequate for 40 per cent, oilseeds were inadequate for 54.29 per cent, vegetables were inadequate for 42.86 per cent, fruits were inadequate for 20 per cent, milk were inadequate for 17.14 per cent and egg was inadequate for 31.43 per cent of the households. The results indicated that, lower fertility status of the soil was the constraint experienced by 85.71 per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field (74.29%), frequent incidence of pest and diseases (28.57%), inadequacy of irrigation water (8.57%), high cost of fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (51.43%), high rate of interest on credit (8.57%), low price for the agricultural commodities (8.57%), lack of marketing facilities in the area (25.71%), inadequate extension services (8.57%), lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (20%), less rainfall (62.86%) and Source of Agri-technology information(Newspaper/TV/Mobile) (14.29%). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project
ABSTRACT Il concetto di "Appropriatezza" è stato introdotto nel contesto normativo italiano a seguito della Raccomandazione n° 17/1997 del Comitato dei Ministri del Consiglio d'Europa agli Stati membri, "sullo sviluppo e l'attivazione dei sistemi di miglioramento della qualità dell'assistenza sanitaria", in cui l'appropriatezza delle cure viene indicata come una delle componenti fondamentali; infatti, la Legge 449/1997, immediatamente successiva, inserisce l'appropriatezza fra i profili da considerare nell'ambito del monitoraggio dell'attività ospedaliera. Successivamente, il Piano Sanitario Nazionale 1998-2000 introduce la distinzione fra "Appropriatezza clinica" e "Appropriatezza organizzativa": come noto, la prima si riferisce all'erogazione di cure mediche ed interventi di comprovata efficacia in contesti caratterizzati da un profilo beneficio-rischio favorevole per il paziente, mentre la seconda concerne la scelta delle modalità di erogazione più idonee ai fini di massimizzare la sicurezza ed il benessere del paziente e di ottimizzare l'efficienza produttiva ed il consumo di risorse. A seguire il recente D.M. 10/12/2009 in materia di controlli sulle cartelle cliniche , specifica modalità di controllo delle cartelle cliniche finalizzandolo alla verifica della appropriatezza . Non ultimo Il Patto per la Salute 2010-2012, nel ribadire la necessità di perseguire l'efficienza, la qualità e l'appropriatezza dell'Assistenza Sanitaria, anche ai fini del raggiungimento dell'equilibrio economico, introduce un ampio set di indicatori, fra cui alcuni specificamente destinati al monitoraggio dell'appropriatezza organizzativa aggiornando inoltre la lista di DRG ad alto rischio di inappropriatezza se erogati in regime di ricovero ordinario. Nel sistema organizzativo sanitario attuale sono identificati indicatori di inappropriatezza organizzativa: - Degenza media preoperatoria L'indicatore viene calcolato come rapporto fra il totale delle giornate intercorse tra la data di ricovero e la data di intervento ed il totale dei dimessi. - Percentuale interventi per frattura del femore effettuati entro due giorni L'indicatore viene calcolato come rapporto percentuale fra il numero di dimessi con diagnosi principale di frattura del femore che abbiano subito l'intervento entro due giorni dal ricovero ed il totale dei dimessi con diagnosi principale di frattura del femore. - Percentuale di dimessi da reparti chirurgici con DRG medici L'indicatore viene calcolato come rapporto percentuale fra i dimessi da reparti chirurgici cui sia stato attribuito un DRG medico ed il totale dei dimessi da reparti chirurgici. - Percentuale di ricoveri con DRG chirurgico sul totale dei ricoveri (RO + DH) L'indicatore viene calcolato come rapporto percentuale fra i dimessi con DRG chirurgico ed il totale dei dimessi. - Percentuale di ricoveri ordinari con DRG ad alto rischio di inappropriatezza L'indicatore viene calcolato come rapporto percentuale fra il numero di ricoveri in regime ordinario e DRG a rischio in appropriatezza ed il totale dei ricoveri con DRG a rischio inappropriatezza. - Percentuale di ricoveri in DH medico a carattere diagnostico sul totale dei ricoveri in DH medico L'indicatore è calcolato come rapporto percentuale tra il numero di ricoveri in DH medico a carattere diagnostico e il totale dei ricoveri in DH medico. - Percentuale di ricoveri ordinari medici brevi (0-2gg) sul totale dei ricoveri ordinari medici L'indicatore è calcolato come rapporto percentuale fra il numero di ricoveri ordinari con DRG medico e durata della degenza minore o uguale a due giorni ed il totale dei ricoveri ordinari con DRG medico. - Percentuale di ricoveri ordinari medici oltre soglia sul totale dei ricoveri ordinari medici di pazienti con età maggiore o uguale a 65 anni L'indicatore è calcolato come rapporto percentuale fra il numero di ricoveri ordinari con DRG medico e durata della degenza superiore alla soglia specifica del DRG di afferenza ed il totale dei ricoveri ordinari con DRG medico di pazienti con età maggiore o uguale a 65 anni. I valori medi Regionali costituiscono gli standard di riferimento ( G.U. 05.01.2010). Al di là di quanto istituzionalmente disponibile e condiviso sull'argomento , la riflessione piu' importante è che la appropriatezza organizzativa non è spesso sostenuta dalla appropriatezza della offerta , inoltre la stessa viene spesso vissuta come un ripiego e non come una opportunità , come un imperativo per la riduzione dei costi e non come un decisione logica e corretta nella presa in carico del paziente ed a tutela della salute del cittadino e della comunità. Proprio sulla inappropriatezza della offerta è necessario soffermarsi per delineare alcune criticità: - gli ospedali sono luoghi di cura culturalmente e strutturalmente preposti al trattamento del paziente in degenza, diversi setting assistenziali che richiedono numerosi accessi per brevi prestazioni devono essere espletati in strutture sanitarie dedicate con appropriati percorsi strutturali ed organizzativi; - prestazioni brevi in piu' accessi rappresentano spesso un disagio per l'utente soprattutto se trattasi di persone anziane o con autonomia ridotta; - il personale addetto alla assistenza ( ormai non piu' giovane poiché la media anagrafica degli operatori sanitari sì è alzata in assenza di turn over e concorsi) è spesso impreparato alla gestione dei pazienti in modalità diversa dal ricovero ordinario , valutando , incautamente , day surgery , day hospital e PAC diversi dal ricovero ordinario solo per il tempo di permanenza in ospedale ( sottovalutando qualunque altro aspetto). Qualunque sia il setting assistenziale , gli aspetti gestionali - organizzativi, i percorsi diagnostico terapeutici , modalità di comunicazione con l'utenza devono essere chiari , sicuri ed efficaci indipendentemente dalla complessità assistenziale. Non si puo' quindi prescindere dalla esigenza di scegliere sistemi qualità idonei al contesto secondo standard internazionali , ricordando che lo Stato Italiano ha imposto alle organizzazioni sanitarie i sistemi qualità attraverso i Requisiti organizzativi per l'Accreditamento Istituzionale , diversificati per Regione ma sempre ispirati a Sistemi Qualità. Negli ultimi anni si è andata sempre più diffondendo, a livello internazionale e anche in Italia, la consapevolezza che la gestione e l'organizzazione dei servizi sanitari debbano avere tra i principi fondamentali la garanzia e la promozione della qualità e la sicurezza dei servizi sanitari e delle cure erogate. Se inizialmente il concetto di qualità e la sua applicazione si scontrava con la convinzione " la qualità costa ", oggi il SSN si sforza di appropriare le prestazioni sempre piu' rispetto alle richieste dell'utenza , ai bisogni di salute , alle risorse sempre piu' esigue e secondo una programmazione a lungo termine , affinchè gli investimenti siano ammortizzabili nel tempo. Si è quindi modificata la idea di qualità e si è adeguata al contesto sociosanitario della nostra Nazione . Lo dimostrano anche le diverse normative sull'accreditamento istituzionale che sebbene orientate dal Dlvo Decreto Legislativo n° 502 del 1992 e s.m.i e il 517 del 1993 , nelle diverse Regioni di Italia hanno cercato di rendersi operative mediante leggi regionali operative in diversi tempi , in diversa modalità , proprio perché diversa è l'utenza da regione a regione , così come diversa è la maturità e la sensibilità dei professionisti su questo argomento. "Dal controllo qualità alla assicurazione qualità" , proprio per sottolineare il ruolo di garanzia che è affidato ad un sistema qualità e per sensibilizzare ad una cultura adocratica ove posto l'obiettivo , tutto il controllo di processo è monitorato, ove la prevenzione dell'evento avverso è centrale così come centrale è il ruolo dell'appropriatezza clinica ed organizzativa : un sistema organizzativo dinamico ed aperto , in continua autovalutazione e correzione . E' pur vero che se le aziende private e di produzione beni , si rendono maggiormente competitive mediante la implementazione di un sistema qualità e si propongono sul mercato come fornitori in grado di soddisfare meglio il cliente , il mondo sanitario , piu' complesso e multidisciplinare , valuta ancora con diffidenza questo approccio gestionale e strategico per differenziarsi sul mercato dell'offerta di servizi di prevenzione , cura e riabilitazione. Anche su questo argomento alcune regioni sono convinte da tempo , altre stentano a maturarne la applicazione , sebbene le normative ormai spingano in tal senso. Resta comunque indiscusso che la realizzazione della qualità, come piena e sostanziale capacità di soddisfazione di bisogni, è un obiettivo "strategico", da perseguire tramite due strumenti essenziali, complementari e sinergici: - L'ottimizzazione dei prodotti e processi, fondata sulla ricerca, innovazione e sviluppo tecnologico. - L'adeguata gestione e tenuta sotto controllo di tutte le attività (tecniche, commerciali, amministrative, ecc.) connesse con la produzione di beni e servizi. Il sistema sanitario italiano è un contesto altamente poliedrico e dinamico, caratterizzato da una complessità strutturale, organizzativa e tecnologica molto alta. Perseguire ottimizzazione dei processi ed adeguato controllo dei processi è davvero impresa complessa : le tecniche gestionali attualmente impiegate in questo settore permettono solo in parte di adottare soluzioni gestionali in grado di raggiungere gli obiettivi aziendali di efficienza, efficacia ed economicità, e solo a seguito della loro effettiva implementazione, e successiva valutazione. Questa condizione espone i manager delle strutture sanitarie al rischio di prendere decisioni che, a dispetto della bontà del progetto, sono esposte al verificarsi di problemi, lacune ed inefficienze in fase di attuazione tali da minarne l'efficacia. Inoltre vi è il rischio, a seguito dell'adozione di soluzioni gestionali errate, di impiegare in maniera poco corretta le risorse economiche eventualmente disponibili. Simulare vuol dire riprodurre nella maniera più accurata possibile il funzionamento di un sistema, o di una parte di esso, al fine di studiarne le risposte al cambiamento dell'ambiente esterno, attraverso l'analisi di indicatori prestazionali opportunamente scelti, chiamati "key performance indicators" (KPI). Inoltre la simulazione può essere considerata un utile strumento per studiare i modelli organizzativi di sistemi reali, al fine di analizzarne e prevederne il comportamento e quindi studiarne l'evoluzione in funzione di determinate specifiche, con una semplicità ed un'interattività non possibile operando direttamente sul sistema reale. L'approccio combinato della simulazione ad eventi discreti (DES) e delle metodiche del business process management (BPM) consente di valutare soluzioni operative alternative a quelle attualmente impiegate, valutandone le conseguenze in termini di prestazioni del sistema (sulla base dei parametri scelti) prima di realizzarle, decidendo poi se attuarle nella realtà oppure cercarne di nuove .Il tutto va inserito nella più generale ottica di un raggiungimento di un maggiore risparmio in termini di tempo e soldi, rendendo inoltre possibile la valutazione ex-ante di più soluzioni manageriali, al fine di individuare e verificare la migliore in accordo con gli obiettivi aziendali e di gestione delle risorse. OBIETTIVO DELLA TESI La tesi costituisce l'elaborato finale relativo a tre anni di studio e ricerca e vuole descrivere la metodologia utilizzata , le attività svolte, i risultati ottenuti. La attività di ricerca si è svolta su tre prevalenti indirizzi: a) Start up di un sistema qualità nella u.o. di Chirurgia Generale e Mininvasiva della Azienda Policlinico Federico II° di Napoli secondo Standard Internazionale UNI EN ISO 9001 / 2008 e Regolamento 01/2007- Decreto Commissario ad Acta 124/2012 b) Confronto della appropriatezza organizzativa della u.o rispetto al contesto aziendale , rispetto ad altre strutture sanitarie , e la appropriatezza Aziendale rispetto alla appropriatezza di altre organizzazioni sanitarie, attraverso n° 7 DRG chirurgici e monitoraggio di specifici indicatori c) Creazione di un modello di simulazione delle attività svolte dalla u.o. per profilo assistenziale al fine di avere un supporto conoscitivo per la appropriatezza e uno strumento operativo per l'efficienza . METODOLOGIA Start up di un sistema qualità nella u.o. di Chirurgia Generale e Mininvasiva della Azienda Policlinico Federico II° di Napoli secondo Standard Internazionale UNI EN ISO 9001 / 2008 e Regolamento 01/2007- Decreto Commissario ad Acta 124/2012 a1.) iniziale inquadramento quadro Normativo di riferimento, la ISO 9001:2008 e i requisiti strutturali , tecnologici ed organizzativi richiesti dalla normativa sull'accreditamento della Regione Campania . A tal fine si è creata una " tabella di conversione " che dettaglia esattamente la scheda BURC n. 67 del 22 Ottobre 2012 - SCHEDA SRIC 4 - DEGENZA , annotando i punti in comune e di corrispondenza della UNI EN ISO 9001/2008 e i riferimenti procedurali e documentali della Unità Operativa presenti o da creare . a.2) una seconda parte che fa un attenta analisi delle attività svolte dalla unità operativa , flussi di lavoro , risorse coinvolte . A tal fine si assimila la u.o. in oggetto alla u.o. generica di " chirurgia generale ", oggetto di studio ancora in corso di validazione sui modelli ospedalieri chirurgici che schematicamente riassume i principali processi legati alla degenza in u.o. di tipo chirurgico. a) Figura 1 – Diagramma delle attività di unità operativa chirurgica a.3) una terza parte che alla luce degli obiettivi organizzativi, strutturali e tecnologici, ha delineato le priorità di intervento per la implementazione del sistema qualità e dei requisiti organizzativi dell'accreditamento al SSN, con una analisi che sottolineasse punti di forza, le opportunità e i benefici attesi dal progetto per la vita futura della unità operativa ; a.4) una quarta fase che ha identificato le "attività di programmazione di correzione " si è basata sulla redazione e condivisione di alcune procedure organizzative e strumenti operativi e di monitoraggio. I processi di : 1. redazione e gestione della cartella clinica 2. compilazione e gestione di documentazione infermieristica 3. somministrazione e gestione intra reparto dei presidi farmacologici ; 4. monitoraggio e valutazione dell'appropriatezza organizzativa della u.o. sono risultati critici per importanza , frequenza ed anomalie rilevate ; questi processi sono stati analizzati , presi in carico e ridisegnati attraverso procedure operative e strumenti di controllo. b) Studio di n° 7 DRG chirurgici al fine di valutare in due diverse realtà la appropriatezza organizzativa dei casi trattati ". Lo studio è stato effettuato su i seguenti DRG chirurgici - DRG 290 – Interventi sulla tiroide; - DRG 494 – Colecistectomia laparoscopica senza esplorazione del dotto biliare comune senza cc; - DRG 493- Colecistectomia laparoscopica senza esplorazione del dotto biliare comune con cc; - DRG 161 Interventi per ernia inguinale e femorale età > 17 anni con cc; - DRG 162 Interventi per ernia inguinale e femorale età > 17 anni senza cc; - DRG 149 – Interventi maggiori su intestino crasso e tenue senza CC ; - DRG 570 - Interventi maggiori su intestino crasso e tenue con CC senza diagnosi; di questi DRg sono stati monitorati negli ultimi tre anni indicatori di appropriatezza organizzativa al fine di confrontare la u.o. in studio con la globalità aziendale e confrontare due realtà aziendali sanitarie diverse a mission( policlinico universitario e ospedale presidio di zona). c) Creazione di un modello di simulazione delle attività svolte dalla u.o. per profilo assistenziale al fine di avere un supporto conoscitivo per la appropriatezza e uno strumento operativo per l'efficienza . Tale attività di ricerca ha visto un team multidisciplinare attivo nella applicazione di Work Flow Management e Simulazione ad Eventi Discreti che ha applicato tali metodologie di BPM al DRG 290. CONCLUSIONI e PROSPETTIVE Dal percorso di studio e ricerca si evincono tre conclusioni: - Il progetto sulla Unita' operativa di Chirurgia Generale e Mininvasiva di avviare un sistema qualità secondo lo Standard UNI EN ISO 9001e Regolamento 01/2007- Decreto Commissario ad Acta 124/2012 ha consentito di dotare la U.O di una nuova modalità di gestione della cartella clinica cartacea ( è in sperimentazione aziendale la modalità informatizzata) , documentazione infermieristica e somministrazione e gestione di terapie farmacologiche , utili alla riduzione di rischi di errore di compilazione cartella e documentazione allegata inclusa la infermieristica , nonché riduzione di errori nella gestione e somministrazione delle terapie farmacologiche. - Lo studio degli indicatori legati alla appropriatezza organizzativa sui sette DRG scelti ci consente di concludere che la Azienda Policlinico Federico II di Napoli ha in corso un percorso di miglioramento attivo e costante: la sua valutazione globale consente di confermare all'Azienda i requisiti di appropriatezza organizzativa che sostengono poi i finanziamenti pubblici aziendali; l'analisi piu' interessante non è nella sua globalità ma nella scansione di ogni unità operativa che concorre al risultato globale . In questo contesto la U.O. di Chirurgia Generale e Mininvasiva della Azienda Policlinico Federico II di Napoli ha creato un sua identità rispettosa dei principi di appropriatezza organizzativa aziendale mantenendo i suoi standard all'interno dei valori medi aziendali , spesso anche migliorandoli ( e questo consente al altre uu.oo. di alzare i valori al di sopra delle medie aziendali). Restano significativi per ulteriori approfondimenti alcuni valori sopra le medie aziendali unicamente per i casi oltre soglia ( rari) - Dalla analisi dei casi trattati sia nel Presidio Ospedaliero di Solofra e che nella U.O. di Chirurgia Generale del Presidio Ospedaliero di Solofra , si evince : il peso che ha la mission aziendale diversa dal Policlinico nella gestione della appropriatezza organizzativa ; la esigenza di rispondere ad un bisogno di salute imminente ( anche in emergenza ) , in un contesto geografico e sociale molto differente da quello della Azienda Policlinico Federico II , ha portato il Presidio di Solofra anche a scegliere codifiche diverse per il riconoscimento dei casi clinici trattati . Per esempio per la gestione della colecistectomia , molti casi sono stati trattati e codificati con SDO in altro DRG diverso dai 493-494, e per tanto sono sfuggiti all'oggetto di studio. Un diverso DRG comporta una diversa remunerazione e un diverso riconoscimento in fatturazione all'ASL. Questa attività giustifica anche il fatto che il DRG 494 scenda da n° 97 casi trattati nel 2011 e n° 94 nel 2012 a n° 57 casi nel 2013. Da sottolineare pero' che se la codifica DRg cambia per identificare una procedura , non si marca il drg 493 che è complicato perché sono presenti pochi casi e anche i casi fuori soglia nel 2011 e 2012 sono n° 0 e n° 4, mentre nel 2013 sono n° 10 su un totale di n° 57 dimessi: questo dato richiederebbe un approfondimento su verifica delle cartelle cliniche per comprendere quali anomalie hanno creato tali dati numerici. - In merito a ciascun DRG il dato piu' significativo , riguardo al DRG 290, è che trattasi di un percorso diagnostico terapeutico molto strutturato al quale il paziente accede già iperstudiato , con a corredo svariati esami strumentali e laboratoristici effettuati in tempi diversi ed al di fuori del DRG ( quindi non in ricovero ma in regime ambulatoriale).In particolare nella Azienda Policlinico Federico II accedono pazienti afferenti dalla Regione Campania e da tutto il Meridione , per tanto le chirurgie aziendali accolgono casi anche molto complessi o non accettati in altre strutture. Alla luce di tale realtà e sebbene sia attivo il servizio di prericovero , taluni pazienti si ricoverano con un un giorno di anticipo rispetto alla data procedurale per ragioni logistiche ( residenza troppo lontana , o tempi troppo lunghi e modalità di percorrenza poco agevoli), ragioni socio-familiari, raramente per motivazioni legate all'età. Tali considerazioni possono ritenersi sufficienti per analizzare la media di degenza globale e la preoperatoria , ulteriormente migliorabile e valutare la ipotesi che il DRG 290 possa, in piccole percentuali e con oculata scelta dei casi clinici da arruolare, proporsi come DRG con tempi di ricovero piu' brevi secondo canoni istituzionali, anche in one day surgery, se le valutazioni epidemiologiche per complicanze periprocedurali su scala piu' ampia possano confortare tali ipotesi. Questa è la prospettiva futura piu' interessante su cui soffermare la attenzione, considerando che nel documento " Rapporto annuale sull'attività di ricovero ospedaliero- Dati SDO" del 2012 il DRG 290 , con rango 39 risulta tra i primi 60 DRG per numerosità di dimissioni, con un totale di n° 36.648 dimissioni , n° 350.645 giornate di degenza ed una remunerazione teorica di Euro 101.373.777. Tai ipotesi non possono essere azzardate per il DRG 494 non avendo valutato alcuna cartella clinica e quindi non conoscendo dati piu' precisi sui pazienti dimessi: un approfondimento da valutare in futuro per considerazioni piu' complete . Certamente si potrà quindi valutare : - l'importanza economica di questa ipotesi che se fosse realizzabile anche in una minima percentuale dei casi clinici in DRG 290 varrebbe un risparmio finanziario sicuramente apprezzabile per il SSR e SSN; - la possibilità di abbreviare liste di attesa e motivare la permanenza del trattamento chirurgico intraregionale , evitando la mobilità extraregionale . - In merito alla Simulazione ad Eventi Discreti (DES) applicata al profilo assistenziale con DRG 290 , si puo' concludere che la applicazione è stata con successo validata . La prospettiva futura piu' di rilievo consiste non solo nella applicazione ad altri DRG, sicuramente con percorsi clinico-diagnostici maggiormente articolati , con utilizzo di diagnostiche piu' invasive , consulenze specialistiche piu' frequenti( per esempio tutti i DRG che contemplano la procedura chirurgica sul colon), ma nella valutazione completa di tutti i dati economici provenienti da un controllo di gestione che abbia fotografato i costi di tutte le risorse utilizzate nel percorso diagnostico clinico , al fine di rendere non piu' utile ma indispensabile la applicazione di Business Process Management – DES nei processi decisionali e direzionali delle Aziende Sanitarie . Tale applicazione , consentirebbe di agire , modificare e correggere processi sanitari che contestualmente sono stati identificati come inefficienti o non conformi , senza attendere i dovuti e lunghi tempi dell'analisi gestionale .
Los estudios sobre el proceso de producción, circulación y consumo de los mensajes de los medios han variado según los tipos de investigación, las teorías, los enfoques y las preocupaciones de cada momento y lugar. Las investigaciones llevadas a cabo brindan respuestas sobre ciertas cuestiones puntuales como por ejemplo los efectos de una campaña electoral, la recepción de una serie televisiva o la interpretación de las noticias de un programa informativo. En la actualidad, los estudios sobre la influencia de los mensajes y sobre los usos, consumos y tipos de recepción están cambiando sus preguntas, objetivos, metodologías y teorías porque las sociedades, las tecnologías, los públicos y los géneros también están cambiando a un ritmo vertiginoso. Estos procesos de transformaciones y adaptaciones fueron bautizados por autores como Henry Jenkins (2008) con el término de "convergencia mediática". Esto significa que el flujo de contenidos circula a través de múltiples plataformas comunicacionales, que se da un proceso de cooperación entre múltiples industrias mediáticas y que las audiencias migran "…a cualquier parte en busca del tipo deseado de experiencias de entretenimiento" (Jenkins, 2008: 14). Ya no se está en presencia de audiencias relativamente homogéneas reunidas en torno a la radio, la televisión y los diarios de un país o ciudad, sino que hoy se observan públicos que pueden acceder con su computadora portátil o su teléfono celular a contenidos realizados en diferentes partes del mundo, en variados formatos y géneros. Los estudios actuales sobre recepción dan cuenta, ya desde los años ochenta, de la fragmentación de los públicos, no solo por clase social, la dimensión clásica de análisis, sino por otros clivajes, como los de edad, género, lugar de residencia, gustos e intereses particulares y pertenencia a subculturas o tribus urbanas. Se realizan investigaciones en torno a los consumos femeninos, adolescentes, de comunidades de inmigrantes, y también sobre un modo de socialización poco estudiado hasta entonces, como el de los clubes de fans. Estos clubes existen desde la década de 1930, crecieron con el auge de las estrellas de rock como Elvis Presley y se consolidaron como tipo de agrupamiento cultural en la década de 1960 con los televidentes de series como Star Trek (Jenkins, 1992, 2008). Pero recién a fines de los años ochenta y comienzos de los noventa, los estudios académicos empiezan a analizarlos desde la perspectiva de los estudios culturales, un tipo de enfoque que privilegia pensar los procesos de formación de sentido de los sectores subalternos. Los clubes de fans ocupan un lugar subordinado en el campo de la cultura y de los medios de comunicación, porque suelen ser vistos como grupos de fanáticos, exaltados, obsesivos, irracionales y desmesurados (Borda, 1996; Borda, 2012; Spataro, 2012). Estos tipos de agrupamientos dan cuenta no solo de un nuevo tipo de consumo y recepción de productos de las industrias culturales sino también de nuevas comunidades nucleadas en torno a ciertos intereses particulares que se forman en diferentes lugares del planeta. Existen diferentes fanatismos según el tipo de industria cultural, formatos y géneros: fans de programas de televisión, de películas, de libros, de bandas de música, de actores, de cantantes, de escritores, de "famosos" o "mediáticos" y de conductores de televisión. Por otro lado el fenómeno del fanatismo se extiende a otras prácticas u objetos (Borda, 2012), que no tienen que ver directamente con las industrias culturales, como por ejemplo los fanáticos de algún deporte, religión o producto comercial (juguetes, autos, marcas, etcétera). El uso masivo de internet en los años noventa generó lo que Jenkins (2008) denomina una "cultura participativa", o sea, un tipo de cultura en la que los consumidores de ciertos productos culturales buscan influir de manera creciente en el modo en que se produce y distribuye un producto (por ejemplo enviando cartas, formando clubes de fans o realizando peticiones); también produciendo ellos mismos productos derivados, como sitios web, fanfiction, fanarts, cosplay (ver Glosario sobre estos términos). Jenkins aclara que el poder de las corporaciones es mayor al de los consumidores, pero esto no impide que se forme una cultura de "prosumidores", o sea, una cultura en la que de modo creciente, los usuarios de redes sociales y sitios web produzcan ellos mismos sus contenidos. Por ejemplo: hoy cualquiera puede escribir un cuento y publicarlo en su página de Facebook. Este cuento puede ser leído por nadie o por millones de personas y no tiene ningún costo de producción, distribución y recepción. En la actualidad, el consumo de medios está atravesado por las prácticas típicas del consumo masivo del siglo XX y por un nuevo tipo de prácticas que combinan el consumo de contenidos no masivos, medianamente masivos o absolutamente masivos en diferentes lenguajes, soportes y formatos comunicacionales. Entre mis alumnos (soy docente de escuelas secundarias) comencé a observar estas nuevas prácticas comunicacionales, expresivas, de consumo y recepción. También pude ver, a partir del año 2009 y 2010, el creciente entusiasmo que generaba una saga romántica de vampiros denominada Crepúsculo -Twilight, en su idioma original-, de la escritora estadounidense Stephenie Meyer. Investigando en internet advertí que había cientos de sitios web dedicados a esta saga alrededor del todo mundo y que su consumo y recepción también tenía que ver con las transformaciones descriptas. El público de la saga Crepúsculo comenzó a gestarse con la publicación del primer libro en el año 2005 y el éxito de la primera película, en 2008. La película ayudó a que crecieran las ventas de los libros y a que la saga fuera más conocida. Al mismo tiempo, el fenómeno se difundió a través de la comunicación interpersonal presencial y en línea. Crepúsculo es una saga romántica, cuyos protagonistas son una joven humana y un vampiro que se enamoran y viven una serie de aventuras hasta que pueden vivir felices "por siempre y para siempre jamás" (Amanecer). La mayoría de las lectoras son mujeres jóvenes, aunque también, según lo que investigué, hay mujeres y varones de diferentes edades. Las películas fueron vistas por un público más amplio, en general jóvenes, adultos jóvenes y familias con hijos adolescentes. Indagando un poco más, me di cuenta de que para varias alumnas y familiares (como mi sobrina y mi hija), no se trataba de una saga "más", sino que su entusiasmo tenía un agregado de interés, emoción y alegría que yo no sabía bien cómo denominar, hasta que me fui adentrando en las investigaciones sobre fanatismo. Desde esta perspectiva, pude observar un conjunto de "…prácticas, actitudes, expectativas y modos de relación y comunicación disponibles para la construcción de identidades colectivas e individuales tanto duraderas como fugaces" que (Borda, 2012: 108) denomina fondo de recursos. Este concepto permite describir lo que hacen, piensan y sienten los fans en general y sirve como modelo descriptivo para pensar este tipo de práctica social. El público de lectores, seguidores y fans de la saga Crepúsculo forma parte de lo que Jenkins (2008) denomina "cultura de la convergencia" y "cultura participativa" porque esta saga de cuatro libros escritos derivó en la producción de cinco exitosas películas, de cinco bandas sonoras y de merchandising, en la creación de cientos de clubes de fans y páginas web en todo el mundo y en la formación de un público de fieles lectores para quienes esta saga es muy importante en sus vidas. A partir de la publicación de un libro "tradicional" se gestó un fenómeno de transposición mediática (Steimberg, 2005) de la que se apropiaron no solo diferentes productores mediáticos sino también jóvenes lectores y fans que de algún modo también deseaban participar en la producción de contenidos, pero sin un afán comercial. Algunos de estos contenidos fueron páginas web, fanarts, fanfiction (ver Glosario), entre otros. Carlos Scolari (2009) propone utilizar para este tipo práctica el término de "narrativas transmediáticas". El término, tomado de Henry Jenkins (2003), se refiere a que "…cada medio/plataforma cuenta una parte diferente de un gran mundo mediático. Lo que se ve en la pantalla no es lo mismo que se lee en el libro o se hojea en el cómic" (Scolari, 2009:1). El interés de estos jóvenes participantes no tiene que ver con hacerse famosos o ganar dinero, sino que impulsados por las características comunicacionales de la cultura actual, se sintieron con el derecho crear sus propios contenidos a partir de LSC (desde ahora, acrónimo para nombrar a la saga Crepúsculo). Pero antes de adentrarme en el análisis de los fans y sus prácticas, consideré necesario comprender qué significa culturalmente una saga de estas características porque expresa una serie de inquietudes, deseos y visiones sociales y ofrece un caso en el que reflexionar sobre el proceso de mediación cultural (Martín Barbero, 1991) que realizan las industrias culturales. En consecuencia, en el Capítulo 1 describo las características literarias y cinematográficas de LSC, sus formas de intertextualidad y la cuestión de la transposición entre medios y entre géneros. También analizo las condiciones históricas y sociales de producción de la novela romántica y de la literatura fantástica para comprender sus características literarias, sociales y culturales, así como sus cambios a lo largo de los siglos XVII, XIX, XX y XXI, en tanto la saga analizada forma parte de estos géneros. El objetivo fue analizar a LSC como un objeto cultural que forma parte de una red semiótica de discursos sociales (Verón, 1987). LSC es un punto en esta red simbólica de producción de sentido de lo que se denomina "posmodernidad". La posmodernidad puede ser conceptualizada como una etapa histórica dentro de la modernidad, que afianza el capitalismo como sistema económico y que a nivel cultural y social realiza algunas promesas liberadoras de la modernidad mientras niega otras (Anderson, 2000). Se han gestado luchas por la liberación de las mujeres y por el reconocimiento de los derechos de los niños, los jóvenes y otros sujetos subordinados; también se ha luchado para vivir en democracia y por respetar los derechos individuales, políticos y sociales. Pero por otro lado, no se ha logrado la igualdad económica porque sigue vigente el sistema capitalista con sus valores burgueses dominantes: individualismo, egoísmo, desigualdad, lucro y competencia. Estos valores son expresiones de una modernidad que no se clausuró sino que sigue más viva que nunca. LSC, como tantos otros productos de las industrias culturales, expone una serie de deseos, miedos, ideas y contradicciones sobre lo que significa para el ser humano vivir en la sociedad capitalista contemporánea. Si bien los sujetos viven en estructuras que los determinan, lo cierto es que son las acciones de estos propios sujetos los que generan los cambios históricos. Es un proceso dialéctico de mutua determinación. Los fans de LSC son la expresión de lo que interpretan y hacen un subgrupo de jóvenes, en su mayoría mujeres, en relación con su posición subordinada en las industrias culturales en el contexto de una cultura posmoderna. En el análisis de las películas y los libros observé la cristalización de imágenes dialécticas (Williams, 1980) que expresan relaciones de correspondencia con fenómenos económicos y sociales del mundo contemporáneo, como los de mutabilidad, adaptación, rapidez, liquidez, consumismo, cultura de la imagen, fragmentación, hipertextualidad, inestabilidad, inseguridad, tribalismo, otredad, exhibicionismo, individualismo, desigualdad social y aceptación del poder político y económico. Pero además de ser la expresión de veloces cambios sociales y culturales, en LSC se pueden encontrar, en términos de Williams (1980), elementos residuales del romanticismo como movimiento cultural, elementos emergentes del siglo XXI y elementos arcaicos, anteriores incluso a la modernidad clásica. Esta saga forma parte de un escenario cultural que ha dado lugar a varias sagas fantásticas como Harry Potter de J.K. Rowling (1997) o Las crónicas vampíricas de Anne Rice (1973), por nombrar a solo dos de las más conocidas. Estas historias retoman elementos que el imaginario de la modernidad dejó o intentó dejar de lado, como la brujería o los seres monstruosos. En el Capítulo 2 analizo el modo en que la identidad de los jóvenes y las mujeres es representada en esta saga, ya que también advierto elementos arcaicos, residuales y emergentes no solo en la construcción imaginaria que realiza la autora, sino también en el modo en que los entrevistados interpretan estas cuestiones. Las mujeres siguen siendo vistas como aquellas que se definen por su papel de esposa y madre, y el amor romántico y para toda la vida entre un hombre y una mujer es el ideal de esta saga. Si bien, estas cuestiones son discutidas en la trama y en algunos pasajes de la historia adquieren un papel importante como problemas morales, lo cierto es que los fans y los lectores adhieren a este ideal y para ellos lo más importante es la historia de amor. El amor romántico toma hoy el lugar que alguna vez tuvo la adoración religiosa (Giddens, 1992; Illouz, 2009). La mayor parte de las producciones de las industrias culturales, sean programas de televisión, películas, música o literatura, tienen como eje o tema importante en la trama una historia de amor (Illouz, 2009). En el Capítulo 3 se describe el desarrollo de los estudios de recepción y de fanatismo (Jenkins, 1992; 2008; Fiske, 1992; Borda, 1996, 2012) así como las características principales de los fans de LSC, en particular la producción de sitios web y lo que esta producción significaba para ellos. Analicé 29 sitios web: 16 son páginas web, blogs y foros y 13 son páginas de Facebook. Describí el diseño estético de las páginas, sus recursos expresivos como medios de comunicación, la producción de información, la interacción con los receptores y sus filiaciones territoriales con un país o región. Y envié por correo electrónico un cuestionario a 14 administradores de sitios web para que explicaran por qué habían creado los sitios y cuál era su experiencia con este tipo de medio. La metodología utilizada es de tipo cualitativa en tanto estudia la experiencia individual y la interacción social como los modos en los que se generan las significaciones sociales (Sautu y otros, 2010). Este tipo de metodología permite descubrir cómo se gestan individual y grupalmente las tendencias que se observan o se observarán a nivel macro social (Sautu y otros, 2010). El propósito de analizar los sitios de internet fue comprender estos nuevos tipos de consumo y de prácticas comunicacionales, como expresiones de modos emergentes de producción social de sentido. Por otro lado, este análisis también me sirvió para entender qué significa LSC para los fans. Observé que alrededor de LSC se creó una "comunidad interpretativa" porque quienes son fans y seguidores comparten un universo simbólico que tiene sus propias expresiones, temas y problemas. El concepto de "comunidades interpretativas" fue creado por Stanley Fish (1980; citado por Mirta Varela, 1999) que considera que es el lector quien hace a la literatura, en tanto un texto es tal porque existe un lector que lo interpreta. Pero para no caer en un planteo subjetivista, explica Varela, Fish introduce el concepto de comunidades interpretativas que "…están integradas por aquellos que comparten estrategias interpretativas no para leer sino para escribir textos, para constituir sus propiedades" (Fish, 1980: 11; citado por Varela, 1999). Los textos son escritos y leídos en marcos interpretativos, en comunidades que comparten significados a partir de las condiciones sociales y culturales que los generan. Néstor Garcia Canclini tomó el concepto para comprender los nuevos consumos culturales y dice: Las sociedades civiles aparecen cada vez menos como comunidades nacionales "…´se manifiestan más bien como comunidades interpretativas de consumidores, es decir, conjuntos de personas que comparten gustos y pactos de lectura respecto de ciertos bienes (gastronómicos, deportivos, musicales) que les dan identidades compartidas (García Canclini, 1995: 95, la cursiva es original). La comunidad interpretativa que se gestó a partir de LSC funcionó como marco para compartir lecturas, significados, nuevos modos de expresión y comunicación e identificaciones. En el Capítulo 4 desarrollé lo que fueron contando 35 jóvenes que dijeron ser fans de LSC, cuyas edades oscilaban entre los 11 y los 22 años. Realicé 10 entrevistas de modo presencial con un cuestionario e hice otras 25 mediante el mismo instrumento pero enviado por correo electrónico. Fueron 34 mujeres y un solo varón. Las respuestas en ambos casos -orales y grabadas o escritas- fueron similares en cuanto al contenido. No realicé más de esta cantidad de entrevistas porque en este punto se llegó a lo que Steve Taylor y Robert Bogdan (1986) denominan "saturación teórica", lo que significa que los datos comienzan a repetirse, o sea, que las respuestas a las preguntas son las mismas o similares y pueden obtenerse desde ese momento diferentes categorías de análisis para de los conceptos. Me interesó saber particularmente qué significaba LSC para los fans, qué interpretaban sobre la historia, qué los conmovía y seducía de la historia y qué opinaban sobre los personajes y situaciones vividas. El objetivo fue comprender por qué se consideraban fans, ué tipo de consumo y recepción hacían de LSC, y por qué esta saga era tan importante para ellos. Una de las frases más citadas y apreciadas por los fans es la que pronuncia Edward cuando le cuenta a Bella que es un vampiro: "Y de ese modo el león se enamoró de la oveja". Bella le dice entonces: "Qué oveja tan estúpida"; a lo que Edward agrega: "¡Qué león tan morboso y masoquista!" (Crepúsculo). En este diálogo puede observarse el juego de pasiones encontradas que forman parte del relato a lo largo de los cuatro libros y las cinco películas: deseo, temor, peligro, masoquismo, vulnerabilidad, humor, resignación, reflexión, fatalismo, desesperación, ironía, ternura. El monstruo queda seducido por la víctima y por ello no puede asesinarla; por otro lado, la víctima tampoco puede huir del monstruo porque también ha sido hechizada por sus encantos. Sin embargo, el monstruo y la humana ironizan sobre esto y lo que era un relato sobrenatural se convierte en una historia romántica posmoderna en la que se debaten cuestiones morales que están en el límite entre lo aceptable y lo no aceptable. Los fans en general no comentan este tipo de cuestiones, pero interpreto que el aprecio por esta frase tiene que ver con la percepción del peligro que no solo vive Bella, sino también Edward, convertido en un león morboso y masoquista que sufre por los efectos del amor. El vampiro, que dominaba la situación, pasa a ser el dominado. El fanatismo tiene también un lugar dependiente o subalterno, ya que los fans viven para estar al tanto de cualquier novedad, aceptando resignadamente su lugar subordinado en la escena cultural, esperando ser alguna vez mínimamente reconocidos. No es que los fans disfruten de esta situación de subordinación, pero la aceptan y son felices sabiendo que adoran a su ídolo o a su historia. Para ellos, pocas cosas pueden compararse con los momentos de felicidad que han vivido siendo fans. Y como el león, el fan acepta su condición, porque aunque quisiera resistirse, no podría hacerlo. Es un cazador cazado que juega el juego que más le gusta: interpretar, describir, analizar y expresar todo lo que su pasión le genera. ; Fil: Malagón, Mariana. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Buenos Aires, Argentina
"Self-preservation is the first duty of a nation"Alexander Hamilton "The whole point of the doomsday machineis lost if you keep it a secret!!"Dr. Strangelove VII) Críticas Una de las principales críticas realizadas al realismo es su imposibilidad de explicar el cambio y, en particular, aportar inteligibilidad al mundo de la posguerra fría. Los cambios provocados por la globalización a partir de la década del 90 han, para muchos autores, resquebrajado profundamente los fundamentos axiomáticos del realismo. Badie (2001: 255-256) identifica tres aspectos fundamentales de este cambio de paradigma: A) Acercamiento: el nuevo orden mundial no es más territorial, sino que se basa en lo transnacional y en la interconexión entre individuos y flujos que no son controlados por el estado, provocando la eclosión de nuevas identidades y lealtades. B) Emergencia de bienes públicos globales. En un mundo globalizado, los bienes públicos dejan de ser puramente soberanos (nacionales). La búsqueda del bien social necesita de la mediación, movilización y cooperación internacionales que sobrepasan el control del estado (ej: medio ambiente, DD.HH, bienes socio-económicos, etc.). C) nacimiento de nuevos actores que reconfiguran la relación tradicional entre el ciudadano y el estado y, en cierta medida, atacan la legitimidad del contrato social y ponen en riesgo a la comunidad política en su conjunto. Esta nueva realidad debilitaría la soberanía y la territorialidad tradicionalmente asociadas al Estado-Nación. La nueva concepción de la soberanía lidia con el mercado transnacional y los nuevos compromisos y lealtades generados por la etno-política. En un mundo globalizado, el poder ya no residiría exclusivamente en la soberanía de un estado unitario, sino que éstos se ven de manera creciente obligados a conciliar o negociar sus estrategias con una multiplicidad de nuevos actores no estatales en una escena internacional pública que ya no puede ser monopolizada por el Estado-Nación. Según Badie, (2001: 258) este proceso sería similar al de la emergencia de la burguesía que demandaba participación política al interior de los Estados-Nación en los siglos XVIII y XIX, llevando al colapso de los regímenes absolutistas. Estos nuevos actores internacionales desafían el rol monopólico y absolutista del Estado-Nación y demandan derechos de participación y definición en la agenda internacional. Para esto, los realistas, clásicos y otros, tienen pocas respuestas. Esta crítica hace eco de lo que los adversarios del realismo han sostenido por décadas, a saber que la suposición (dogmática) realista del estado como actor unitario y racional ha desviado la atención del estudio, necesario, de las complejidades de la estructura del estado, del proceso de formación de preferencias así como de la acción de los actores no estatales (Williams, 2004: 636). Otra crítica importante que han enfrentado todas las escuelas realistas es que a pesar de su resistencia como programa de investigación, en particular en la academia estadounidense, el realismo político ha sido históricamente poco propenso a la verificación científica. Vasquez demuestra que las hipótesis realistas han constantemente fallado la corroboración empírica, mientras que las hipótesis no-realistas, liberales u otras, han demostrado ser estadísticamente significativas (Vasquez, 1983: 202), lo que ha llevado al autor a proponer el abandono del paradigma realista como guía teórica y práctica. La obsesión de la academia estadounidense con el enfoque realista ha sido bien documentada. Ya planteaba Kuhn (1970: 24) los problemas del "fanatismo científico" al advertir que cuando un paradigma se torna dominante, la academia se vuelve intolerante hacia las teorías alternativas y decide trabajar exclusivamente dentro del marco teórico dominante. El problema de esto, como bien marca Karl Popper, es que ese acto tiende a empobrecer a la academia y debilitar el pensamiento original e innovador (Walker y Morton, 2005: 342). ¿Cómo explicar entonces que a pesar de sus falencias el realismo político haya sido el paradigma dominante en el mundo académico y político? La respuesta realista es la siguiente: ningún paradigma rival ha logrado presentar, de manera integral, una visión alternativa, descriptiva y normativa de la acción de los estados y del funcionamiento de las RR.II. Una segunda respuesta es que el realismo, desde el inicio de la Guerra Fría, ha aportado un paradigma legitimador a la política exterior estadounidense. Al centrar el realismo el interés nacional en términos de seguridad y promover el gasto militar, alabar la Realpolitik y minimizar el componente legal o moral de las RR.II, ha encontrado en los decisores de política exterior (así como en el complejo industrial-militar) fervientes defensores de sus principios. No es de extrañar que los principales policy-makers de la Guerra Fría, como H. Kissinger o G. Kennan, hayan sido realistas convencidos (Wittner, 1985: 285). Finalmente, el cambio en el paradigma dominante parece haber seguido, si bien de manera relativamente lenta, los cambios estructurales en el mundo en los últimos 40 años. Walker y Morton (2005: 352) analizaron la producción de artículos académicos entre 1970 y 2000 en los Estados Unidos, agrupando principalmente los estudios en tres grandes escuelas: realismo, liberalismo y otros. Entre 1970-74, los artículos realistas y relacionados al realismo representaban el 73% del universo estudiado (37 artículos) y los artículos sobre liberalismo y otros tan sólo el 28%. En 1989, 61% de los artículos aún estaban bajo el paradigma realista. En el año 2000, tan sólo el 34% de los artículos analizados (515 artículos) versaban sobre el realismo político, contra 65% para artículos liberales y otros (de los cuales 40% eran sólo sobre el liberalismo). Esto demostraría que, por lo menos a nivel de la academia estadounidense, el realismo ha dejado de ser la teoría dominante. A nivel de los decisores de política exterior, el realismo sigue relevante, en particular a partir del 11 de setiembre de 2001. A todas estas críticas los realistas responderán invariablemente: los supuestos que han hecho del realismo político una filosofía política relevante, y dominante, desde hace más de dos mil años, permanecen incambiados hasta el día de hoy. El mundo sigue siendo un lugar anárquico, inseguro e imprevisible. Las guerras modernas entre pequeños estados o entre estados rebeldes y la superpotencia dominante no hacen más que confirmar la hipótesis neorrealista de que la disuasión atómica ha cambiado para siempre la guerra dentro del S.I. Las N.U no tienen más poder hoy en día del que tenían hace 50 años y es difícil imaginar un escenario futuro donde la Organización cumpla un rol eficaz como garante de la seguridad internacional, inclusive, o justamente a pesar de la reforma del Consejo de Seguridad. A pesar de la emergencia de nuevos actores, flujos transnacionales y problemas transfronterizos que demandan una respuesta concertada, los estados siguen siendo los actores principales de las RR.II. Los realistas no niegan la importancia de los nuevos temas de la agenda transnacional pero, argumentan ellos, ninguno de estos asuntos ha cambiado drásticamente la razón de ser de los estados ni alterado su principal obligación: salvaguardar su seguridad. Ni siquiera el terrorismo en su versión más extrema representa una amenaza seria a la integridad de los estados, por más que así haya sido instrumentalizado por los decisores de política exterior, apelando o inspirándose erróneamente en una lectura realista para lidiar con este problema. "The war on Terror" no es, desde una perspectiva realista, una guerra: no es más que una respuesta desproporcionada de un estado poco racional que combate un enemigo no tradicional en términos realistas. La "seguridad nacional" es sin dudas la expresión más utilizada en la arena política estadounidense desde el 11 de setiembre, pero lo que los decisores de política exterior estadounidenses parecen no entender, es que si bien los Estados Unidos no pueden perder esa guerra, tampoco pueden ganarla. Ya lo decía Morgenthau cuando criticaba el involucramiento de EEUU en la guerra de Vietnam: "Our very presence in Vietnam is in a sense dictated by considerations of public relations; we are afraid lest our prestige would suffer were we to retreat from an untenable position. One may ask whether we have gained prestige by being involved in a civil war on the mainland of Asia and by being unable to win it. Would we gain more by being unable to extricate ourselves from it, and by expanding it unilaterally into an international war? …Does not a great power gain prestige by mustering the wisdom and courage necessary to liquidate a losing Enterprise? In other words, is it not the mark of greatness, in circumstances such as these, to be able to afford to be indifferent to one´s prestige?". Si Morgenthau no consideraba la Guerra de Vietnam digna del interés nacional, ¿cómo puede serlo en el siglo XXI la guerra contra Al-Qaeda?. VIII) Consideraciones finales En conclusión, me gustaría refutar en parte el argumento comúnmente utilizado para avanzar la muerte del realismo como doctrina relevante a la hora de explicar el accionar de los grandes estados en el concierto internacional, a saber: el fin del estado nación y la consolidación del supranacionalismo, el ejemplo más estridente siendo la construcción europea. Pero para entender claramente a qué me refiero, conviene recordar brevemente qué es un Estado. Según la definición clásica comúnmente aceptada, un Estado, para existir, debe tener por los menos 4 características incompresibles. El Estado es entonces: a) una población, b) dentro de un territorio, c) con alguna forma de gobierno centralizado y d) que ejerce el monopolio legítimo de la fuerza (o de la coerción) para asegurar, entre otras cosas, la seguridad interna y externa. Ahora bien, si reflexionamos en términos de la Unión Europea y hasta donde ha avanzado la construcción de un Estado Europeo, constatamos que es bien cierto que la UE cuenta con tres de las cuatro características normalmente atribuidas al Estado. La Unión Europea posee una población claramente identificable, los ciudadanos miembros de los estados que la conforman, con derechos y obligaciones propias que no poseen los ciudadanos no europeos. La UE cuenta igualmente con unas fronteras delimitadas y protegidas que separan a este "Estado Europeo" de las naciones no europeas. La UE tiene además su propio gobierno (supranacional), el Parlamento, el Consejo y la Comisión, que poseen importantes potestades legislativas y ejecutivas capaces de imponerse a las legislaciones nacionales. Por lo tanto, la Unión Europea estaría en camino a convertirse en un estado hecho y derecho. Hélas para los defensores de dicha tesis, la cuarta característica, el monopolio de la fuerza, está claramente ausente de las discusiones reales de la construcción europea y ello, por un buen tiempo a venir. Recordemos que para los realistas, clásicos y demás, este cuarto componente, a saber el monopolio de la fuerza, destinado a garantizar la supervivencia del Estado, debe ser casi exclusivamente la única preocupación de los Estadistas y por lo tanto, sin ella, no podemos hablar propiamente de Estado. En consecuencia, mientras que los franceses, los alemanes o los ingleses no hagan un paso en dirección hacia una verdadera política de defensa supranacional (y no internacional o concertada), es decir, hasta el día en que los gobiernos nacionales no cedan la potestad sobre su bien más preciado (según los realistas) a un órgano supranacional sobre el cual ejerzan poco o nulo control, entonces el axioma realista que los grandes estados siguen pensando y actuando antes que nada en términos de seguridad y de poder, seguirá siendo relevante para el estudio de las RR.II. Aquellos que desconocen la penetración del realismo y de la realpolitik y desu fuerza ordenadora como principio de acción de los estados, ciegamente niegan que los estados, en materia de seguridad, continúan avalando, en el siglo XXI, una visión Hobbesiana del S.I. Afirmo plenamente en este epílogo que el realismo sigue siendo una doctrina relevante para explicar, si bien no todos, por los menos varios aspectos cruciales de las RR.II. Me arriesgaría a afirmar igualmente que el realismo progresivamente retomará un lugar de privilegio entre las teorías dominantes. El S.I internacional se encuentra actualmente en un período de transición entro lo que fue el fin de la Guerra Fría, el interludio del dominio unilateral estadounidense y la emergencia progresiva de China como principal potencia antagonista. La historia ha tenido múltiples escenarios de dominio unipolar o hegemónico, desde los siglos que duró el Imperio Romano, los años de la Francia Napoleónica, los meses de la Alemania Nazi hasta los 20 años del nuevo orden mundial capitalista y liberal. Pero, si hay algo que el realismo enseña y predice con infalibilidad matemática, es que el poder en el sistema internacional tiende siempre al equilibrio. Es altamente improbable que la potencia China no expanda su área de influencia hasta chocar irremediablemente con los intereses estadounidenses. En la aceptación mutua de la paridad de fuerzas y en el miedo recíproco entre ambas potencias, encontraremos seguramente las garantías de la seguridad colectiva, tal como predice el realismo, y no así otras teorías. El pensamiento realista ha sido injustamente simplificado y encasillado en lo que parece ser una colección de máximas de galletas de la fortuna: de Clausewitz a Maquiavelo, pasando por Tucídides, Hobbes y Morgenthau, el realismo ha producido enunciados categóricos que parecen despojar al mundo de todo matiz. Si bien es cierto que esas afirmaciones banalizan una de las escuelas teóricas más fecundas, no es menos cierto que la incertidumbre del sistema internacional ha llevado a los teóricos realistas a considerar que la supervivencia del Estado es algo demasiado importante para dejarlo en manos de los buenos sentimientos. 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Germán Clulow es Licenciado en Estudios Internacionales por la Universidad ORT –Uruguay, Master en Ciencia Política por la Université de Genève – Suiza, y Master en Estudios de Desarrollo por el Instituto de Altos Estudios Internacionales y de Desarrollo (IHEID-The Graduate Institute) Ginebra, Suiza.
1. Introducción.Hemos leído últimamente muchos análisis sobre un caso de asilo diplomático de público conocimiento que hoy concita tanto interés como preocupación en las relaciones internacionales, donde aparecen mezclados diferentes conceptos sobre el Asilo Diplomático y otros institutos similares, así como sobre la aplicación de la teoría de la extraterritorialidad para justificar la inviolabilidad de la sede de la misión diplomática, generando sin duda confusión a los lectores poco familiarizados con el tema.Intentaremos esclarecer estos conceptos, pretendiendo únicamente "refrescar" antecedentes, dejando el tratamiento profundo del tema en los excelentes trabajos que existen en la materia.2. Refugio y Asilo.No puedo dejar aquí de rendir un reconocimiento a tres distinguidos académicos y diplomáticos uruguayos que han tratado este tema en el pasado con gran brillo. Me refiero a mi respetado profesor el Dr. Manuel A. Vieira, autor del excelente trabajo "Derecho de Asilo Diplomático" del año 1961, al Embajador Dr. Emilio Oribe, autor de "Las Reglas de Calificación en el Asilo Diplomático y la Doctrina Uruguaya", del año 1964 y al Embajador Juan Domingo del Campo, autor de "Una Experiencia en la Aplicación del Derecho de Asilo", del año 1967.Sería injusto no mencionar también un trabajo realizado hace muy poco tiempo por una funcionaria del Servicio Exterior uruguayo, la Licenciada Cristina Mansilla, que ha escrito un muy documentado estudio sobre "La Tradición de Asilo en Uruguay ". Ambos institutos son diferentes, por más que configuren dos aspectos de una misma realidad, que es la de proteger personas contra las persecuciones, revistiendo carácter humanitario.El refugio tiene su origen en los finales de la Primera Guerra Mundial y es por lo tanto una institución de origen europeo, que llevó a la Sociedad de Naciones a ocuparse de los refugiados y a la firma de los primeros acuerdos internacionales sobre los mismos, para atender a las personas desplazadas por los cambios territoriales producto de las guerras o por persecuciones de regímenes políticos dictatoriales. Es en esa época que surge el famoso "Pasaporte Nansen", documento del que se dotaba a los refugiados que les permitía radicarse en un país diferente al suyo. Después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial surge una agencia especializada de las Naciones Unidas para ocuparse de los refugiados (el ACNUR o Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados) y se firma la Convención Relativa a los Refugiados en 1951, vigente al día de hoy y perfeccionada por el Protocolo de 1967. El refugio solo puede ser concedido territorialmente, las condiciones las fija el ACNUR, no es requerida la necesidad de persecución para concederlo, sino que basta con el temor fundado y los motivos abarcados pueden ser varios, como los de raza, religión, nacionalidad, opiniones políticas, etc. 3. El Asilo Territorial.El asilo en cambio, puede tener dos variantes: el asilo territorial y el diplomático.El asilo territorial es el que un Estado concede en su territorio a una persona perseguida por motivos políticos o acusada de cometer delitos políticos o comunes conexos con los políticos.Esta institución también es muy antigua pero a nivel universal no existe ninguna convención relacionada con el mismo. Las Naciones Unidas intentaron en 1977 concretar una convención pero no lo lograron.A nivel mundial solo existe un artículo, el 14, en la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos de 1948 en el cual se reconoce que toda persona tiene derecho a buscar asilo y más tarde, la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas aprobó en 1967 la Resolución 2312 sobre Asilo Territorial, donde se dice que el otorgamiento de asilo en un Estado es un acto pacífico y humanitario y como tal no puede ser considerado inamistoso por ningún otro Estado. Por lo tanto, estas declaraciones a nivel universal no tienen carácter obligatorio sino meramente humanitario.En cambio, esta institución tiene en América Latina una base convencional desde mediados del siglo pasado, la Convención de Caracas de 1954 sobre Asilo Territorial, de la cual forman parte Brasil, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haití, México, Panamá, Paraguay, Uruguay y Venezuela.A ella se le agregó el artículo 22 numeral 7 de la Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos (Pacto de San José de Costa Rica) de 1969, que dispone que toda persona tiene el derecho de buscar y recibir asilo en territorio extranjero en caso de persecución por delitos políticos o comunes conexos con los políticos y de acuerdo con la legislación de cada Estado o los convenios internacionales.Son miembros de este Pacto la totalidad de los países latinoamericanos menos Canadá y Estados Unidos, pero se han adherido al mismo Barbados, Dominica, Granada y Jamaica.Todos estos instrumentos, en forma muy similar, reconocen el derecho de buscar asilo pero no el de obtenerlo; sólo pueden beneficiarse del mismo quienes son perseguidos por motivos o delitos políticos. Quienes otorgan el mismo son las autoridades del país que lo concede y la consecuencia más importante es la obligación de no devolver al asilado al país que lo reclama, aunque en América Latina este principio ha sido violado muchas veces durante la época de las dictaduras militares. 4. El Asilo Diplomático.Finalmente, el asilo diplomático, que también algunos llaman de asilo político, es una institución que por ahora no tiene base en el derecho internacional universal y solo está consagrada en algunos tratados latinoamericanos sobre asilo diplomático y en normas regionales de derecho internacional consuetudinario sobre el asilo. Por lo tanto, debe quedar bien claro que fuera de América Latina, esta institución no es reconocida como una institución de derecho internacional consuetudinario y tampoco existen convenciones internacionales fuera de las que analizaremos dentro del continente latinoamericano.Eso no quiere decir que algunos países europeos, que no están ligados por ninguna norma jurídica en la materia, no lo hayan aplicado en el pasado circunstancialmente y por razones estrictamente humanitarias. A título de ejemplo, recordemos que en los siglos XVI y XVII fue practicado en Europa y más tarde en el siglo XX, en España durante la Guerra Civil Española, así como por los EEUU en el sonado caso del Cardenal Midszenty en Hungría o por parte de otros países europeos como Francia, Suecia o el Vaticano, en África y América Latina, también a fines siglo pasado. Los casos más sonados son los aplicados por varios países europeos en Chile durante la dictadura militar de Pinochet.En términos generales, las objeciones a un tratado internacional sobre asilo diplomático por parte de los países no latinoamericanos, se basan en que este es considerado como un abuso de la inmunidad de que gozan las sedes de las misiones diplomáticas (como lo veremos cuando tratemos más adelante la teoría de la funcionalidad), que además no está contemplada dentro de las funciones de las misión diplomática definidas en la Convención de Viena de 1961 sobre Relaciones Diplomáticas y porque finalmente es visto como una excesiva posibilidad de injerencia en sus asuntos internos por parte de las misiones diplomáticas extranjeras.Esto no quiere decir que no hayan existido intentos para codificar el asilo diplomático y concluir un tratado de alcance universal en la materia, tanto en el ámbito de las Naciones Unidas como en otros foros.En efecto, el Instituto de Derecho Internacional intentó, a mediados del siglo pasado, transformar el derecho de asilo en una norma de derecho internacional, aunque sin éxito.Poco después, la Asociación de Derecho Internacional trabajó, también sin éxito, sobre dos proyectos de Convención de Asilo Diplomático , en 1968 y 1971, inspirados en gran parte en las convenciones latinoamericanas en la materia, que veremos más adelante, aunque introduciendo innovaciones interesantes en aspectos tales como la calificación de las causales de admisión del asilo, la calificación de urgencia o las categorías de las personas que pueden ser admitidas al asilo.Estas iniciativas, no concretadas hasta ahora, encuentran serias dificultades para prosperar, aunque esto no quiere decir que sea imposible llegar a un acuerdo en la materia, como forma de regular y uniformizar los principios de esta institución en el derecho internacional. En el ámbito latinoamericano, el asilo diplomático se define en términos generales como la protección que un Estado ofrece a personas que no son nacionales suyos y cuya vida o libertad están en peligro por actos, amenazas o persecuciones de las autoridades de otro Estado o por personas o multitudes que hayan escapado del control de dichas autoridades.El asilo diplomático, que un autor definió como la "más emblemática figura del derecho internacional americano", surgió como una necesidad apremiante de carácter humanitario en las naciones americanas de origen hispano y se fue consolidando y enriqueciendo con la práctica recurrente desde fines del siglo XIX hasta nuestros días. Todos recordamos el caso Haya de la Torre, del año 1951, que motivó un fallo de la Corte Internacional de Justicia, el cual, a su vez, fue determinante para la suscripción de la Convención de Caracas sobre Asilo Diplomático de 1954 que veremos más adelante.Esta práctica fue convirtiéndose desde fines del siglo XIX en una serie de convenciones que abarcan desde un número reducido de Estados, como es el caso del Tratado de Derecho Penal de Montevideo de 1889 o el Tratado sobre Asilo y Refugio Político de Montevideo de 1939, hasta llegar a las convenciones celebradas en el marco del sistema interamericano, como la Convención sobre Asilo Político adoptada en La Habana en 1929, la Convención sobre Asilo Político celebrada en Montevideo en 1933 y finalmente la Convención sobre Asilo Diplomático de Caracas de 1954, de la cual Uruguay es miembro.Sin contar a los países del Caribe que ingresaron a la OEA con posterioridad y que por su origen europeo no tienen una tradición en materia de asilo diplomático, todos los estados de América Latina son parte de al menos una de estas tres convenciones citadas, menos Bolivia, que a pesar de haber firmado las tres, no las ha ratificado. Sin embargo, este país nunca se ha opuesto a este instituto.Por lo tanto, puede asegurarse, siguiendo a Edmundo Vargas Carreño, que "en la actualidad, para los Estados latinoamericanos, el asilo diplomático es una institución vigente, con fundamentos tanto en el derecho convencional como en el consuetudinario".De acuerdo a las tres convenciones que hemos mencionado, todas ellas en vigor, el asilo puede otorgarse en las Embajadas, los navíos de guerra o aeronaves militares. En la Convención de Caracas de 1954 se agregó la Residencia del Jefe de Misión. O sea que se excluye expresamente a los Consulados para acoger a un asilado.Ya vimos que en el caso del asilo territorial, no existe un "derecho de asilo" sino el "derecho a buscar asilo". En el caso del asilo diplomático ocurre lo mismo.Quien otorga el asilo diplomático es el Estado al cual se solicita el mismo, el cual no está obligado a concederlo ni explicar porque lo niega.Una vez concedido el asilo, el Estado territorial está obligado a respetarlo, debiendo otorgar el respectivo salvoconducto para la salida del asilado a otro Estado, que no tiene por qué ser necesariamente el Estado que otorgó el asilo.El asilo diplomático sólo procede en casos de urgencia, por la comisión de delitos políticos o por la persecución a raíz de la comisión de los mismos. Por lo tanto no debe concederse a aquellas personas que se encuentren inculpadas o procesadas o condenadas por delitos comunes ante tribunales competentes. Es importante tener en cuenta que el asilo diplomático se concede independientemente de la nacionalidad del asilado, o sea que puede otorgarse a una persona que no sea nacional de ninguno de los estados que reconocen este instituto.El asilo diplomático no está sujeto a reciprocidad. 5. La teoría de la extraterritorialidad como fundamento de la inviolabilidad de la Misión Diplomática.También en relación al caso de asilo diplomático que nos ocupa, numerosas declaraciones oficiales y artículos de prensa que hemos leído, se refieren a que una Embajada debe ser considerada, en razón de una pretendida "extraterritorialidad", un territorio extranjero en el corazón del Estado receptor. Nada más equivocado.La teoría de la extraterritorialidad ha perdido desde hace mucho tiempo los favores de la doctrina y debe ser considerada como definitivamente abandonada. Es más, nunca convenció al conjunto de la doctrina.Esta teoría fue defendida fundamentalmente por Hugo Grocio a comienzos del siglo XVIII, en su ensayo "Del Derecho de la Guerra y de la Paz" y también por otro gran jurista holandés, Bynkoerschoeck. El prestigio de ambos autores y la simplicidad de la idea que la fundamenta, explican el éxito que esta teoría tuvo en ese siglo.La misma reposaba en una ficción elemental que consideraba que el beneficiario de la inmunidad, en este caso el agente diplomático en funciones, jamás quita su territorio nacional y por ende tanto él como el conjunto de los locales diplomáticos que ocupa, se encuentran colocados "en extraterritorialidad". Bynkerschoeck iba todavía más lejos al asegurar que la inviolabilidad del agente diplomático dependía del hecho de que su lugar de trabajo como su residencia personal, eran consideradas como siendo parte de su territorio nacional. Se llegó al extremo de asegurar que en estos locales, los miembros del servicio doméstico que trabajaban para el agente diplomático, siendo de nacionalidad del Estado receptor, durante el tiempo de su servicio, cambiaban de nacionalidad, adoptando la del Estado acreditante. Ya en el siglo XIX surgieron por parte de autores muy importantes como Pinheiro-Ferreira y Bonfils, críticas muy fuertes a esta teoría "inútil, vaga y falsa, por ende peligrosa", que acabarían por determinar su completo rechazo.El fuerte surgimiento de la concepción de la soberanía de los Estados y de la competencia exclusiva sobre su territorio, se conciliaba muy mal con esta ficción tan elemental. Ya en esos momentos se percibía que se hacía necesario encontrar un fundamento más realista al régimen de la inmunidad diplomática así como justificarla mejor. Se hizo evidente entonces que para que esta inviolabilidad de los locales estuviera garantizada y asegurada, no era necesario fundamentarla en ninguna ficción jurídica y mucho menos en la de la teoría de la extraterritorialidad.Desde el momento en que es una inmunidad necesaria a la misión diplomática de una potencia soberana, que tiene una utilidad funcional esencial, esta inmunidad está implícita.De ello resulta que los locales diplomáticos estarán preservados de cualquier intrusión o de cualquier visita no deseada, sin que por ello deban ser consideradas como un territorio extranjero o como un enclave de soberanía extranjera.Existen numerosos ejemplos en la práctica diplomática comparada que así lo demuestran.Por ejemplo, cuando se afirma que el Estado acreditante tiene competencia de policía y de jurisdicción al interior de sus locales diplomáticos, la respuesta es un no categórico. Claro que el Estado acreditante puede rehusarse a permitir la entrada a la policía o a los jueces a los locales de la misión diplomática donde se han cometido crímenes o delitos, pero en esos casos el Estado receptor dispondrá de medios para hacer respetar el orden público, por ser el único competente para investigar y reprimir estos actos. Esta función deberá ejercerla con el acuerdo previo del Jefe de Misión y respetando la inviolabilidad de los documentos, archivos y mobiliario de la misión diplomática. Hay múltiples ejemplos que así lo confirman. Otro ejemplo muy claro es cuando se pregunta si la sede de la misión diplomática está sometida a las leyes y reglamentos del Estado receptor. Aquí la respuesta es de un sí categórico.Y en este caso se trata de todos las categorías de locales diplomáticos, incluida la residencia de los agentes diplomáticos. La práctica diplomática comparada está llena de ejemplos en tal sentido. Basta recordar casos vinculados con la violación, por parte de la misión diplomática, a la legislación sobre discriminación de género, a la legislación laboral, a la legislación relacionada con los sistemas de comunicaciones satelitales o a la legislación relacionada con reglas de urbanismo en el Estado receptor. 6. Teoría de la funcionalidad o del interés de la función.Cuando llegamos a la Convención de Viena sobre Relaciones Diplomáticas a mediados del siglo pasado, la teoría de la extraterritorialidad ya ni siquiera fue motivo de discusión y no aparece mencionada en ninguna parte. Por el contrario, en el Preámbulo de dicha Convención se dice que "las inmunidades y privilegios se conceden con el fin de garantizar el desempeño eficaz de las funciones diplomáticas".Este es hoy el fundamento de las inmunidades diplomáticas.La primera formulación de esta concepción funcional de las inmunidades diplomáticas fue hecha por el Instituto de Derecho Internacional en 1929 y fue luego recogida por la Convención de Viena de 1961 a la que ya nos hemos referido, recibiendo el apoyo unánime de la doctrina de Derecho Internacional (Lapradelle, Basdevant, Rousseau, etc.).Para volver al régimen de inviolabilidad de la misión diplomática en este marco jurídico y doctrinario, el mismo implica en primer lugar una obligación de no hacer. O sea que los agentes del Estado receptor y particularmente las fuerzas del orden no penetren en los locales de la misión o de la residencia del diplomático, salvo cuando, con la autorización del Jefe de Misión, se haga necesario realizar una investigación, como ya vimos.En segundo lugar implica una obligación de hacer. O sea que las autoridades del Estado receptor deben asegurar la protección absoluta de los locales diplomáticos contra todos los ataques que ésta pueda ser objeto.Es en este marco que hay que entender la objeción de aquellos países que no reconocen el derecho de asilo diplomático dentro de las Misiones Diplomáticas en su territorio.Para ellos, como ya lo vimos anteriormente, la contrapartida de la protección y de la inviolabilidad de los locales de la Misión Diplomática, consiste, entre otras, en el no otorgar asilo diplomático dentro de la misma, no afectar los locales de la Misión a fines que no sean los de la exclusiva representación diplomática, o que sirvan de base logística a actividades que puedan perturbar el orden o la seguridad interna del Estado receptor.Algunos Estados, para reforzar más aun el estricto cumplimiento de la teoría de la funcionalidad como fundamento de la inviolabilidad de la misión diplomática, han dictado leyes facultando a sus autoridades a revocar la misma en caso de que se compruebe que se han violado alguna de las condiciones enumeradas más arriba. De todas maneras, estos Estados han previsto en estos actos jurídicos que sus disposiciones no violen lo dispuesto por la Convención de Viena de 1961 en la materia.Si en cambio la inviolabilidad de la Misión estuviera fundada en la teoría de la extraterritorialidad, el asilo diplomático sería de rigor, pero aplicando la teoría de la funcionalidad o del interés de la función como fundamento de la inviolabilidad, el derecho de asilo sólo procede en los casos en que convenios internacionales o acuerdos particulares que vinculen a ambas partes así lo permitan.Como vimos anteriormente, este principio sin embargo ha sufrido numerosas excepciones, por razones humanitarias, a lo largo de los siglos, por parte de aquellos Estados que no reconocen este Instituto, pero en estos casos no existe norma obligatoria que los obligue a respetarlo.Ojala estas precisiones permitan al lector calificar mejor las características que reviste el caso de asilo diplomático que está hoy en día generando tantas interpretaciones por parte de los actores involucrados. Sobre el autorEmbajador uruguayo en Egipto y Catedrático de Integración Regional en Universidad-ORT.
The international business environment is still changing dramatically and, although international growth may introduce added complexity it may be unavoidable for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) mainly due to the increasing globalization of markets (Levitt 1983) and industries (Yip 2003). In the face of rapid globalization, SMEs are a vital part of the economic systems of both emerging and developed countries. As Veloso (1991) points out, this type of companies may be an important organ for increasing the level of competitiveness of emerging markets. Some studies, for example, Yasuf (2001), go to the extent of suggesting that growth and employment in developing countries depend on the fate of SMEs. The incentive and the legal structures within which firms must operate have been drastically altered. SMEs are no longer protected from foreign competition and local buyers and suppliers are becoming more sophisticated. To compete effectively, SMEs must adapt and reshape themselves to facilitate adjustments and enhance learning for their growth and economic development. This article provides a typology to explain the degree of internationalization of SMEs. At one extreme is tangible internationalization, which is short-term and depends on macro and microeconomics factors exogenous to firms; at the other is a combination of tangible and intangible internationalization, which implies a strong commitment by firms to become competitive at international levels.I argue that different forces have forced the internationalization not only of firms, but also of markets, so that SMEs can become global without a physical presence in foreign markets. Furthermore, it may be necessary for these companies to become global if they are to remain competitive in their local markets. As a result of this paradigm shift, internationalization is based not only on geographical aspects, which are closely related to firm internationalization, but also on intangible considerations, which are closely related to market internationalization.Tangible internationalization is a restricted approach defined as a physical presence in a foreign market; it consists mainly of foreign sales, foreign direct investment (FDI), physical presence in foreign markets, and foreign suppliers. It fluctuates with exchange rates, costs of inputs, and other resource endowments that are tied to a particular geographic location. On the other hand, intangible internationalization implies a change in the comprehensive approach to the way firms should reconfigure, develop and secure resources. Intangible internationalization requires facilitating learning at all levels of a firm to increase the stock of knowledge, and, therefore, to improve flexibility on the production side and increase the likelihood of developing new resources and processes, thus enhancing the firm's critical invisible assets (Itami and Roehl 1987). An SME should aim for both in order to take advantage of a physical presence in foreign markets and provide constant incentives to facilitate learning and new organizational capabilities and processes. Tangible internationalization is a short-term expansion in foreign markets because it takes advantage of temporary macro- and microeconomics conditions; it does not require changes at the firm level. On the other hand, a combination of intangible and tangible internationalization has a higher probability to be sustainable in the long term and mostly depends on the firm's actions to meet international standards.This article emphasizes 5 crucial aspects of that managers need to be aware of: I. A matter of having an strategic plan II. An internal perspective of the firm III.The need of expanding the knowledge bases of SMEs IV.How to access and secure resources: networks V.The entrepreneurial aspectsI. A Matter of Having an Strategic PlanWhile firms have an important degree of freedom to make their own decisions, the effect of the environment cannot be discounted. This matter becomes critically important in the context of emerging economies because firms are not only facing changes in the structure of the industry in which they operate, but also in the surrounding and institutional environments. To be aware of the different courses of action available, decision makers must understand all the pro-market reforms, not just those that most affect their own industry. According to Weick (1995), the strategic decisions that managers make depend on their cognitive structures and how they make sense of the environment. Managers need to understand any intended change in a way that makes sense or fits an interpretative schema or system of meaning (Bartunek 1984). Andrews (1980) compares the role of the owner-manager to an architect who is in charge of doing the synthesis. Senior managers have the role of analyzing, interpreting, and making sense of clues so as to formulate and implement strategies. Senior managers should act as catalysts to understand and create new interpretative frameworks that provide purpose and direction to the members of the organization (Westley 1990).Laying a Formal Foundation: Making the Implicit Explicit The fact that SMEs have inadequate organizational structures and managerial expertise is a real problem in a changing environment. SMEs do not have the same level of support to increase their competitiveness, and given the lack of managerial expertise, building an adequate structure is not a straightforward process, even though it is a central one. Formalizing routines and processes within firms to make them less dependent on a specific individual is key. This is an important concern because SMEs not only have a less highly developed structure, but their fate is closely linked to one or a few individuals who posses knowledge or resources that have not been made explicit to the rest of the firm.Nevertheless, in a changing environment managers need to be proactive and to rethink their approaches regarding the future activities of their firms. A mere replication of previous strategies may no longer be a valid option when firms are competing in the international arena. The future can be imagined and enacted and that companies must be capable of fundamentally reconciling themselves by regenerating their core competencies and reinventing their industry. The role of managers is not to plan for the future, but to manage the process of learning and to be open to the possibility that new strategies can emerge.II. Analyzing the Firm's ResourcesAn analytical examination of the resources of a firm may help to develop an understanding not only of possible short-run business strategies, but also of future diversifications (Montgomery and Wernerfelt, 1988), growth strategies (Penrose, 1959), and sustainability of long-term rents (Rumelt, 1984). SMEs can compete in the international arena, but they will face international competition from foreign SMEs as well as from multinational enterprises (MNEs). Focusing only on product-market strategies is not enough; instead, the long-term survival of a firm depends on the characteristics and endowment of its resources, which should be valuable and difficult to imitate (Mahoney and Pandian 1992; Grant 1991; Amit and Schoemaker 1993). To be able to compete, the manager-owners of SMEs must know the internal resources and capabilities of their companies. As Andrews (1980: 18-19) suggested, a firm should make its strategic plans "preferably in a way that focuses resources to convert distinctive competence into competitive advantage."Firms are a bundle of different kinds of resources and a set of commitments to certain technologies, human resources, processes, and know-how that manager-owners marshal. This issue is particularly important to the present study because it is not unusual that are controlled, managed, and run by one or a small group of individuals that have a deep, but tacit, knowledge of the firm. What is important is a clear identification—not just a vague idea—of the different resources on which a firm can depend.How to Reconfigure a Firm's Resources? Capabilities exist when two or more resources are combined to achieve a goal and they "emphasizes the key role of strategic management in appropriately adapting, integrating and reconfiguring the internal and external organization skills, resources, and functional competences to match the requirements of changing environment" (Teece et al. 1997: 515). It is important to note that the relative endowment of firms may not necessarily relate to their financial performance because "only the service that the resource can render and not the resources themselves provide inputs into the production process" (Penrose 1972: 25). It is the deployment of a combination of those services that are critical to the rent generation of the firm. Firms need to exploit the existing firm-specific capabilities and also develop new ones (Penrose 1959; Teece 1982; Wernerfelt 1984) to compete internationally and to grow. Over time, SMEs have seen the nature of their rents change; we should expect a shift from Ricardian to Schumpeterian rents. A company may not have better resources, but achieve rents because it makes better use of its resources (Penrose 1959). Rents depend not only on the structure of the resources, but also on the ability of firms to reconfigure and transform those resources. The above discussion leads to the formation of the following hypotheses:III. The Need of Expanding the Knowledge Bases of SMEsThe capacity to exploit a new set of opportunities depends partly on the strategic decisions made by managers. In some cases, these opportunities require at least a reconfiguration of the activities of the firm, but more often, they require the incorporation of new resources and, especially, the introduction of new processes.Firms are as systems of purposeful actions engaging in economic activities to achieve objectives, therefore, they must learn adapt and survive in a complex environment. Organizational learning is the process by which firms can cope with uncertainty and environmental complexity, and their efficiency depends on learning how the environment is changing and then adapting to those changes (March and Olsen, 1976).SMEs need to enhance their learning in two different aspects. First, internal knowledge should be coded and made available to selected members in the company. The manager-owner is knowledgeable about almost all aspects of the business (Mintzberg 1979), and his or her knowledge is personal in the sense that it is located in the mind and not always encoded or available to the rest of the firm. Routines should be created in order to secure the long-term existence of the firm because routines capture the experiential lessons and make that knowledge obtainable by the members of the organization that were not part of the history of the company (Levitt and March 1988).The second way SMEs need to enhance their learning is to make changes in their knowledge base. When socio-economic environments change, firms need to assess the change in order to reformulate how they react to new incentives. The first step is developing a capability to understand the new dynamics. When regulatory and competitive conditions change rapidly, persistence in the same routines can be hazardous because managers and employees use organizational memory or knowledge to make decisions and to formulate the present strategy of the firm.The effectiveness of decisions taken by an SME is greatly influenced by its knowledge base which, in turn, is the result of learning processes that are no longer applicable and may be misleading. Changes in the knowledge base are probably requisite for any firms competing in an industry with tradable products. Supporting infrastructure and routines may prove essential to increase the learning pace and to effectively integrate the new knowledge and reduce the inertia due to outdated knowledge.IV. How to Access and Secure Resources: NetworksSMEs, compared to larger firms, face major challenges in terms of securing and updating resources. Where internal resources are important to accounting for a firm's performance (Gnyawali and Madhavan, 2001), resources also can be secured within networks that may allow firms to be competitive locally and internationally. Increasingly, networking is seen as a primarily means of rising required resources. Resources, such as information, equipment, and personnel, can be exchanged in networks because of relationships between. Networks are important instruments to ease the constraints facing SMEs in terms of access to: a) capital markets to obtain long-term finance both locally and internationally, b) narrow and highly regulated labor markets, c) information and technologies, d) inefficient tax codes, and e) highly bureaucratic and expansive legal procedures. SMEs may be part of a network not only because it may find complementary resources, but also because owners and managers may have friendship ties with other owners and mangers. These non-economic reasons may be as important as economic ones.A Particular Kind of Network: Industry Clusters An extensive literature exists on the topic of industry clusters. Ricardo's "comparative advantages" can be considered as a pioneering concept of industrial clusters; and Marshall's exposition about externalities is based on industrial localization. Industrial clusters are characterized by having extensive interfirm exchanges and an advantageous environment to pursue business activities. Marshall (1961) argues that industry localization may be an important factor because a) it creates a market for workers with certain industry-specific skills, b) it promotes production and exchange of non-tradable specialized input, and c) firms may take advantage of informational spillovers. Krugman (1991) points out that given the existence of market imperfection, pecuniary externalities may also play an important role in determining the concentration of industry in a specific geographic location. Pouder and St. John (1996) argue that clustered firms have a greater legitimacy than firms outside a cluster. Clusters can provide a critical mass to counterbalance the political influence of large firms and to increase the pressure for investments that affect the productivity of the cluster. Furthermore, competition within clusters increases productivity and new firm development (Porter 1998).V. The Entrepreneurial AspectsIntangible internationalization requires facilitating learning by its employees in order to constantly transform the firm. Implementing mechanisms to expand the knowledge base and to diffuse information should allow SMEs to increase their capacity to develop new goods and services, and to compete in new markets. Key characteristics of this type of internationalization are common interests, trust and openness that allow employees to challenge assumptions. Intangible internationalization is a more difficult international expansion, but it provides sustainable competitive advantages. Consequently, SMEs would become competitive by reducing their costs, introducing new products and expanding their potential markets.It is not possible to engage in tangible internationalization without having a minimum level of intangible internationalization or being competitive without some degree of valuable, rare, in-imitable, non-substitutable resources (Barney 1991). SMEs should aim for both types of internalization in order to take advantage of physical presence in foreign markets and constantly provide the incentives to facilitate learning, new organizational capabilities and processes.Firms have different combinations of internationalization. In order to analyze how SMEs can take advantage of both tangible and intangible internationalization, the foundation of the potential competitive advantages need to be identified. Therefore, it is crucial to understand how firms deliver products that have value for customers, but also to understand what makes these firms different from the rest (Hall 1998). I argue that there are three major categories of differential that have a strong impact on the nature of internationalization of SMEs. The first is called firm differential, and includes a) organizational (team level), b) managerial (individual level), c) physical endowment and d) technological capabilities differentials. The second category is based on the home country characteristics and it is called country differential. The final category,market differential, takes into consideration the specific features of local markets and industries. These differentials deeply influence the role of owner-manager. There are three basic approaches that a SME can adopt while anticipating and responding to the needs of its customers. The first one is the approach of the Schumpeterian entrepreneur (Schumpeter, 1934), a leader who breaks away from routine and introduces either new goods/services or new production processes for existing goods/services. The second one is related to Porter's (1980) concept of cost leadership even though Porter studied larger firms from developed countries. The last style of owner-manager is the Kirznerian entrepreneur, who is a person alert to opportunities (see figure 1). This type of role implies that the owner-manager acts as a broker in order to take advantage of over-optimistic or over-pessimistic reactions of economic agents (Kirzner 1973); therefore, the owner-manager will act "in regard to the changes occurring in the data of the markets" (Mises 1949: 255).ConclusionIn the business literature, internationalization involvement usually results from one of two factors: a) the firm possesses some monopolistic advantage that it can use in another country, or b) the host country owns resources that are valuable to the foreign firm. While these reasons may be necessary and sufficient conditions for larger companies, is not necessarily the case for SMEs whom have no option but to internationalization.Those two factors do not necessarily apply to SMEs because they need to become international even if they do not compete in international markets. The average level of competitiveness of SMEs is below that of multinational enterprises. 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Policy ArticleWorking Paper 2618, the World Bank Yip, G. (2003). Total Global Strategy II. Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River, New Jersey.Sobre el autorCoordinador Académico de Finanzas FACS, Universidad ORT Uruguay
Andehrs Behring Breivik no encaja en ninguna categoría existente de actuación violenta o política. Como lo revela su manifiesto, que dará que hablar durante años, Breivik es un terrorista sui generis.Brevemente, Breivik es un joven noruego que el pasado viernes cometió dos ataques terroristas. En el primero detonó una bomba en el distrito gubernamental de Oslo. En el segundo apareció disfrazado de policía en una pequeña isla donde se celebraba una reunión anual de las juventudes del Partido Laborista del país, y atacó a la multitud con armas y municiones de guerra.El manifiesto que el agresor envió a algunos miles de contactos horas antes de cometer el ataque es una obra sin precedentes en la historia de la acción criminal e ideológica. En primer lugar, el texto suma más de mil quinientas páginas, de las cuales Breivik es el autor de más de la mitad. En segundo lugar, la obra está escrita en perfecto inglés, con el objetivo expreso de difundir la ideología ahí presentada a la mayor cantidad de personas posible. En tercer lugar, los contenidos del trabajo son muy variados y llegan a un nivel de detalle inaudito. Este último aspecto es lo que hace de Breivik y su manifiesto algo extraordinario. Entre otras cosas, el lector encontrará:Una exposición detallada de la ideología política del autor (a la cual llama "Cultural conservatism or a nationalist/conservative direction"), con discusiones sobre Antonio Gramsci, György Lukács, Karl Marx, la historia del comunismo, tablas estadísticas sobre la demografía europea y otros elementos.Una descripción de los orígenes de la organización que pretende tener detrás, la Pauperes commilitones Christi Templique Solomonici o PCCTS. El nombre es el término en latín para la orden medieval monástica y militar más conocida como los Templarios.Una guía meticulosa sobre cómo comprar los ingredientes para la elaboración de explosivos, así como su preparación, su detonación en ensayos, e incluso dónde y cómo esconderlos.Una guía similar para la obtención de armas, con discusiones de diversas fuentes como la mafia albanesa o la rusa. También explica cómo preparar una armadura de combate, así como los principios del combate urbano con armas de fuego.Una bitácora de su "trabajo" desde 2002 en adelante, que incluye su dieta con detalles sobre su ingestión de proteínas y su rutina diaria.Un presupuesto de toda su "obra" desde ese año en adelante. Breivik afirma haber invertido €317.000 a lo largo de una década en su "proyecto".Instrucciones para la construcción de su epitafio.Instrucciones para la implementación de un sistema de medallas, uniformes y ritos para la orden neo-templaria, con diagramas, nombres y criterios para la aplicación de cada una.Pasos básicos de contra-inteligencia para evitar ser detectado.Un currículum vitae completo.No hay cuestiones de menor importancia para Breivik: el ensayo también incluye discusiones detalladas sobre el estado actual de la educación terciaria en Estados Unidos y Europa, extensas explicaciones sobre la teología y la historia islámica, críticas hacia las letras del hip-hop misógino estadounidense, listas de canciones inspiradoras, etc. Una enorme proporción de los textos, como el propio Breivik admite, son de autores con argumentos válidos y que están muy lejanos de promover o aceptar actos de violencia como el suyo.El cuadro que ofrece la lectura de este ensayo es de una persona de una enorme inteligencia, capacidad de organización y, sobre todo, disciplina. Breivik es un individuo altamente preparado física y mentalmente para la grotesca tarea que se propuso. Tal como indica su ensayo, ya tiene preparados los discursos que realizará en su juicio, que pretende que sea altamente público. Antes de lanzar su ataque ya tenía decidido qué criterios aplicaría con el abogado que le asignara el estado, lo que le contestará al juez y demás quienes le digan que es un criminal psicótico, y cómo planea que termine el juicio.Esto último hace que sea poco probable que aparezcan otros Breiviks – aunque sigue siendo posible. Resulta simplemente increíble que pueda haber otro individuo que comparta la misma ideología hasta el mismo nivel de compromiso, y que sobre todo elija seguir el mismo camino.Breivik se ve a sí mismo como una persona fuertemente politizada, por lo cual es necesario discutirlo en esos términos. De los primeros que surgen apuradamente en los medios –seguramente por no haber leído el manuscrito-, no se aplica casi ninguno. Breivik no es nacionalsocialista o "neo-nazi"; tampoco es asimilable al Unabomber (por más que haya coincidencias en sus textos), ni al Ku Klux Klan o a los partidos nacionalistas europeos.De hecho, quizá la forma más correcta de definir a Breivik es resucitando el significado verdadero de un término muy abusado: "de derecha". Breivik ha elegido responder a la amenaza que percibe en Europa, que es sin dudas el Islam, con un remedio neo-medieval. En su ensayo, Breivik postula que la forma óptima de organización política en Europa debe estar basada en la monarquía, y no en repúblicas:"The king or queen of a country is more democratic than a president ever could be because he or she represents all citizens." (el original no es de Breivik).El noruego está a favor de la fusión de todas las iglesias bajo el Papa nuevamente, aún siendo él mismo luterano (no practicante, a diferencia de lo que sugieren los medios). La nueva mega-Iglesia tendría un monopolio público de la religión, así como acceso privilegiado a los contenidos de la educación y los medios. Su visión de una sociedad conservadora es esta: "Ladies should be wives and homemakers, not cops or soldiers (…) Children should not be born out of wedlock. Glorification of homosexuality should be shunned."Aunque Breivik dedica literalmente cientos de páginas a textos sobre la historia de la violencia islámica contra Europa (y también sobre el caso opuesto), en ningún momento menciona los más de mil años de calamidades, miseria y sufrimiento humano que fueron consecuencia directa del sistema medieval-monárquico-eclesiástico.El principal objetivo de Breivik y sus "templarios" es la erradicación de la presencia del Islam en Europa a través de tres modalidades. La primera es la conversión al cristianismo (incluyendo como variable su creación intelectual más débil, los cristianismos "agnóstico" y "ateo"). Esta vía tiene clarísimos componentes anti-liberales y anti-democráticos, ya que los musulmanes conversos deberían renunciar a sus nombres, idiomas, vínculos con sus países de origen (incluso por vía electrónica) y otras cuestiones básicas. Para Breivik, incluso será necesario que "All traces of Islamic culture in Europe will be eradicated, even locations considered historical" – algo por definición poco "conservador".Además, Breivik no tiene ilusiones sobre el "liberalismo islámico": "to take the violence out of Islam would require it to jettison two things: the Quran as the word of Allah and Muhammad as Allah's prophet. In other words, to pacify Islam would require its transformation into something that it is not."La segunda modalidad de erradicación del Islam es la limpieza cultural, que consistiría de deportaciones o expulsiones (Breivik menciona muchos modelos, incluyendo las gigantescas ordenadas por Stalin). La última es la exterminación.Es en referencia a esto último que Breivik dedica un pasaje a discutir a Adolf Hitler y el nacionalsocialismo. El autor se aleja de estos claramente, aunque por razones muy diferentes de las del ciudadano común. Su explicación es que la "causa" nacionalsocialista y el liderazgo de Hitler destruyeron a los nacionalismos europeos por más de un siglo (es decir, hasta bien entrado el siglo XXI), porque optaron directamente por el camino de la exterminación. El resultado fue una guerra que terminó en derrota, y la entrega del continente al bolchevismo y uno de sus herederos, la socialdemocracia multicultural.Esto explica una de las principales diferencias entre Breivik y el movimiento neo-nacionalsocialista es su posición respecto a Israel y los judíos. El terrorista noruego interpreta al estado israelí como un modelo a seguir de "reunión nacional" étnica, y simpatiza enormemente con su lucha anti-jihad. Ergo, para Breivik se trata de un aliado ante un enemigo en común. El mismo principio aplica Breivik, quien se define como anti-racista, a las alianzas que propone con asiáticos orientales, hindúes y otros con tal de luchar contra el Islam.A quien sí defiende Breivik abiertamente es a Slobodan Milosevic. De hecho, el noruego argumenta que fueron los ataques de la OTAN a la Serbia de ese dictador genocida lo que primero despertó su instinto conservador. Esa podría ser una pista significativa para entender el rompecabezas ideológico del agresor, ya que las dos intervenciones internacionales en Yugoslavia ocurrieron antes del Once de septiembre, que es el gran disparador de la actual preocupación por la jihad entre muchos occidentales.En la visión de Breivik, quizá el sistema de organización social ideal sería elapartheid, pero a diferencia del caso de Sudáfrica, no dentro de un país. Para él, los judíos deberían haber sido expulsados de Europa en los 1930s; ahora deberían ser expulsados los musulmanes. El autor incluso menciona los casos de países de Asia Oriental del presente, como Corea del Sur y Japón, como ejemplos de naciones étnicamente homogéneas y prósperas. Evidentemente, Breivik es una persona que piensa en términos profundamente colectivistas. No hay derechos individuales para las personas que no forman parte de su grupo. Esta forma de concebir el mundo, sumada a la forma en que Breivik se presenta como líder de un movimiento ideológico violento, lo hacen similar a figuras como Lenin, Hitler, Mao, el Che Guevara u Osama bin Laden.De hecho, como todo pretendiente a líder carismático, Breivik incluye en su manifiesto instrucciones para tener preparadas fotografías en las que el atacante se "vea bien", pensando en el momento en el cual su rostro sea visto por el mundo – tal como está ocurriendo ahora. Así se lo propuso Breivik: "As a Justiciar Knight you will go into history as one of the most influential individuals of your time. So you need to look your absolute best and ensure that you produce quality marketing material prior to operation." El texto incluso recomienda utilizar una cama solar y aplicarse maquillaje antes de tomarse las fotografías.El aspecto más sorprendente del planteo de Breivik es el blanco que escogió para su ataque. Al leer el inmenso manifiesto y contrastarlo con los hechos de los días pasados, es inevitable quedarse con la sensación de que fue todo una excusa para perpetrar un acto de extrema violencia contra jóvenes inocentes (y desarmados, por supuesto). El manifiesto incluso lo admite con una subsección entera: "The cruel nature of our operations". Breivik explica que aunque el enemigo objetivo es el Islam en Europa, el objetivo inmediato son los europeos que han trabajado durante cerca de medio siglo para que exista esa presencia islámica en la región.Estos son, para el noruego, los multiculturalistas, marxistas y demás miembros de una suerte de élite europea. De hecho, su objetivo explícito es que para el año 2020 ocurran golpes de estado en diversos países de Europa occidental (junto con la abolición de la Unión Europea), de modo de instalar regímenes conservadores que trabajen para la eliminación simultánea del marxismo multicultural y del Islam.Estas élites y su "political correctness" son las responsables, para Breivik, de que no se puedan discutir abiertamente cuestiones que preocupan a un nacionalista conservador como él. La principal de ellas es la presencia de musulmanes en Europa. La sección tres del manifiesto es fundamental, porque tras más de 750 páginas de "diagnóstico" sobre el estado actual de Europa, el autor quiebra con todos los demás que citó y anuncia su alejamiento de la vía pacífica. Por ejemplo, en la página 791 aparece, como un subtítulo más, un anuncio importante: "Why armed resistance against the cultural Marxist/multiculturalist regimes of Western Europe is the only rational approach".De hecho, en esa sección hay varias páginas dedicadas a enunciar los cargos legales que se le imputan a multiplicidad de líderes europeos. Como parte de su gigantesca acusación contra el sistema político-social europeo de posguerra, Breivik incluso ofrece cálculos específicos de las cantidades de europeos cuyos derechos han sido violados de diversas maneras por los efectos de esas políticos, que van desde la violación y el asesinato hasta los despidos de personas. Todos se imputan, en conjunto y criminalmente, a estas "élites" cuya muerte se anuncia poco a poco.En lugar de estas personas aparecerá, en palabras de Breivik, un "cultural conservative tribunal" en cada país que implemente un nuevo régimen político. Como parte de esta iniciativa, aparecen mencionadas casualmente algunas medidas atroces: "All Muslims are to be immediately deported to their country of origin. Each family (family head) will receive 25 000 Euro providing they accept the deportation terms. Anyone who violently resists deportation will be executed". Breivik también prevé compensaciones financieras para los sujetos que fueron "víctimas intelectuales" del sistema previo, así como específicamente para los ciudadanos de Serbia por el bombardeo de OTAN. También incluye los parámetros de su propia "ley de medios", por utilizar un desafortunado término rioplatense, que implica la imposición de cuotas de periodistas e intelectuales "conservadores" y nacionalistas en diversas organizaciones mediáticas.El método que ha elegido Breivik, conscientemente sin duda, es similar al viejo anarquismo de la propaganda por el hecho, que consiste de atacantes solitarios que cometen actos espectaculares de demostración e inspiración ideológica. El noruego llama a su campaña de violencia "A Declaration of pre-emptive War" contra sus dos enemigos. Breivik indica claramente que aquellos que existan como él actualmente en Europa son pocos pero que están en aumento; su ataque está pensado para encender la chispa de la conmoción en la región, lo cual incluiría también la aparición de más adeptos. Tácticamente, el ataque del pasado viernes 22 de julio en Noruega es definido por su autor como "military shock attacks by clandestine cell systems".Hay más pasajes que directamente preanuncian el ataque que Breivik escogió lanzar: "consider making use of a remote detonation, (…) to attract attention to one location. Ensure that the enemy forces are heading for this location. By then, you will be on the opposite side of town and in the middle of the process of finishing your primary goal." El blanco se vuelve cada vez más específico: el primero de la lista que hay en el manifiesto es "political parties - cultural Marxist/multiculturalist political parties."En el apartado correspondiente a este tipo de organización, el primer país detallado es Noruega, y el primer partido que aparece ahí es el "Norwegian Labour Party". Más adelante, nuevamente en primer lugar entre una lista de blancos, dice que un blanco primario es: "the annual party meeting of the socialist/social democrat party in your country."Curiosamente, aunque Breivik propone algunas formas de organización colectiva (como la neo-templaria), sus instrucciones para los actos de terrorismo son estrictas respecto a que las células deben ser individuales. Es por eso que Breivik el terrorista pasó desapercibido, a juzgar por la información disponible, incluso en los círculos nacionalistas no violentos.De los nueve miembros que supuestamente asistieron en 2002 a la reunión fundacional en Londres de la organización neo-templaria (todos anónimos), cuatro son descritos como "cristiano ateo" o "cristiano agnóstico". El propio Breivik está muy indeciso respecto a su religión: "I'm not going to pretend I'm a very religious person as that would be a lie (…) I consider myself to be 100% Christian (…) I'm not an excessively religious man". Sería interesante saber qué opinaría Hugues de Payens, fundador de la orden original, respecto a esta falta de disciplina teológica (que en realidad es una ausencia total). Son sin ninguna duda los nombres de estos nueve miembros iniciales, y de otros, lo que más están buscando los servicios de inteligencia de varios estados europeos.La visión del mundo de Breivik está claramente influenciada por el pensamiento colectivista, y su propia obra parece aproximarse a un sistema de pensamiento que podría llamarse ideológico. Es por eso que es posible concluir que no se trata de un lunático desequilibrado que pertenece a un manicomio. Es peor que eso: una persona que en todo momento supo lo que hacía, que se preparó durante años para hacerlo, y que desplegó un alto nivel de meticulosidad para lograrlo. Hasta el efecto de su ataque está pensado desde hace años: "The art of asymmetrical warfare is less about inflicting immediate damage but all about the indirect long term psychological and ideological damage. Our shock attacks are theatre and theatre is always performed for an audience".Las descripciones más personales de Breivik son reveladoras del grado de control que tenía sobre sí mismo: "I have managed to stay focused and highly motivated for a duration of more than 9 years now (…) I have never been happier than I am today (…) I do a mental check almost every day through meditation and philosophizing (…) I simulate various future scenarios relating to resistance efforts, confrontations with police, future interrogation scenarios, future court appearances, future media interviews etc".El objetivo de Breivik es la fundación de una nueva cadena de nacionalismos post-nazis en Europa, y es importante que ese proyecto fracase. El autor concibió un "100 year plan to contribute to seize political power in Western European countries currently controlled by anti-nationalists" (de ahí el título de su manifiesto: 2083). En sus planes más delirantes hacia el futuro, Breivik menciona todo tipo de planes, desde el robo y la detonación de armas nucleares en las capitales europeas hasta la colaboración con Al-Qaeda, el gobierno de Irán, y otros terroristas islámicos.Como se dijo anteriormente, el manifiesto es increíblemente largo y contiene todo tipo de cosas. Hay discusiones muy detalladas sobre la niñez ("My best friend for many years, a Muslim"), adolescencia (incluyendo encuentros con pandillas pakistaníes y un pasado como "graffiti artist") y juventud del autor, con descripciones (con nombres) de sus amigos y hasta las vidas sexuales de sus familiares más cercanos. Hay planes para la importación de inmigrantes en la era "post-islámica" de Europa, con detalles sobre los horarios, la compensación, las localidades y más. Breivik tiene hasta pensado cuál será el nuevo himno de Europa. También explica que él no fue el fundador de la organización neo-templaria, sino el octavo miembro (algo que recuerda a la historia de Adolf Hitler y su ingreso al NSDAP), y que a través de ella conoció a un criminal de guerra serbio en Liberia. Su mentor fue un inglés, fundador de la organización y sin duda un importantísimo blanco para la inteligencia doméstica británica en este mismo momento.Actualmente el "caso Breivik" se encuentra en una etapa que el propio terrorista ya tiene planeada desde hace años: "Your arrest will mark the initiation of the propaganda phase. Your trial offers you a stage to the world (…) A Justiciar Knight is not only a valorous resistance fighter, a one man army; he is a one man marketing agency as well". El terrorista está muy consciente de la opinión que el mundo se ha formado sobre él, y ya ha recorrido mentalmente el camino para superar el ostracismo de su causa: "It might sound completely ridiculous and funny to most people today. But by presenting the following accusations and demands in all seriousness we are indirectly conditioning everyone listening for the conflicts and scenarios ahead. They will laugh today, but in the back of their minds, they have an ounce of fear, respect and admiration for our cause and the alternative and authority we represent".Breivik no es un criminal o incluso un terrorista común. Es una figura nefasta con una ideología totalmente nueva. Es muy importante conocer los términos ideológicos y metodológicos en los que operó, porque existe una preocupante posibilidad de que haya otros como él en el futuro.*Licenciado en Estudios Internacionales - Universidad ORT Uruguay Candidato al Master of Arts in Security Studies - Georgetown University
Las críticasEn el marco de este derrotero por el que ha pasado la tesis de la Paz Democrática, se han montado diversos ángulos de críticas hacia la misma. Una primera vertiente destaca la implausibilidad de las explicaciones que intentan dar cuenta de la supuesta "ley". Así por ejemplo se ha señalado que en momentos de crisis aún en las democracias se produce una reducción del tamaño en el círculo decisor final. O que los dirigentes de los estados no democráticos también enfrentan condicionamientos de índole institucional o por parte de grupos de poder a los que están vinculados. O, incluso, que la opinión pública no es necesariamente una fuerza pacificadora. Asimismo, una crítica de índole realista se refiere a la escasez histórica de democracias que se traduce en pocas oportunidades de conflicto (Peñas, 1997: 133).Otro ángulo ha sido la existencia de serios problemas en la recolección y clasificación de los datos que sustentan la tesis. Su génesis yace en buena medida en la definición de los dos conceptos centrales detrás de la idea de la Paz Democrática: la democracia y la guerra. Sobre el concepto de "democracia" se advierten importantes diferencias en los criterios constitutivos del mismo. ¿Qué es una democracia? ¿Qué rasgos la definen? ¿Cuál es su condición? ¿Son éstas frágiles? Además, existen discrepancias entre las bases de datos y/o bien calificaciones bastante arbitrarias como por ejemplo la consideración en la basePolity II de Francia entre los años 1981 y 1986 como una "anocracia", mientras que El Salvador de la misma época, enfrascado en una cruenta guerra civil sí figuraba como "democracia".En cuanto a las guerras, el criterio de selección de datos más aceptado fue el implementado por Small y Singer que consiste en catalogar como guerra internacional a un conflicto que involucra uno o más participantes estatales y que provoca un mínimo de mil víctimas. Esto excluye intervenciones violentas que causan menos víctimas, pero no por ello políticamente menos significativas o bien las operaciones encubiertas (Salomón, 2001: 247). Tampoco ésta conceptualización da cuenta de las tendencias más modernas en los conflictos internacionales, entre las que se destaca la caída relativa de las disputas interestatales frente a las intraestatales ). En definitiva, "[lo] que caracteriza a nuestros días no es la desaparición de la violencia del sistema internacional ni la ausencia del recurso a la fuerza por parte de los Estados, sino la disminución del número de guerras formalmente declaradas y el aumento de guerras de guerrillas, guerras a través de terceros, subversión interior de los Estados instigada por otros Estados, acciones encubiertas, etc., menos costosas y que no necesitan ser justificadas, por lo menos tanto como una declaración formal de guerra" (Peñas, 1997: 135). Asimismo, los estudios cuantitativos en general han olvidado distinguir entre agresores y agredidos, o también la medición de la intensidad de la guerra (determinar si las democracias causan más muertes que otros Estados). La tesis de la Paz Democrática a su vez no ha logrado dar respuesta a ciertas anomalías que denotan la existencia de variables perturbadoras. Una anomalía es la existencia de zonas de paz en regiones del mundo donde no todas las sociedades son democráticas, como es el caso de América del Sur. Otra es que la correlación entre paz y democracia es más fuerte en el período posterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial (Farber y Gowa, 1995). Este tipo de anomalías ha llevado a que explicaciones alternativas cobren fuerza. Entre estas, la más destacada es la teoría de Comunidades de Seguridad Pluralistas de Karl Deutsch (1957) que refiere a zonas donde sus miembros tienen la certeza de que sus disputas no se resolverán por medio de la fuerza. También se advierten reajustes y matizaciones de la tesis que debilitan su poder. Un ejemplo es la afirmación de Raymond Cohen (1994) de que la única conclusión razonables es que "los Estados democráticos del área del Atlántico Norte/Europa occidental, compartiendo una serie de circunstancias históricas particulares y una herencia cultural común, han evitado enfrentarse en una guerra" (en Peñas, 1997: 134). Asimismo, es posible encontrar evidencia en contra. Es el caso de la investigación de Charles Kegley y Margaret Hermann (1996) que arroja el interesante resultado de quince casos de intervención militar con uso de la fuerza, entre 1975 y 1995, por parte de democracias estables contra otras democracias estables, de las cuales ocho de ellas correspondían a intervenciones estadounidenses. Más recientemente, Thomas Schwartz y Kiron Skinner (2002: 160-161) identificaron un listado de conflictos que contrarían la tesis o están muy próximos a hacerlo y que hacen a lo que ellos llaman el "problema histórico" de la Paz Democrática:American Revolutionary War, 1775 (Great Britain vs. U.S.)Wars of French Revolution (democratic period), esp. 1793, 1795 (France vs. Great Britain)Quasi War, 1798 (U.S. vs. France)War of 1812 (U.S. vs. Great Britain)Texas War of Independence, 1835 (Texas vs. Mexico)Mexican War, 1846 (U.S. vs. Mexico)Roman Republic vs. France, 1849American Civil War, 1861 (Northern Union vs. Southern Confederacy)Ecuador-Columbia War, 1863Franco-Prussian War, 1870War of the Pacific, 1879 (Chile vs. Peru and Bolivia)Indian Wars, much of nineteenth century (U.S. vs. various Indian nations)Spanish-American War, 1898Boer War, 1899 (Great Britain vs. Transvaal and Orange Free State)World War I, 1914 (Germany vs. Great Britain, France, Italy, Belgium, and U.S.)Chaco War, 1932 (Paraguay vs. Bolivia)Ecuador-Peru, 1941Palestine War, 1948 (Israel vs. Lebanon)Dominican Invasion, 1967 (U.S. vs. Dominican Republic)Cyprus Invasion, 1974 (Turkey vs. Cyprus)Ecuador-Peru, 1981Nagorno-Karabakh, 1989 (Armenia vs. Azerbaijan)Yugoslav Wars, 1991 (Serbia and Bosnian-Serb Republic vs. Croatiaand Bosnia; sometimes Croatia vs. Bosnia)Georgia-Ossetia, 1991 (Georgia vs. South Ossetia)Georgia-Abkhazia, 1992 (Georgia vs. Abkhazia and allegedly Russia)Moldova-Dnestr Republic, 1992 (Moldova vs. Dnestr Republic and allegedly Russia)Chechen War of Independence, 1994 (Russia vs. Chechnya)Ecuador-Peru, 1995NATO-Yugoslavia, 1999India-Pakistan, 1999 Como se advierte, la teoría de la Paz Democrática se enfrenta a problemas tanto de índole empírica como de índole explicativa. Frente a este tipo de críticas, las reacciones se han dividido entre las defensivas (Maoz, 1997), las que han ignorado los hallazgos, las que han empezado a considerar otros factores (Russett, 1998) y las que se han dedicado a verificar su validez mediante estudios de casos (Elman, 1997). En definitiva, el debate ha sido prolífico y entre una de sus evoluciones más interesantes es la que ha recomendado evitar "las dicotomías simplistas y estudiar el mayor número posible de interacciones entre factores de conflicto internos e internacionales" (Salomón, 2001: 253).La materialización política de la Paz DemocráticaEn el contexto del "optimismo liberal" despertado por el colapso soviético y el fin de la guerra fría, la tesis de la Paz Democrática suscitó gran entusiasmo, sobre todo entre aquellos estudiosos de las Relaciones Internacionales que ansiaban acabar con la hegemonía retórica del realismo-neorrealismo en la disciplina. Como señala Peñas (1997: 130), "la gran virtud de esta tesis (…) es que en su discurso disuelve o reconcilia la escisión entre principios e intereses: una política de extensión de las democracias de libre mercado es a la vez una política éticamente justa y políticamente adecuada". Por tanto, el corolario político de la tesis de la Paz Democrática no es otro que la presunción de que el imperio de la paz y la cooperación internacionales requieren de la democratización de los Estados en el Sistema Internacional. Esto ha dado lugar al plano prescriptivo de los teóricos de la Paz Democrática. El más destacado en este sentido ha sido Russett al recomendar al gobierno en Washington la activa promoción democrática en base a las "pruebas sólidas de que las democracias no se hacen la guerra entre sí". Su propuesta se cuida de no alentar intervenciones militares unilaterales, sino apoyadas y legitimadas por organizaciones como la ONU o la OEA; y sus preceptos, en efecto, se materializaron durante la administración Clinton en la estrategia de Engagement y Enlargement ("compromiso y expansión"), en la que primacía global estadounidense, democracia y libre mercado caminaron de la mano.Pero lejos está de ser la Paz Democrática algo reciente o coyuntural en el discurso de política exterior de Estados Unidos. John Ikenberry sostiene que "[the] American preoccupation with promoting democracy abroad fits into a larger view about the sources of a stable, legitimate, secure, and prosperous international order. This outlook may not always be the chief guiding principle of policy, and it may sometimes lead to error. Still, it is a relatively coherent orientation rooted in the American political experience and American understandings of history, economics, and the sources of political stability" (Ikenberry, 1999). Sus orígenes políticos se remontan, claro es, a Woodrow Wilson quien en 1917 señaló: "A steadfast concert of peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants". De acuerdo con el análisis de Henry Kissinger (1995), Wilson retomó postulados ya volcados en su momento por Thomas Jefferson, a saber: a) que la misión especial de Estados Unidos trasciende la diplomacia cotidiana, y los obliga a servir como faro de libertad para el resto de la humanidad, y b) que la política exterior de las democracias es moralmente superior porque el pueblo es, en esencia, amante de la paz. Esta misma línea de argumentación fue bien visible en la prédica de Harry Truman sobre las naciones libres, en la visión maníquea del "Imperio del Mal" de Ronald Reagan y, además del mencionado Clinton, más recientemente en las administraciones Bush (h) y Obama, como puede verse en los siguientes extractos obtenidos de distintos documentos estratégicos. Estamos en presencia por tanto de una constante de política exterior estadounidense.A National Security Strategy for a New Century, October 1998."…We seek international support in helping strengthen democratic and free market institutions and norms in countries making the transition from closed to open societies. This commitment to see freedom and respect for human rights take hold is not only just, but pragmatic, for strengthened democratic institutions benefit the United States and the world" (p. 33).The National Security Strategy of the United States of America, September 2002."…We will (…) use our foreign aid to promote freedom and support those who struggle non-violently for it, ensuring that nations moving toward democracy are rewarded for the steps they take (…) [and we will] make freedom and the development of democratic institutions key themes in our bilateral relations, seeking solidarity andcooperation from other democracies while we press governments that deny human rights to move toward a better future" (p. 4).National Security Strategy, May 2010."… The United States supports the expansion of democracy and human rights abroad because governments that respect these values are more just, peaceful, and legitimate. We also do so because their success abroad fosters an environment that supports America's national interests. Political systems that protect universal rights are ultimately more stable, successful, and secure. As our history shows, the United States can more effectively forge consensus to tackle shared challenges when working with governments that reflect the will and respect the rights of their people, rather than just the narrow interests of those in power" (p. 37).Esta prédica democrática, sin embargo, pareciera marchar a contramano de ciertas realidades. Señala Peñas, "la historia demuestra que las islas liberales no sólo han hecho la guerra por doquier, sino que además han sido responsables de un alto grado de militarización del mundo y han contribuido significativamente a la militarización y los conflictos entre los Estados no democráticos: esta militarización podría poner en peligro la paz democrática que el liberalismo propugna" (Peñas, 1997: 136). Estados Unidos, una de las democracias más importantes a nivel mundial (sino la más), posee en particular una historia reciente de retroalimentación entre militarización y conflictividad en el Tercer Mundo. Vale recordar, cómo a través de la CIA, Washington ayudó armar a la red al-Qaeda para combatir a la ocupación soviética de Afganistán en la década del '80, lo que a la postre generó una guerra civil en dicho país y el surgimiento de un importante enemigo en la figura de Osama Bin Laden, o bien el apoyo a Saddam Hussein durante la guerra irano-iraquí por aquellos mismos años en coexistencia casi paradojal con la venta encubierta de armamento a Irán —destinada a su vez a financiar la guerra sucia de los Contras nicaragüenses contra el gobierno revolucionario sandinista. La invasión a Iraq en marzo de 2003 y el posterior caos del país, también constituye un buen ejemplo del fracaso y los peligros que conlleva la aplicación de una retórica democrático-mesiánica a través de la manu militari.Ciertamente, el repaso de estos eventos despierta temores si se contempla el actual caso de Libia. Allí, la intervención bajo autorización del Consejo de Seguridad de Naciones Unidas para frenar la crisis humanitaria en curso en el país, por iniciativa de Francia, Estados Unidos, Italia, Gran Bretaña y España (todas democracias), se ha convertido en una operación liderada por la OTAN, donde se está financiando y proveyendo a las fuerzas insurgentes opositoras a Kadafy y en la que el objetivo del cambio de régimen parece cada vez más claro (van Tijen, 2011). A pesar del importante despliegue de poder aéreo y naval, la balanza del conflicto parece no sólo equilibrada sino estancada, contrariando las expectativas iniciales de los mandos políticos y militares occidentales, lo que a su vez augura una potencial inestabilidad en el corto y mediano plazo para todo el Magreb. ¿Es esta la clase de escenario regional que desea la comunidad internacional? ¿Es esto lo que pretenden las principales democracias occidentales? Difícilmente.Resulta por tanto un desafío tan grande como imperioso el lograr romper con la trampa entre democracia, militarización y conflictividad en aumento. Más aún si se advierten datos tan desalentadores como el tamaño del gasto militar de Estados Unidos, el cual eclipsa el gasto correspondiente al resto de las potencias y regiones del planeta.Tal contrariedad entre discurso pacífico-democrático y los hechos, en parte, se explica porque el objetivo estadounidense de la difusión de la democracia liberal a nivel mundial no es el único que compone su política exterior. Existen otros intereses (de seguridad, económicos, poder, etc.) y los medios para conseguirlos no siempre son pacíficos, ni justificables. Desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial, la política exterior estadounidense ha oscilado entre métodos como la negociación, disuasión, unilateralismo y multilateralismo (Barceló Sasía, 2006: 64). En este marco, por momentos el discurso político de la Paz Democrática ha generado la impresión de actuar más como una mera justificación retórica, como un auxilio para encubrir ideológicamente motivaciones de otro orden, antes que como el verdadero leit motif de las acciones emprendidas.Reflexión finalEn definitiva, la Paz Democrática, la idea de que las democracias no guerrean entre sí, cuyo corolario nos dice que la construcción de estados democráticos promueve la estabilidad en las relaciones internacionales, resulta una sugestiva noción desprendida del Liberalismo cuya corroboración científica, a pesar de las frases pomposas que puedan emitirse sobre su certeza y fiabilidad, se encuentra aún en juego. Siendo una tesis por demás atractiva, defendida y cuestionada en el mundo académico, resulta aún más trascendente su estudio dada su cristalización fáctica como supuesto criterio guía en el comportamiento exterior de los Estados democráticos más poderosos a nivel internacional. Los dilemas que ello entraña no son menores, como los intentos recientes y actuales de "democratizar" Medio Oriente y el Mundo Árabe nos recuerdan. Dobles discursos —morales de doble-standard de acuerdo con la célebre crítica de Stanley Hoffman— parecen conjugar anhelos democráticos con intereses geopolíticos y/o geoeconómicos, o más bien encubrir estos últimos bajo el manto de los primeros. En el medio, se resuelven y dirimen en el tablero mundial las corrientes de cambio pacífico o revolucionario, de progreso democrático o de restauración autocrática, las viejas lógicas de poder, de conquista y de influencia, la estabilidad internacional, el porvenir de la guerra y las sombras de la paz. *Candidato doctoral, Universidad Nacional de General San Martín (UNSAM, Argentina). 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Un viejo proverbio chino señala que "la puerta mejor cerrada es aquella que puede dejarse abierta". Efectivamente la transformación de China durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX grafica este dicho. De manera impensada para muchos, luego de casi tres décadas de férreo control estatal sobre la economía bajo el liderazgo de Mao Zedong, la dirigencia china que lo sucedió en el poder decidió hacia fines de los setenta "abrir una puerta bien cerrada" y emprender un ambicioso proceso de modernización, liberalización y apertura económica. De la mano de Zhou Enlai primero y Deng Xiaoping después, el Estado chino se embarcó en la tarea de modernizar dentro del país su sector agrícola, su estructura productiva, la ciencia y tecnología y la defensa nacional. El interés central detrás de esta transformación radicaba en acortar la brecha de desarrollo existente con los países más avanzados, situación que se reflejaba en el éxito económico de "vecinos" como Japón, Corea del Sur, Taiwán y Hong Kong. Para Deng, China sólo podría convertirse en una gran potencia a través de una política sistemática de modernización, con énfasis en el desarrollo económico y manteniendo la estructura de control político del Partido Comunista (Wilhelmy y Soto, 2005: 52). El desafío a superar consistía en dejar atrás una empobrecida, cerrada y estancada economía planificada y avanzar en la configuración de una economía competitiva. En la opinión del periodista Li Datong (2009), la política de reformas contó a grandes rasgos con dos etapas bien claras. En la primera, que se extendió de 1978 a 1989, el ímpetu de cambio fue puesto en la reducción de la pobreza rural y urbana. En la segunda, iniciada en 1992 con el famoso viaje de Deng al sur del país y culminada en el 2001 con el ingreso de China a la Organización Mundial de Comercio, el gobierno en estrecha alianza con sectores empresariales concentró esfuerzos en impulsar el crecimiento económico.Las principales medidas adoptadas consistieron en: la descolectivización de la agricultura y la autorización del uso privado de las tierras comunales (household responsibility system); el levantamiento de la prohibición para realizar actividades empresariales de índole privada; la apertura por primera vez desde la Revolución de 1948 al ingreso de capitales extranjeros; la creación de zonas económicas especiales y de apertura (existen actualmente una veintena, entre ciudades, provincias y áreas costeras); la privatización de numerosas empresas (a excepción de algunos grandes monopolios vinculados a energía y al sistema bancario); la descentralización del control estatal nacional hacia los gobiernos provinciales; la reducción general de aranceles y barreras comerciales; y el reconocimiento legal en 2005 de la propiedad privada.Estas reformas hicieron posible el denominado "milagro chino", la gran performance económica desatada a partir de 1978. Entre aquel año y el 2006 China mantuvo un promedio anual de crecimiento del 9,7%, tendencia que sólo se interrumpió tras los incidentes de la Plaza de Tiananmen en 1989 y que apenas se redujo en 1997 y 1998 durante la dura crisis asiática (Zhao, 2006: 3). Asimismo, mientras en los objetivos iniciales se esperaba cuadruplicar el PIB para comienzos del siglo XX, el desempeño real arrojó un impresionante crecimiento de trece veces del PIB de 1978 hacia el año 2006. En materia comercial, su comercio exterior se ha quintuplicado en los últimos diez años, mientras que su participación en el comercio mundial en ese mismo período se ha más que duplicado, llegando en 2007 al 9% de las exportaciones y al 6,8% de las importaciones globales. Además, China incrementó su penetración en los mercados de las economías desarrolladas y simultáneamente se transformó en un importante destino de exportación, especialmente para las economías de la región asiática, convirtiéndose en un nuevo eje del comercio mundial –segundo exportador y tercer importador en 2007–, disputando así el papel de Estados Unidos, la Unión Europea y Japón (D'Elía et al., 2008: 67-8). Una de las principales fuentes de esta expansión comercial ha sido el creciente emplazamiento de firmas extranjeras en el país, las que se valen de los bajos costos de producción para sus operaciones. La participación de dichas firmas en las exportaciones chinas aumentó del 10% en 1990 a casi un 60% en 2004 (Blonigen y Ma, 2010: 475). Este fenómeno denominado "processing trade"explica que China se haya convertido en el principal receptor entre los países en desarrollo de inversión extranjera directa por primera vez en 1993 y uno de los tres primeros a nivel mundial entre 2003 y 2005 (Cheng y Ma, 2010: 545). Conjuntamente, el doble éxito comercial y en atracción de capitales apuntaló también las reservas internacionales. Mientras que en 1992 se registraron reservas por 19 mil millones de dólares, equivalente a un 4% del PIB, tan sólo quince años después éstas alcanzaron 1,4 billones, correspondiente al 50% del PIB (Truman, 2008: 169).A nivel doméstico, la principal transformación ha consistido en el establecimiento gradual de una "economía de mercado socialista". Su avance se evidencia en que hacia 1979 la totalidad de las industrias eran estatales o "colectivas" y el Estado controlaba los precios del 97% de los productos en circulación, mientras que hacia fines de la década de los noventa, menos del 30% de las empresas seguían siendo estatales y las fuerzas del mercado fijaban ya el 97% de los precios. Desde el 2001 estos márgenes se han mantenido mayormente constantes. Pero este ascenso económico posee una contracara de obstáculos, desafíos y debilidades bien marcados que pondrán a prueba la potencialidad de crecimiento a futuro. Por un lado, China es todavía un país pobre en términos de su ingreso per capita, estimado en aproximadamente U$S 3.000 anuales, lo que equivale sólo al 10% de los ingresos registrados en Estados Unidos y Europa. Este bajo registro se conjuga con una mayor desigualdad y una aguda concentración de los ingresos, siendo el 90% de la riqueza acaparada por el 1% más rico de la población (Datong, 2009). La razón detrás de éste pasivo social yace en las privatizaciones, la liberalización y el marcado contraste entre el interior del país y las más dinámicas zonas costeras e industriales —el 57% del PIB se produce en el este de China, un 26% en la región central y apenas el 17% en el oeste (D´Elía et al., 2008: 69). Consecuentemente, ello explica que el crecimiento de la economía esté principalmente impulsado por las exportaciones y la inversión más que por el consumo doméstico. Por el otro lado, los problemas ambientales se han vuelto verdaderamente acuciantes de la mano de este crecimiento. China ha reemplazado recientemente a los Estados Unidos como principal emisor mundial de gases de efecto invernadero. A causa del creciente parque automotriz, las industrias contaminantes y las numerosas plantas procesadoras de carbón, la calidad del aire se ha deteriorado en las principales ciudades. Así, por ejemplo, la concentración de partículas tóxicas inhalables en Beijing en el año 2008 superó en un 80% el estándar tolerable fijado por la Organización Mundial de la Salud (Jacobs, 2010). En las zonas rurales, la masificación del uso de fertilizantes y agrotóxicos para apuntalar la productividad de la agricultura ha contaminado buena parte de las cuencas hídricas.En el plano de los desafíos, debe sumarse que China no es una democracia. El sistema de gobierno es esencialmente autoritario, regido por actores que se imponen en contiendas intrapartidistas y burocráticas libradas a puertas cerradas en Beijing (Wilhelmy y Soto, 2005: 53). Lejos de ser China una "sociedad armónica", se han registrado al compás de las transformaciones importantes conflictos sociales con base en diferentes reclamos: mayor democratización, mejores condiciones de vida, reconocimiento de autonomía política en el caso del Tíbet, etc. Desde los años de Deng, la regla ha sido la aplicación de una política de "mano dura" para contener el disenso interno —como se evidenció en la plaza de Tiananmen en 1989. No obstante, este disenso ha ido en ascenso. En septiembre de 2003, Human Rights Watch informó que más de tres millones de personas se movilizaron en distintas protestas en sólo un mes y que, en más de cien casos a lo largo del país, los reclamos escalaron en violentos choques con las fuerzas de seguridad locales y la destrucción de edificios gubernamentales (Becker, 2006: 169). Por tanto, resta ver cómo el sistema político logra adaptarse a las radicales modificaciones sociales en curso y da cabida a nuevos actores en la lucha por el poder. A pesar de estos desafíos por resolver, existe un fuerte consenso mundial sobre el actual proceso de ascenso de China al status de gran potencia. La célebre predicción de Napoleón —"Let China sleep, for when she wakes, she will shake the world"—, parece estar siendo confirmada (Kynge, 2006). En efecto, "China is reemerging as a major power after one hundred and fifty years of being a weak player on the world stage—a brief hiatus in China's long history", de acuerdo con Susan Shirk (2007: 4), máxima responsable en el Departamento de Estado de las relaciones con China durante la administración Clinton. Si se considera su situación estructural, una estimación reciente del poder comprehensivo de China comparada con las otras grandes potencias del sistema internacional arroja los siguientes resultados. Allí se advierte que China es la única potencia con un status fuerte de poder en cada una de las dimensiones contempladas y por tanto la principal competidora estratégica detrás de la superpotencia estadounidense. Pero el nuevo protagonismo chino también se percibe de una manera más dinámica. Crecientemente el país empieza a desempeñar roles críticos en distintos asuntos de interés mundial, desde la no proliferación hasta el cambio climático, además de ser materia de controversia en Occidente en asuntos relacionados con la pérdida de empleos, déficits comerciales y derechos humanos. En la última década, además, China ha combinado su dinamismo económico con políticas pragmáticas de seguridad y defensa y un fuerte activismo diplomático, gracias a lo cual ha empezado a establecer sólidas relaciones no sólo en toda Asia sino también en Europa, África y Sudamérica, aprovechando en buena medida los "espacios" generados por la focalización de los Estados Unidos en las guerras de Afganistán e Irak y la lucha contra el AlQaeda (Gill, 2007: 1).En el caso particular de América Latina, el carácter actual de los vínculos con China se remonta a la finalización de la Guerra Fría. Fue entonces cuando la desideologización de la política exterior del gigante asiático y el auge del proceso de globalización brindaron un marco propicio para una fuerte expansión económica de las relaciones sino-latinoamericanas (Cesarín, 2006: 52). Algunas cifras ilustran el fenómeno. Las exportaciones de América Latina y el Caribe a China aumentaron en forma súbita desde los US$1.500 millones en 1990, a los casi US$3.000 millones en 1995 y US$5.400 millones en 2000, para crecer posteriormente un 42% anual entre 2000 y 2004 hasta llegar a superar los US$21.000 millones en 2004. En 2003, los recursos primarios representaban el 45,5% de la canasta (Davy, 2008: 4). Por su parte, las exportaciones chinas a la región durante la década de los 90 crecieron más de cinco veces, logrando un superávit comercial global que perduró hasta el 2002. Sin embargo, con los países ricos en recursos naturales como Brasil, Argentina, Chile y Perú, la balanza mercantil resultó deficitaria para Beijing (Cheng, 2006).El interés chino en los países del subcontinente se ha vuelto desde entonces más claro: América Latina constituye un importante reservorio de materias primas, alimentos y recursos naturales necesarios para la prosecución de su crecimiento —no debe perderse de vista que China importa el 30% del petróleo que consume, el 45% del mineral de hierro, el 44% de otros metales no ferrosos y una proporción cada vez más alta de productos agrícolas. El patrón de intercambio comercial y de inversiones en los últimos años refleja dicho interés: minería y forestación (Perú y Chile), pesca, agroalimentos y petróleo (Argentina y Venezuela), mineral de hierro y acero (Brasil), producción de alimentos (Brasil, Chile, Argentina y Perú) y minería (Perú, Colombia, Chile). (Cesarín, 2006: 52-3.) En efecto, la relativa bonanza económica latinoamericana de comienzos de siglo —en parte— se debe a la fuerte demanda china de este tipo de bienes y commoditiesque traccionó al alza los precios internacionales. Para algunos, esto representa una importante oportunidad de optimizar los procesos subregionales de integración e impulsar cambios en las estructuras productivas nacionales mediante la participación inversora de firmas chinas (Cesarín, 2005: 3). Pero esta situación, en principio favorable, amerita una reflexión cautelosa en la medida en que "el auge de los commodities encubre los riesgos inherentes de depender de un sector volátil y en gran medida poco calificado para el sostenimiento de un crecimiento económico a largo plazo y la prosperidad" (Davy, 2008: 2). En este sentido, China ofrece a la región oportunidades pero también desafíos: detrás de los cantos de sirena, se esconde el peligro de un comercio asimétrico que conduzca a la reedición de lazos de dependencia y a una inserción internacional de América Latina subordinada a los dictados de una gran potencia distante. Precisamente, el profesor Julio Sevares (2007: 12) ve en la relación económica Latinoamérica-China no una relación Sur-Sur, sino más bien el clásico esquema comercial Norte-Sur y el patrón inversor de tipo extractivo británico del siglo XIX.Con respecto estrictamente al plano político-estratégico, dos cuestiones deben considerarse. La primera es que China resulta para muchos de los liderazgos latinoamericanos un simpático ejemplo de éxito en materia de reformas dado el importante rol estatal en la conducción de la transformación económica. Representa así un exitoso experimento, distinto de las propuestas neoliberales que fracasaron en América Latina (Cesarín, 2010: 8). Y la segunda, es que la irrupción de China en la región plantea interrogantes sobre la eventual reacción de los Estados Unidos ante un eventual socavamiento de influencia en su "patio trasero". Se trata de un escenario que desde comienzos del siglo XXI se sigue con atención en las usinas de pensamiento estratégico en Washington. Allí se distinguen al menos dos posiciones: una, la de los decisores estadounidenses más temerosos que entienden a la nueva presencia china en la región como la movida inicial de una ofensiva diplomática a gran escala de Beijing para desafiar a los Estados Unidos en su propio hemisferio; y la otra perspectiva, más benigna, que percibe los crecientes vínculos como una oportunidad antes que una amenaza y como una manifestación natural de las necesidades energéticas y de recursos del país asiático sin miras explícitas de choque con la superpotencia (Roett y Paz, 2008: 1). Esta última visión es la que acepta la idea del ascenso pacífico ("peaceful rise") que ha publicitado Hu Jintao. De acuerdo con Zheng Bijian, uno de sus principales ideólogos, "China no tiene la intención ni de desafiar ni de subvertir el orden internacional político y económico ya existente (…). No buscamos la hegemonía ni en el pasado, ni ahora, ni nunca jamás en el futuro cuando hayamos alcanzado el desarrollo. Hemos convertido ya en una premisa básica de nuestro Estado la de no pretender nunca la hegemonía" (Bijian, 2005).La reemergencia histórica de China debe por tanto discurrir a través de la integración a las reglas de juego internacionales, a través del multilateralismo, la resolución pacífica de las disputas y la tolerancia hacia el resto de las naciones. En última instancia, la evolución hacia un abierto desafío estratégico entre los Estados Unidos y China o hacia una convivencia respetuosa entre superpotencias, dependerá del factor que prime en la interacción mutua: un juego de suma cero producto de las transformaciones estructurales en el sistema político internacional, o bien un juego de suma positiva resultado de intereses y percepciones convergentes.(1) El presente artículo es un fragmento de un capítulo de libro en elaboración sobre la inserción internacional de la Argentina entre el 2003-2007. *Candidato doctoral, Universidad Nacional General San Martín (UNSAM).Referencias bibliográficasBecker, Jasper (2006): Dragon Rising. An inside look at China today (Washington D.C.: National Geographic). Bijian, Zheng (2005): "Diez puntos de vista sobre el ascenso pacífico de China y sobre las relaciones entre China y Europa", Real Instituto Elcano, disponible en:«http://www.realinstitutoelcano.org/analisis/867/867_DiscursoZheng.pdf».Blonigen, Bruce A. y Alyson C. Ma (2010): "Please Pass the Catch-Up. The Relative Performance of Chinese and Foreign Firms in Chinese Exports", en Feenstra, Robert C. y Shang-Jin Wei: China's Growing Role in World Trade (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press).Cesarín, Sergio (2005): "Ejes y estrategias del desarrollo económico chino: enfoques para América Latina y el Caribe", en Cesarín, Sergio y Carlos Moneta: China y América Latina. Nuevos enfoques sobre cooperación y desarrollo. ¿Una segunda ruta de la seda? (Buenos Aires: BID-INTAL).Cesarín, Sergio (2006): "La relación sinolatinoamericana, entre la práctica política y la investigación académica", Nueva Sociedad, N° 203, Mayo/Junio, pp. 48-61.Cheng, Joseph Y. S. (2006): "Latin America in China's Contemporary Foreign Policy", Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol. 36, No. 4, pp. 500-528.Cheng, Leonard K. y Zihui Ma (2010): "China's Outward Foreign Direct Investment", en Feenstra, Robert C. y Shang-Jin Wei: Op. Cit.Datong, Li (2009): "China's stalled transition", Open Democracy (February 19), disponible en «http://www.opendemocracy.net/article/chinas-stalled-reforms». Accedido 16/09/2010. Davy, Megan (2008): "¿Qué presagia el crecimiento de China para América Latina?",Panorama del Desarrollo Internacional del American Enterprise Institute, N° 2, julio.D´Elía, Carlos, Carlos Galperín y Néstor Stancanelli (2008): "El rol de China en el mundo y su relación con la Argentina", Revista del CEI, N° 13, pp. 67-89.Gill, Bates (2007): Rising Star. China's New Security Diplomacy (Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution Press).Jacobs, Andrews (2010): "In China, Pollution Worsens Despite New Efforts", The New York Times (July 28), disponible en «http://www.nytimes.com/2010/07/29/world/asia/29china.html?_r=1»(accedido 18/9/10). Kynge, James (2006): China Shakes the World: A Titan's Rise and Troubled Future - and the Challenge for America (New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt).Roett, Riordan y Guadalupe Paz (eds.) (2008): China's expansion into the Western Hemisphere (Washington D.C.: The Brookings Institution).Sevares, Julio (2007): "¿Cooperación Sur-Sur o dependencia a la vieja usanza?", Nueva Sociedad, N° 207, enero-febrero, pp. 11-22.Shirk, Susan L. (2007): China. Fragile Superpower (New York: Oxford University Press).Truman, Edwin M. (2008): "The Management of China's International Reserves: China and a Sovereign Wealth Fund Scoreboard", en Goldstein, Morris y Nicholas R. Lardy (eds.):Debating China's Exchange Rate Policy (Washington: Peter G. Peterson Institute for International Economics).Wilhelmy von Wolff, Mandfred y Augusto Soto (2005): "El proceso de reformas en China y la política exterior: de Deng Xiaoping a Hu Jintao", en Cesarín, Sergio y Carlos Moneta: Op. Cit.Xuetong, Yan (2006): "The Rise of China and its Power Status", Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol. 1. Zhao, Min (2006): External Liberalization and the Evolution of China's Exchange System: an Empirical Approach (Final Draft, The World Bank Beijing Office), disponible en «http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INDIAEXTN/Resources/events/359987-1149066 764594/Paper_MinZhao.pdf».
AbstractThe purpose of this research was to adapt Antonak and Harth's (1994) Mental Retardation Attitudes Inventory for the Kuwaiti culture and to investigate its four‐dimensional structure. The study also aimed at identifying a unidimensional subset of items besides examining the quality of the identified items and the overall inventory. The 34 ‐item adapted inventor y was administered to 56 4 college students. Item analysis indicated that 29 items have had good psychometric characteristics. However, the exploratory factor analysis, cross‐correlations of scale and item scores, and correlations among scales did not support the four‐dimensional structure of the adapted inventory. Further, the sample was split into two random halves. A uni‐dimensional subset of 20 items was identified in one sample by iterative factor analyzing the item data and discarding items with small loadings. The other sample was used to cross‐validate uni‐dimensionality of the identified items. Analysis indicated that scores of the 20‐item inventory have high Cronbach coefficient alpha, and high stability and generalizability coefficients. Partial support for the validity of the scores had been ascertained by comparing the scores of male and female students, and by regressing the inventor y scores on indicators of familiarity with individuals with mental retardation. Findings were discussed with reference to Kuwaiti culture.Over the last two decades, inclusion has internationally become a critical part of the reform efforts to improve the delivery of services to individuals with Mental Retardation (MR). This trend focuses on increasing the opportunities for the placement of these individuals in the same social and educational set tings as individuals without MR. The new arrangements for providing services have created challenges to people without disabilities concerning acceptance, integration, and inclusion of individuals with MR into the mainstream of society (Praisner, 2003). Many researchers (e.g. Priestly, 1998; Yazbeck McVilly & Parmenter, 2004) have convincingly argued that these challenges have their roots in the societal norms and values that concurrently developed throughout the unfolding history of the meaning of MR. As Priestly (1998) noted, although people with differences have existed in all societies, the degree to which they were integrated or excluded varied according to predominant cultural perceptions. Yazbeck, McVilly and Parmenter (2004) suggested that people's attitudes toward individuals with MR are socially constructed and are acquired through experience over time.Individuals with MR are often judged by people based on their disability instead of their whole lives and what they may accomplish and experience during their life (Blatt, 1987). Consequently, People may rely on false generalization and develop negative attitudes towards individuals with MR. Makas, Finnerty‐Fried, Sugafoos, and Reiss (1988) noted that for nondisabled persons, positive attitude toward people with disability is usually conceptualized as being 'nice' and 'helpful', whereas for a person with a disability, the attitude would be dispensing with the category of disability entirely. A study of community attitudes in one state of Australia found that up to 86% of respondents reported feeling 'uncomfortable' when interacting with individuals with disabilities (Enhance Management, 1999). Another study (European Commission, 2001) found that 40% of Europeans reported feeling 'uneasy' in the presence of people with disabilities.Attitudes manifest themselves as positive or negative reactions toward an object, driven by beliefs that impel individuals to behave in a particular way (Yuker, 1988). They comprise a complex of feelings, desires, fears, convictions, prejudices, or other tendencies learned through varied experiences that give rise to a set or readiness to act toward a person in a certain way (Chaiken & Stangor,1987). This means that attitude is not behavior, but the precondition of behavior. In addition, Myers, Ager, Kerr, and Myles (1998) identified three types of attitudes that influence how non‐disabled people interact with, and include or exclude people with disabilities: (1) A preparedness to engage with people as consumers, neighbors, or friends; (2) a lack of awareness about individuals with MR; and (3) a wariness or hostility regarding the idea of community integration.Research has shown that the third type of attitudes, which represents negative and non‐acceptance of individuals with MR is commonly observed (Gething, 1994; Schwartz & Armony‐Sivan, 2001). Such negative attitudes in a society may present people with MR as a burden on the welfare system. Moreover, people might not see individuals with disabilities as possessing a valuable social role or possessing the same abilities and characteristics that the majority of people possess. Tus, individuals with MR may not be accepted or included in society and may often be treated badly. In turn, Wolfensberger (1988) indicated that individuals with MR, being in a devalued position, would behave badly as they think that this is what is expected of them.As integration of persons with MR is increasingly becoming a global reality, Kuwait has designed social policy aimed at promoting acceptance and inclusion of people with disabilities into the mainstream of society. To implement the policy of integration, the Kuwaiti government is continually forming inclusive services for individuals with MR. The recent policy of inclusion (law 13/96), which has been adopted in 1996, asserts that people with disabilities have a fundamental right to live and grow within their local communities. This law has spawned an expanded system of services to encourage people with disabilities to live like people without disabilities. Inclusion policies give individuals with MR the right to be involved in the same situations as people without MR. For example, more individuals with MR, for example, are being employed. Moreover, most children with Downs syndrome now attend Kindergarten and are included in social programs for children in the general population. The general goal of all types of services provided for individuals with MR is to improve their participation in society.Although the Kuwaiti government has shown a growing interest in the integration of individuals with MR, the chances of these individuals being able to integrate into mainstream society would depend on the attitude of others, such as students, teachers, coworkers, social workers, professionals, towards them. These attitudes, as found in many Western studies (Antonak & Harth, 1994; Gordon, Tantillo, Feldman & Perrone, 2004) are, for the most part, negative, which may contribute to negative outcomes on the part of individuals with MR (Byon, 2000). According to Wright (1983), disability situations are vulnerable to fundamental negative attitudes, and this would seem to be even truer in the culture found in Kuwait.In Kuwaiti culture, disability has stigmatizing effect on members of the immediate and extended family; families tend to keep members with MR out of the sight of other people. This contributes to social exclusion of people with MR. There is also the traditional common belief that disability is related to (1) God's willing that the parent should have a child with a disability, (2) God is punishing the parent, (3) God is testing the parent, or (4) God is selecting the parent for an unknown reason. Commonly, persons with MR have been considered burdensome and shameful, because they are incapable of contributing to traditional social obligations and roles.While those traditional beliefs still exist, the law 13/96 was legislated to support the integration of persons with MR into various aspects of life. Consequently, we expect that people in the society would react to this trend with frustration, anger, or refusal. Usually, people in Kuwait have little or no information about individuals with MR; thereby uninformed determinations, such as stereotypes, reflect their attitudes toward these individuals. According to Blatt (1987), a stereotype will fill in the cracks and unanswered questions in a situation with which people are not familiar. Langer (1989) in her theory of 'mindfulness' also shows that stereotype is 'premature cognitive commitments' that leads people to make judgments without enough information and reflection.Moreover, the society labels given to individuals with MR are often accompanied with stigma and negative connotations. This situation makes it difficult for those individuals to be included into society and be accepted for what they actually are and not for what others assume them to be. According to Biklen and Bogdan (1977), this type of discrimination is called 'handicapism' and is defined as'…a set of assumptions and practices that promote differential and unequal treatment of people because of apparent or assumed physical, mental, or behavioral differences' (p.206). These perceptions may prevent individuals with MR from being accepted, and they might be viewed, based on Erikson's theory, as a pseudo species, or as less than human (Smith, 1981).Furthermore, professionals', leaders', and students' views and beliefs about the integration of individuals with MR into society may result in slowing the process of inclusion and discouraging people from accepting these individuals as what they are. For example, though senior staff in Kuwait's Ministry of Social Affairs succeeded in including children with Downs syndrome into public kindergarten, no other effort has been made since 1996 to integrate other children with disabilities into inclusive educational settings. More critical is that, while leaders make efforts toward inclusion, they continue to support the permanent residence of individuals with MR in social welfare institutions and urge the government to provide free health, social and educational services for the residents. Ahmad (2004) found that between 1992 and 2002, there was an increase in the number of children, and males and females adults with MR who live in the Social Welfare Institution for permanent care. The number of residents with MR has increased from 223 to 296.According to Philips (1992), leaders' and professionals' beliefs about individuals with MR could have commenced with the industrial revolution that brought with it the practice of classifying people who were different, and who were not able to pursue personal dreams or act as the industrial society required. Leaders and professionals may perceive individuals with MR, as Blatt (1987) stated, blessed innocents or surplus population that is unnecessary and expendable. These beliefs may never give the individuals with MR an adequate opportunity to present themselves and their abilities to others.Praisner (2003) suggested that leaders' attitudes are the key factor in successful inclusion. Due to leadership position, leaders' and professionals' attitudes about inclusion either could result in increased opportunities for individuals with MR to be served in different settings or increased efforts to support the segregated special education services. According to Goodlad and Lovitt (1993), leaders and professionals have the decision to develop an inclusive setting, if they (1) make and honor commitments, (2) do what they say in formal and informal settings, (3) express interest in inclusion, (4) act and make their actions known, and (5) organize their staff and their physical surroundings to implement inclusive programs. As Praisner (2003) stated, the success of inclusion depends on how leaders exhibit behaviors that advance the integration, acceptance, and success of individuals with disabilities in general settings.Researchers (e.g., Horne, 1985) have also shown that students' positive attitudes may increase their willingness to work with individuals with MR, and lead to removal of barriers to integrate them into society. The positive attitudes of students may help to encourage the establishment of policies and the allocation of resources to increase the integration of individuals with MR into different settings in the society (Yazbeck, et al., 2004).To enhance the policy of inclusion in Kuwait, society needs to evaluate some of its structures and change people's attitudes to fit the needs of individuals with MR instead of making these individuals fit society's structures. Helping individuals with MR to be included into society and establish socially valued roles would not be difficult if the attitudes of society are less restrictive and less resistant to change.As Kuwait continues to develop social and educational policy about inclusion, researchers must pay attention to the connection between integration and attitudes. The provision of educational and social opportunities for individuals with MR can be legislated by Kuwait's government, but acceptance from other people cannot be ensured without knowing people's beliefs and thoughts about persons with MR.Developing an understanding of the attitudes that is predominant in society, which in turn influences the actions of its members, is critical if we plan for social changes and for evaluating the effectiveness of public policy on promoting an inclusive society (Schwartz & Armony‐Sivan, 2001). Given that there are negative attitudes toward people with MR, particular care must be taken to monitor changing social attitudes toward these individuals to identify any serious impediment to the progress of their inclusion in different settings: schools, workplace, and the wider community.Research that is relevant to individuals with disabilities (e.g. Geskie & Salasek, 1988; Antonak & Harth, 1994) has revealed the need for researchers to investigate the attitudes of people toward MR. Wolfensberger (1983) suggested that the key to changing how people are valued socially is to change the perceptions people have about individuals who may differ from the norm. Research, however, has indicated that the investigation of attitudes toward individuals with MR requires a psychometrically sound instrument. It is crucial to conduct research to gather accurate information about these attitudes; it would clarify people's awareness of persons with MR, and assist in evaluating intervention programs and developing appropriate course work for special education fields. Further, it would inform public policy decisions, funding priorities, and service delivery, which in turn, enhance the likelihood of achieving successful integration and improving qua lit y of life for persons with MR (Antonak & Harth, 19 94; Schalock, 1990). Accurate measurement of attitudes could also lead to early detection of negative attitudes, such as personal prejudices, misconceptions, and irrational fears of professionals, social workers, and teachers when they first get involved in disability work settings. Furthermore, it would help in providing a baseline for monitoring changes in their attitudes over time (Byon, 2000).Changing attitudes would help in supporting efforts of individuals with MR to become autonomous (Philips, 1992), and help to decrease the resistance of others to allow people with MR to make decisions about their own lives and to be independent (Schalock, 1990). As the history of the deinstitutionalization movement has shown, becoming autonomous and independent are not as simple as releasing people from state facilities and hoping they survive on their own. Autonomy and independence are based upon choice‐making, and choice‐making must be taught to people with MR, as they have never been allowed to make their own choices and do not know how to rationally choose for themselves.However, as Crutcher (1990) noted, personal choice is based on opportunity, and opportunity is accessible only when society decides it should be. Therefore, in order for individuals with MR to have the opportunity to make their own decisions and be successfully included in society, special effort must be taken to change peoples' attitudes towards them.Moreover, a psychometrically sound instrument of attitudes helps researchers to assess with known precision respondents' feelings about individuals with MR (affective aspect of attitudes), and their conceptions about them (cognitive aspect of attitudes). On the affective side, there are feelings of approval or disapproval of individuals with MR in the society. On the cognitive side, there are beliefs, knowledge, and expectations that affect people's behavior towards individuals with MR. The affective and cognitive aspects affect the respondents' opinions of what services should be provided for individuals with MR and what policy should be adopted. These also assist in the design, implementation, and evaluation of social intervention program and strategies geared toward removing barriers to integration (Geskie & Salasek, 1988).The present study focused on adapting, for use in Kuwait, the Mental Retardation Attitude Inventory‐Revised (MR AI‐R) of Antonak and Harth (1994). The MRAI‐R was chosen because of the limitations of the MR attitudes' instruments in the Gulf States, and in particular the lack of such an instrument in Kuwait. After reviewing literature, it seemed that there was only one measure of attitudes; an inventory developed by Qaryauti (1988). Despite the claimed appropriateness of Qaryauti's scale, we decided to use the MRAI‐R of Antonak and Harth for several reasons. First, Qaryauti's scale was based on Western instruments that Antonak and Harth criticized and motivated them to construct the MRAI‐R. In contrast, Antonak and Harth constructed the MRAI‐R based on a review of more than 50 years of the attitude literature, and developed their inventory on the most available valid instrument.Second, by reviewing the items of the MRAI‐R and Qaryauti's scale, it was clear to us that the MRAI‐R is more consistent with the requirements of the law 13/96 that was mandated in Kuwait to assure the right of individuals with MR to be included into public schools, workplace, and the wider community (see Table 1). Third, the MRAI‐R, unlike Qaryauti's scale, incorporates several components of attitudes: (1) the integration‐segregation of individuals with MR in various school programs, workplace, and community; (2) the willingness of people to be associated with individuals with MR (Social Distance); (3) the rights of individuals with MR to be included in schools, communities, and the workplace (Private Rights); and (4) the derogatory beliefs of people about the moral character and social behavior of individuals with MR. Of the 22 items in Qaryauti's scale, 13 were related to derogatory beliefs, six to social distance, and only three to private rights and integration‐segregation.Fourth, many transcultural researchers have used the MRAI‐R in populations as diverse as the United States, Australia, and Korea. In the US, Ward (1998) used the MRAI‐R to explore relationships between empathy and attitudes among 200 parents and adult consumers with developmental disabilities. Also, Yozwiak (2002) utilized the MRAI‐R to examine the beliefs and attitudes of 210 community members toward a child with MR who was a witness to a sexual abuse case. In an Australian study, Yazbeck and others (2004) used MRAI‐R to examine differences in attitudes between students and professionals in disability services, and persons in the general community (N=492). In Korea, Byon's study (2000) used the MRAI‐R to investigate the effect of social desirability on attitudes toward MR, and to compare the relationships between attitude measures (both direct and indirect measures) and behavioral outcome indicators. Obviously, findings from a large number of studies using the MRAI‐R contribute to its validity. In contrast, we failed to find any study in which Qaryauti's scale was used.Based on the above arguments, it seems that the MRAI‐R would be useful in needs assessments, especially in schools and mental health clinics. For example, when the ministry of education decides to implement the inclusion policy in schools, there would be a need to assess attitudes of teachers and students towards students with MR. The results of such assessment would help in designing programs that improve attitudes as needed. The MRAI‐R can also be useful for social workers, professionals, and researchers who work in a variety of primary social welfare settings. It helps them to identify and target those people who are the most in need of training and preparation to change their attitudes toward MR. In a wider scale, non‐profit organizations can use results of assessing attitudes in advocating the rights of those individuals.In general, the primary usage of the MRAI‐R could be: (1) screening for early identification of negative attitudes; (2) assessing attitudes of specific groups toward persons with MR; (3) pre‐ or post‐ measurement in intervention studies; and (4) helping researchers who aim at studying the effects of attitudes on different variables in the life of people with MR (i.e. job satisfaction, life satisfaction, family relationship, social support), or the relationship between attitudes and demographic variables (i.e. gender, age, marital status, employment, educational status, familiarity with individuals with MR).Following the recommendation of Antonak and Livneh (1988) that researchers should use the existing instruments and stop creating new ones, the purpose of the present study is to develop an Arabic inventory of attitudes toward individuals with MR by adapting the MRAI‐R to be suitable for use in Kuwait. Specifically, the study aimed at: (1) revising the MRAI‐R items to make them suitable to Kuwait's culture; (2) investigating the suitability of the four‐factor‐structure of the MRAI‐R for measuring attitudes toward individuals with MR in Kuwait; (3) selecting a uni‐dimensional subset of items, if the four‐factor‐structure was not confirmed; and (4) examining the psychometric characteristics of the adapted inventory.We decided to carry out this study on college students for various reasons: (1) college students are prospective educators or professionals who will be either dealing with people with MR or making decisions that affect their lives; (2) college students in Kuwait play an active role in social change and in changing public opinions;(3) they are representative cross‐section of Kuwaiti society; (4) a sample of college students is more easily acquired than a sample from the general population.
Background of the research This study intends to analyses the involuntary resettlement of an indigenous Dayak community due to the implementation of the Bakun Dam Project in Sarawak, Malaysia. The significance of this research is that it raises important questions on the impact of development imposed by the state government of Sarawak on the indigenous people who have been regarded as in need of change and to be brought closer to urbanization vis-à-vis modernization through resettlement. Involuntary resettlement due to development projects or infrastructure improvements is not a singular phenomenon and in this context it is often argued that development projects provide employment to the local population and enforce development. However, a dam project also displaces local people from their homes and traditional livelihood. This research focuses on the forced displacement of the indigenous communities at Sg. Asap resettlement because of the implementation of the Bakun Hydro-electric Project (BHP). It is viewed as an involuntary resettlement as the indigenous communities who were residing within the area of the planned BHP had no choice but to move to the resettlement. Their villages and native lands were claimed by the state government for the implementation for the BHP. Thus, the whole problem is focused on the question of why is the resettlement that is promised as a development program for the people by the state government of Sarawak being regarded as forced displacement. In this research, forced displacement is observed at three different levels. First, prior to resettlement, potential settlers are faced with the critical decision of abandoning their homes and livelihoods, causing emotional distress. Secondly, after moving to the new settlement, settlers are often confronted with inadequate compensation for their loss of natural resources, social heritage and land, adding misery to their already distressed situation. Thirdly, resettling people into an area without any supportive resources, i.e. resources whose, purpose is to improve the lives of the settlers compared to their previous situation, fails to accomplish the very purpose of such resettlement. Research objectives and Questions This research utilizes Michael Cornea's analysis, the Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction (IRR) Model (2000), which brings to the main objective of this research that is to examine the outcomes of involuntary resettlement of the indigenous people. This research compares the situation confronted by the settlers in Sg. Asap resettlement to that definition of "involuntary population resettlement" advanced by Michael Cernea (1998). In this definition, there are two sets of distinct but related processes: displacement of people and dismantling of their patterns of economic and social organization, and resettlement at a different location and reconstruction of their livelihood and social networks. Other than that, the objectives of this research are: to observe if involuntary resettlement planned for meeting the labor needs for the oil palm estates is a catalyst for socio-economic development for settlers. And for policy recommendations, the sub-objectives are: •To subsequently evaluate the problems of accessing resources. •To study to what extent the involuntary resettlement has affecting the social and power structures. •To show the level of changes in social and power structure influencing livelihood strategies. •To examine the most effective network that has provided the people a platform to generate their livelihood. This research details the process and impact of the forced and involuntary displacement faced by the settlers. Factors highlighted include the indigenous people's coping mechanism and strategy in dealing with various issues related to land rights and usage, disagreement and differences in the new social structure, competition over limited natural resources and changing power structure and relations. Issues such as the problems within the household because of the changing family structure and changing role of elderly, men and women in the domestic unit are also highlighted in this research. Most important, this research focuses not only at the displacement issue but also illustrates how settlers rebuild and restructure their life and livelihood. Therefore, based on important concepts, livelihood, coping strategies and power structure, research questions raised are: 1.How do settlers cope with the fact of being involuntarily resettled and what do they do to deal with unanticipated consequences of the social changes that occur? 2.How do settlers manage the new social structure, conflict over limited resources and changing power structures and relations within their own community? 3.Which strategies currently used by these settlers have the potential to build a sustainable livelihood in the new settlement? Theoretical background This research takes the approach of regarding resettlement first and foremost as a catalyst for social change. However, resettlement in the context of 'force' or 'involuntary,' certainly does not ensure positive changes. Dessalegn (1989) defined resettlement in a different context: land settlement, colonisation, or transmigration, all referring to the phenomenon of people distribution, either planned or 'spontaneous'. Accordingly, 'resettlement as in Ethiopia implies moving people or people moving to new locations; colonization as in Latin America implies opening up or reclaiming lands for utilization; and transmigration is favoured by those writing on the Indonesian experience and the word suggests cross-ocean or cross island relocation' (Dessalegn, 1989:668). Palmer refers to resettlement as 'a planned and controlled transfer of population from one area to another' (1979:149). Tadros (1979:122), in analyzing resettlement schemes in Egypt, applied the United Nations definition of human settlement as: 'development of viable communities on new or unused land through the introduction of people' and further defined resettlement in two models: spontaneous and paternalistic. The spontaneous model leaves full scope for individual initiatives, and no support is provided by national or international organisations. No attention is paid to the proper place and function of the settlement within the national context. In the paternalistic model, technical support such as education, tools, equipment and other assistance is provided to the settlers (Tadros, 1979:122). The above definitions can be used in a different fashion for this research, thus the term 'forced' or 'involuntary resettlement'. In reality, despite the good intentions for developing communities, resettlement can also 'under develop' communities in the sense that such communities face greater hardship compared to life before resettlement. To this extent, the working definition of 'resettlement' in this research is a poorly planned resettlement through a forced, involuntary relocation of communities onto unused land that is inadequate for communities to develop a productive and fully functional socio-economic system. This research has adapted the concepts proposed by Michael Cernea (1998), looking at involuntary resettlement in general. The concept of involuntary resettlement (in this research also termed as forced resettlement), which is the comprehensive concept most often used in the current social science literature, integrates 'displacement' and 'resettlement' into one single term, in which the emphasis on involuntariness directly connotes the forced displacement. The usual description of 'involuntary population resettlement' consists, as mentioned earlier, of two sets of distinct but related processes: displacement of people and the dismantling of their patterns of economic and social organization, and resettlement at a different location with reconstruction of their livelihood and social networks. Resettlement refers to the process of the physical relocation of those displaced, and to their socio-economic re-establishment as family/household micro-units and as larger communities. Displacement implies not only physical eviction from a dwelling, but also the expropriation of productive lands and other assets to make possible an alternative use of the space. This is not just an economic transaction or a simple substitution of property with monetary compensation. Involuntary displacement is a process of unravelling established human communities, existing patterns of social organization, production systems and networks of social services. Overall, forced displacement of communities causes an economic crisis for most or all of those affected, entails sudden social disarticulation, and sometimes triggers a political crisis as well (Cernea, 1998:2-3). This research investigates the implications of resettlement and the reconstruction of the livelihood of the affected settlers. Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction Model (IRR) provides important variables to explore these issues further. Several important variables in the IRR model are utilised to create an independent framework for this research, and is explained in the following section. As Cernea explained, the IRR is a model of impoverishment risks during displacement, and of counteractions to match the basic risks where the multifaceted process of impoverishment was deconstructed into its fundamental components. The components are: landlessness, joblessness, homelessness, marginalisation, food insecurity, increased morbidity and mortality, loss of access to common property assets, and community disarticulation. This analytical deconstruction facilitates understanding of how these sub-processes interlink, influence, and amplify each other. Reconstruction, then, is the reversal of the impoverishment processes, and can be understood and accomplished along the same variables, considered in a holistic, integrated way (Cernea, 2000:5; 2003:40). IRR focuses on the social and economic contact of both segments of the process: the forced displacement and the re-establishment. The model captures processes that are simultaneous, but also reflects the movement in time from the destitution of displacement to recovery resettlement (Cernea, 2000:18). There are three fundamental concepts at the core of the model: risk, impoverishment and reconstruction. Each is further split into sets of specifying notions or components (as mentioned above) that reflect another dimension, or another variable of impoverishment or reconstruction (for example, landlessness, marginalisation, morbidity or social disarticulation). These variables are interlinked and influence each other; some play a primary role while others play a derivative role in either impoverishment or reconstruction (largely as a function of given circumstances). The conceptual framework captures the disparity between potential and actual risk. All forced displacements are prone to major socio-economic risks, but they are not fatally condemned to succumb to them. Cernea further explains that in this framework the concept of risk, as stated by Giddens (1990), is to indicate the possibility that a certain course of action will trigger future injurious effects – losses and destruction. Following Luhman (1993), the concept of risk is posited as a counter-concept to security: the higher the risk, the lower the security of displaced populations (Cernea, 2000:19). The model's dual emphasis – on risks to be prevented and on reconstruction strategies to be implemented – facilitates its operational use as a guide for action. Like other models, its components can be influenced and 'manipulated' through informed planning to diminish the impact of one or several components, as given conditions require or permit. That requires considering these variables as a system, in their mutual connections, and not as a set of separate elements. The model is also flexible as a conceptual template, allowing for the integration of other dimensions, when relevant, and for adapting to changing circumstances (Cernea, 2000:20). This model can be linked with other conceptual frameworks, to achieve complementary perspectives and additional knowledge (Cernea, 2000:21). There are four distinct, but interlinked, functions that the risks and reconstruction model performs: A predictive (warning and planning) function A diagnostic (explanatory and assessment) function A problem-solution function, in guiding and measuring resettlers´ reestablishment A research function, in formulating hypotheses and conducting theory-led field investigations For this research, the function falls under the third function, the problem-resolution. As Cernea explained, the problem-resolution capacity results from the model's analytical incisiveness and its explicit action orientation. The IRR model is formulated with an awareness of the social actors in resettlement, their interaction, communication, and ability to contribute to resolution. The model becomes a compass for strategies to reconstruct settlers´ livelihoods (Cernea, 2000:22). The IRR model clearly points out the results of social change and social disorganisation caused by involuntary resettlement. For the purpose of analysis, the two major variables used for the framework are: loss of access to common property assets and; social and community disarticulation, give a crucial foundation to exhibit the implications of forced displacement. Both of the major variables have been linked to understand the problems that are occurring in the community and households (shown as dependent variables - the coping mechanisms, the way settlers manage risks and the type of resources that people engage to strategise their livelihood). Each component respectively points out the results of change caused by involuntary resettlement i.e. competition over forest resources, state land and living space, and; dismantling of traditional power structure, communal structure and family structure. Although the central theme of the theoretical framework is forced displacement, the framework is expanded to the investigation of coping mechanisms, power structure and relations, and the way settlers strategize their livelihood. The research framework has aimed clearly at the impact of involuntary resettlement which is concluded in this research as causing the changes and social disorganization in the social structure of the settlers. However, the framework also extends to another level for the investigation of the strategies of rebuilding and restructuring of settlers. Main research findings With regard to the perspective to develop the indigenous people through resettlement program, as shown in this research, there are more losses than gains being achieved especially on the settlers' side. What they have left behind (history, livelihood, rights and identity) at their natural environment cannot be retrieved, and uncompensated. And it is also a fact, as proven in this research that the uncompensated losses continue to be the sole grievances of settlers and the factor of causing continuous displacement amongst settlers. This research concludes that as much as the involuntary resettlement has brought many new challenges to the Kenyah-Badeng, many of these challenges are beyond their capability to manage. The underlying problem is settlers were not actively involved in designing their future in the new settlement from the very beginning the project was proposed. The settlers were receiving diminutive information about the resettlement program, and very limited public platform for them to participate or to voice out their concerns and suggestions before its implementation. The factor that causes their continuous displacement is the non-existence of natural resources and land (other than the three acres given to them as part of the compensation) for them to generate income (remember that most of them are farmers without any skill useful to work in non-agricultural activities). Their life in the former village was hard but they were free to explore as much resources as possible, and they owned their native land. In the resettlement, they are as much strangers to the place as to the way of life they are faced with at the new settlement. In other words, settlers simply do not know how to behave appropriately in radically changed social situations because they are not equipped with necessary living tools. The study of the displacement of the Kenyah-Badengs is concluded in three important aspects as follows: Power structure and relations - In power structure and relations, kinship has always been an important aspect that became the reference for any struggle over leadership issue. Kinship is viewed on a larger scale that includes not only blood relation, but also aspects such as others who came from the same root, indicating that kinship in that term was very much related to sharing of the same history of settlement, migration and culture. It has been proposed that kinship was one crucial aspect that binds this community together, but not likely to be true at the new settlement. The power structure in the Kenyah-Badeng community at the resettlement stand as a separate system, failed to bind the people together, no orders from the leader and not accepting orders by the people. However, they carry out the norm of being as peaceful community, as they have always been. Coping through family network – Because of the failure of power structure and relations, the Kenyah-Badeng become family/household oriented in their livelihood strategies. The family network proves to be the most important coping mechanism for such challenging social environment. The family network provides a platform for its members to generate income, employment, social and moral support, education, and security in general. Livelihood strategies – With the absence of promised resources, settlers are faced with many problems with regards to economic aspects at the new settlement. Their agriculture knowledge is insufficient to success them for employment in town. They mainly work on their allocated three acres of land with other problems tagged along as the lands are located at sloppy and slumps area, as well as faced with low grade soil. For their agriculture productions, they are faced with marketing problem because of the established sellers who refused to allow them to get into the network. This research also humbly suggesting an alternative for settlers to improve their livelihood based on the available resources at the resettlement with the assistance of the state government, at least to initiate strategies for marketing. Settlers need "retooling" in many aspects of agriculture knowledge as that is what they have known best to build their livelihood. Government agencies should assist in terms of skill training related to effective methods to produce quality agriculture productions on their three acres of land. Horticulture should be encouraged on their three acres plot and this method has been carried out by the settlers in their swidden agriculture (slash and burns) at their former village areas. At the new settlement, the prospect of horticulture on pesticide free and organic food can be very encouraging. Methods The information and data for this research were obtained through formal and informal interviews, household survey, household in-depth interviews, and secondary data from available sources in prints, documents and internet. Questions for the interviews were formulated first based only on the research questions. At the field site, questions were expanded and added after numerous trial interviews with key informants to improve the questions before the real interviews were conducted. There were 55 household surveys, and from this survey, 20 households were selected randomly for the household in-depth interviews. The head of households were both male and female. Outline of the thesis This research is organized in chapters as the following summary: Chapter 1 provides the background information of the research area i.e. descriptively introduces Belaga, the region where Bakun Hydroelectric Project (BHEP) was implemented, the implementation of BHEP and the reaction of the local inhabitants. The resettlement in Sg. Asap, and the composition of the settlers are also discussed in this chapter. Chapter 2 touches the historical perspective of the Kenyah-Badeng focuses on their livelihoods at Long Geng, their former village before they resettled at Sg. Asap. This chapter also includes a brief history of their migration and settlement to Long Geng, and also the political structure in Long Geng. Chapter 3 discusses the power structure and relations of the Kenyah-Badeng. This chapter draws on the first stage of displacement i.e. processes of losing common property and space with prominent issues such as compensation, land rights and the expected involvement of local leaders in the whole process of the resettlement as highlights of the discussion. Brief history of land legislation in Sarawak based on the interpretation of Native Customary Land and native's rights over ancestral land based on literature reviews is illustrated in this chapter. The purpose of this illustration is to understand the background and general problems of land identification within the Kenyah-Badeng community prior to payment of compensation. Chapter 4 focuses on the discussion of the coping mechanisms employed by the settlers in handling crucial issues pertaining to their livelihood at the resettlement. In fact, this chapter continues the discussion of the stages of displacement highlighting the other two stages by discussing in-depth the situation of "loss of access to common property and space" and "social and community disarticulation". The headings of objectives outlined by State Planning Unit, Sarawak in the development plan of the resettlement are utilized as the base to explain the cause of the displacement and to illustrate the reality at present life of the Kenyah-Badeng. Chapter 5 focuses on the livelihood strategy in which family network is important as the platform for pooling resources. Departing from forced displacement, this chapter illustrates the emergence of coping reaction amongst the settlers by analyzing the family network discovered within the households interviewed in this research. Chapter 6 highlights the changing livelihood of the settlers highlighting the significant of wage employment where remittance is crucial to support their family who are living at the resettlement. The current perspective of settlers towards education and their willingness to invest into their children's education is also discussed in this chapter. Chapter 7 summarizes the research findings and concludes the research.
Issue 21.5 of the Review for Religious, 1962. ; JOHN XXIII M editatiOnS on the Rosary [On September 29, 1961, Pope John XXIII. issued the apos-tolic epistle, II religioso convegno, in which he exhorted the faithful.to recite the Rosary for the intention of peace among nations,Later on April 28, 1962, the Holy Father issued another apostolic epistle, Oecumenicum Conciliurn, urging the saying of the Rosary for the success of Vatican Council II. To assis~ the faithful in a fruitful saying of the Rosary, His Holiness com-posed a set of meditations on each mystery of'the Rosary: These are here translated from the original Italian text as given in Discorsi, Messaggi, Colloqui del Santo Padre Giovanni XXIII, v. 3 (Vatican City: Vatican Polyglot Press, 1962), pages 762- 72.] THE JOYFUL MYSTERIES The Annunciation This is the first luminous point of contact between heaven and earth; ,.it is the first of the greatest events in the history of the ages. In this mystery the Son of God, the Word of the Father through whom "all things were made". (Jn 1:3) in this order of creation, takes on a human nature; He becomes man in order that He might be the Redeemer and the Savior of man andof all humanity. Mary Immaculate, most beautiful and most fragrant flower of all creation, by her "Behold the handmaid of the Lord" (Lk 2:38) given in reply to the words of the angel, accepts the honor of divine motherhood; and at that instant it is fulfilled in her. We who were once born with our father Adam as adopted ~hildren of God and who then fell from this grace are now today brothers, adopted sons of the Father, because we have. been re-stored to our adoption by the redemption which begins with this event. At the foot of the cross we shall be sons of Mary together with Christ conceived by her at this moment. From this event on she will be the Mother of God and our Mother. + + + T~e Rosary VOLUME 21, 1962 397 0 the sublimity and the tenderness of this first mys-teryl As we reflect on this scene, our principal and constant duty is to thank the Lord because He has deigned to come to save us and because He has become man and our human brother. He is associated with us in the state of sonhood to the woman who at the foot of the cross will make us adopted sons. Since We are adopted sons of His heavenly Father, Fie has willed that we should also be children of the same Mother. In the contemplation of this first scene, besides the habitual thought of gratitude, our prayer should be di-rected towards a real and sincere effort to become hum-ble, pure, and actively charitable, for all these are virtues of which the Blessed Virgin gives us a shining example. The Visitation JOHN XXIH REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 398 What graciousness and sweetness is to be found in this three-month visit of Mary with her beloved cousinl Both women bear a motherhood that will soon come to term. The motherhood of the Virgin Mary is the most sacred imaginable. A sweet harmony is to be found in the can-ticles that the two interchange with each other: on the one hand, "Blessed art thou amongst women" (Lk 1:42), and on the other, "The Lord has regarded the lowliness of his handmaid; all generations shall call me blessed" (Lk 1:48). The event .that happens here at Ain-Karim on the hill-top of 'Epron showers a light, both human and heavenly, on the bonds that unite Christian' families which have been formed by the ancient school of the holy Rosary: the Rosary recited every evening in the intimate circle of the home; the Rosary recited not by one or a hundred or a thousand families, but by all families; the Rosary recited in all places of the earth where man "suffers, struggles, and prays" (A. Manzoni, La Pentecoste, v. 6); the Rosary re-cited by those called by inspiration from on high to the priesthood, or to missionary work, or to a longed-for apostolate; the Rosary recited by all those who are called by motives, legitimate as well as pressing, to labor, to business, to military service, to study, to teaching, to what-ever occupation. During the saying of the Hail Marys of-this mystery, it is good to join ourselves to the many persons united to. us by blood, by family, and by every bond that sanctifies and therefore strengthens the feeling of love which binds us to those we particularly love: parents and children, broth-ers and relatives, fellow countrymen, fellow citizens~ All this should be done for the purpose of sustaining, increas-ing, and illuminating the presence of that universal char- ity the exercise of which is the profoundest and highest joy of this life. The Birth oI Our Lord At the time appointed by the laws of the human nature He has assumed, the Word of God madff ~th °comes forth from the holy tabernacle of the immaculate womb of Mary. His first appearance in the world is in a man-ger where animals feed and where everything is. silence, poverty, simplicity, innocence. The voices of angels re-sound in the heavens as they announce the peace which the new-born Infant brings to the world. The first wor-shipers are Mary His Mother and Joseph His foster Father; afterwards humble shepherds come from the hill-side, invited by angelic voices. Later will come.a caravan of nobler rank led by a star; they will offer precious gifts pregnant with hidden meaning: In this night of Bethle-hem everything speaks in a language understandable by all. In this mystery, there should be no one who does not bend his knee in adoration before this crib, no one who does not gaze at the eyes of the divine Infant as they look into the distance as though viewing all the peoples of the earth passing one after another before His presence. He recognizes them all, knows them all, and smilingly greets them all: Jews, Romans, Greeks, ,Chinese, Indians, the peoples of Africa, the peoples of every region of the universe, of every epoch of history, it makes no difference if the regions be far distant, solitary, remote, secret, and unexplored; nor does it matter whether the epoch is past, present, or future. During the praying of this decade the Holy Father likes to recommend to the new-born Jesus the uncount-able number of babies of all the peoples of the earth who in the preceding twenty-four hours have come to the light of day everywhere on the face of the earth. All of them, whether they will be baptized or not, belong by right to Him, to this Babe born in Bethlehem. They are His brothers, called to a lordship .that is the,highest and gentlest in the heart of man and in the history of the world. It is a lordship that alone is worthy of God and of men, a lordship of light and of peace; it is the "kingdom" we pray for in the Our Father. The Presentation in the Temple Christ, supported by the arms of His mother, is offered to the priest; at the same instant He holds out His own armsin front of Him: it is the meeting of the two Testa-ments. There is an advance here towards "the light and revelation of the Gentiles" (Lk 2:32), to Him who is the splendor of the Chosen People, the Son of Mary, Present ÷ The Rosary VOLUME 21, 1962 399 ÷ ÷ ÷ JOHN XXIII REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 400 also is Joseph who equally shares in the presentation rites prescribed by the Law. In a different but analogous way this episode is con-tinued and perpetuated in the Church; while we recite this decade how good it is to contemplate the field grow-ing to harvest: "Lift up your eyes to the fields already white with the harvest" (Jn 4.:35). This harvest consists of the joyful hopes of the priesthood and of co-workers of the priesthood; there are many of these in the kihgdom of God and yet never enough, They are the youths in semi-naries, in religious houses, in missionary institutes; and because all Christians are called to be apostles, they are also in Catholic universities; they are all those other hopes of the future apostolate inseparable from the laity. It is an apostolate which grows in spite of difficulties and of opposition; it enters even .into nations suffering from per-secution; it offers and will never cease to offer a spectacle so consoling that it calls forth words of joyful admira-tion. "The light and revelation of the Gentiles".(Lk 2:32); the glory of the Chosen People. The Finding in the Temple Christ is now twelve years old. Mary and Joseph ac-company Him to Jerusalem for the prescribed worship. Unexpectedly He disappears, unseen by their vigilant and loving eyes. Their anguish is great and for three days they search for Him in vain. Sorrow is succeeded by joy when they find Him in the area around the Temple, hold-ing discussions with the doctors of the Law. How signifi-cant and detailed are the words With which St. Luke de-scribes the scene: "They find him in the midst of the doctors, listening to them and questioning them" (Lk 2:46). At that time a meeting such as this had a deep sig-nificance: knowledge~ wisdom, guidance of practical life in the light of the .Old.Testament. Such at every moment of time is the task of human in-telligence: to collect the thought of the ages, to transmit sound teaching, firmly, and humbly to lift the gaze of scientific investigation to the future, for we all die one after the other and we go to God; humanity journeys to-wards the future. Both on the level of supernatural and natural knowl-edge, Christ is never absent; He is always found there at His place: "One only is your mfister, Chrisi" (Mt 23:10). This fifth decade, the last of the joyful mysteries, should be considered a specially beneficial invocation for all those called by God through the gifts of nature, the cir-cumstances of life, the wishes of superiors, to the service of truth. Whether they are engaged in research or in teaching, whether they diffuse knowledge long attained!. or new techniques, whether they write books or are con-cerned with audiovisual projects; all of them are invited to imitate Jesus. They are the intellectuals, professional men, journalists. All of these, especially journalists since they are characterized by the daily duty of honoring truth, should communicate the truth with religious fidelity, with the utmost prudence, and without fantastic distortion or falsification. Let us pray for all of these, whether they be priests or lay persons; let us pray that they be able to listen, to the truth--and for this ther~ is needed great purity of heart. Let them learn to understand the truth---and for this great humility of mind is required. Let them be able to defend the truth--and for this is required that which was the strength of Christ and of the saints, obedience. Only obedience secures peace and.victory. THE SORROWFUL MYSTERIES The Agony in the Garden The mind returns again and again to thescene of the Savior in the place and hour of His supreme abandon: "And his sweat became as drops of blood running down upon the ground" (Lk 22:44). It is an interior p~iin of the soul, the bitterness of an extreme loneliness, the fail-ing of an exhausted body. It is an agony ,that could be caused only by the Passion which.Jesus now sees not as distant or even as near, but as already present. The scene of Gethsemani gives us the strength and the courage to strain, our wills to accept even great suffering when that suffering is willed or permitted by God: "Not my will but thine be done" (Lk 22:42). These are words that both wound and heal; they teach us the glowing ardor that can and should be reached by the Christian who suffers together with the suffering Christ; they give us a certainty of the indescribable reward of the divine life that exists in us now through grace and will be in us later through glory. In the present mystery the particular intention that should be considered is the "solicitude for all the Churches" (2 Cor 2:28), the anxiety that troubles the mind as the wind disturbed the lake of Genesareth: "The wind was against them" (Mt 14:24). This is the object of the daily prayer of the Holy Father: the anxiety of the most fearful hours of his pastoral ministry; the anxiety of the Church which suffers with him throughout the world, while at the same time he suffers with the Church present and suffering in him; the anxiety of souls and of entire portions of the flock of Christ that are subjected to perse-cution against the freedom to believe, to think, and to live. "Who is weak, and I am not alsoweak?" (2 Cor I 1:29). + + + The Rosary VOLUME 21, 196Z 401 JOHN XXIII REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 402 This sharing in the sorrows of the brethren, this suffer-ing with those who suffer, this weeping with those who weep (Rom 12:15) is a merciful blessing for the entire Church. Is not this the communion of saints that each and all possess in common the Blood of Christ, the love of the saints and of the virtuous, and, alas, our sin and our in-firmity? We should continually reflect on this communion which is a union and, as Christ said, a kind of unity: "That they may be one" (Jn 17:22). The cross of our Lord not only ennobles us, it draws souls: "And I, if I be lifted up from the earth, will draw all things to myself" (Jn 12:32). The Scourging This mystery recalls to our minds the merciless lashing of the immaculate and holy.Body of Christ. Human na-ture is composed of body and soul. The body endures humiliating temptations, while the will in its weakness can easily be carried away. In this mystery, then, is to be found a reminder of that salutary penance which implies and involves the true well-being of man, a well-being which comprehends bodily welfare and spiritual salvation. The teaching that comes from this mystery is important for all. We are not called to a bloody martyrdom but to the constant, discipline and daily mortification of our pas-sions. This path is a true way of the cross, daily, inevitable, necessary; at times it can become heroic in its demands. By it we gradually arrive at an ever greater resemblance to Christ, at a participation in His merits, at a greater cleansing of every fault through His immaculate Blood. We never arrive at this by way of easy enthusiasm or by way of useless and ineffective extravagance. His Mother, stricken with sorrow, sees Him after His scourging; her affliction is overwhelming. How many mothers desire to see their children grow perfect as they initiate them into the discipline of a good training and of a sound life; yet instead they must mourn the disap-pearance of their hopes, saddened because so much care has led to nothing. The Hail Marys of this mystery, then, will ask of the Lord the gift of purity for the family, for society, and espe-cially for young people since they are most exposed to the seductions of the senses. They will also plead for strength of character and for loyalty in the face of all trials tO teaching already received and to resolutions previously made. The Crowning with Thorns The contemplation of this mystery is especially con-cerned with those who bear the burdensome responsibility of the direction of social life; it is the mystery of those whoi govern, who make laws, and. who judge. On the head of this King, there is a cross of thorns. So also on their .heads there will be a crown; it is a crown that undeniably shines with the glow of dignity and distinction; it is a glow that comes from an authority that comes from God and is therefore divine. Yet interwbven into this crown are things that press down, that pierce, that bring perplexity, that tempt to bitterness; it is in brief a crown of thorns and of worry; and it is this even aside from the sorrow caused by the ill will and faults of men, which is a sorrow all the more keen as one loves them and has the duty of representing to them the Father who is in heaven. Another useful application o~ the mystery would be to think of the serious responsibilities of those who have re-ceived greater talents and hence are bound to bring forth fruit in proportionate measure by means of a persevering exercise of their faculties and of their intelligence. The service of thought, the duty of those so endowed to act as a light and a guide to others, should be carried out pa-tiently,, while temptations of pride, of egoism, and of de-structive separation are avoided. The Carrying of the Cross Human life is a long and burdensome pilgrimage; it is an upward journey over the rocky ascents that are marked to be the lot of all men. In the present mystery Christ represents the human race. If each man did not pos-sess his own cross, sooner or later he would fall by the way-side, tempted by egoism or by indifference. By contemplating Christ as He climbs up Calvary, we learn--more through the heart than the mind--to em-brace and to kiss the cross, to carry it with generosity and even with joy according to the words of the Imitation of Christ: "In the cross there is salvation; in the cross there is life; in the cross there is protection from our enemies and a pouring forth of a heavenly sweetness" (Book l, Chapter 12:2). And should not our prayer extend also to Mary who in her sorrow follows Christ in a spirit of intimate participa-tion in His merits and in His sorrows? This mystery should bring before our eyes the immense scene.of those in tribulation: orphans, the aged, the sick, prisoners, the weak, refugees. For all of these let us ask for strength and the consolation that only hope can give. Let us repeat tenderly and with the hidden interior tears of the soul: "O cross, hail, our only hope" (Vesper Hymn of Passion Sunday). The Crucifixion "Life and death meet in a wondrous battle" (Sequence of the Easter Mass); life and death are the two significant The Rosary VOLUME 21, 1962 4O3 and decisive aspects of the sacrifice of Christ. From Bethle-hem's smile-~one such as is found in all the sons of men at their first appearance on this earth--to Calvary's last breath and gasp which gathers into one all our sorrows in order to sanctify them and which expiates our sins in or-der to blot them out; this is the life of Christ on earth among us. And Mary stands near the cross as she once stood near the Babe of Bethlehem. Let us pray to her, our Mother, that she may pray for us "now and at the hour of our death." In this mystery we can see outlined the mystery of those who will never acknowledge the Blood which has been poured forth for them by'the Son of God. It is the mystery especially of obstinate sinners, of the unbelieving, of those who receive and then reject the light of the gospel. Such thoughts cause prayer to break forth in one immense sigh, in one burst of grief-stricken reparation in a worldwide view of the apostolate. We beg wholeheartedly that the Precious Blood poured forth for all men may finally give to all men salvation and conversion and that the Blood of Christ may give to all a pledge and a token of life eternal. THE GLORIOUS MYSTERIES + + + JOHN XXIII REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS The Resurrection This is .the mystery of death confronted and defeated. The Resurrection marks the definitive triumph of Christ and it is at the same time the assurance of the triumph of the Catholic Church over adversities and persecutions past and present. "Christ, Lord of glory; Christ, Prince of na-tions; Christ, King of kings." It is good to recall that the first appearance of the risen Christ was to the women who had been close to Him during His humble life and who remained close to Him even on Calvary. In the splendor of this mystery the gaze of our faith goes out to the living souls now united with the risen Christ, the souls of those dearest to us, the souls of those who were close to us and with whom we shared the anguishes of life. In the light of the Resurrection of.Christ there rises up in our hearts the remembrance of our dead. Remembered by us and aided by the sacrifice of the crucified and risen Lord, they still share in that better life of ours which is prayer and which is Christ. It is not without reason that the Eastern liturgy con-cludes the funeral rite with an Alleluia for all the dead. Let us ask for the dead the light of an eternal resting place while at the same time our thoughts are directed to the resurrection of our own mortal remains: "I await the resurrection of the dead." To be able to await, to place one's continual trust in the promise of that of which the Resurrection of Christ is a sure pledge--this is a foretaste of heaven. The .Ascension In this scene let us contemplate the,consummation and final fulfillment of theprortiises of Christ.~It is. His' re-sponse to our .longing for paradise. His final return to the Father from whom He had descended to us in the world gives us assurance that He has prepared a place for us: "I go to prepare a place for you" (Jn 14:2). This mystery, above all others, presents itself as a light and a guide to those souls who strive to follow their proper vocations. This is the background of that spiritual ac-tivity and ardor that contin.ually burn in the hearts of priestswho are not held down and distracted by the goods of this earth but seek only to open to themselves and to others the ways that lead to sanctity and perfection. This is that level of grace to which one and all must come; priests, religious, missionaries, laypersons devoted to-God and the Church, souls that are the good odor of Christ (2 Cor.2:15). Where such are, Christ is felt to be near; and they already live in a continual union with the life of heaven. This mystery teaches and urges us not to allow ourselves to be held back by that which burdens and weighs down the soul, but to abandon ourselves to the will of the Lord who draws us upwards. The arms of Christ, .as He returns to His Father at His Ascension¯ into heaven, are extended in blessing on the Apostles and on all those who follow them in their belief in Him. In the hearts of such there is a calm and serene certainty of a final meeting with Him and with all the saved in the realm of eternal happiness. The Descent of the Holy Spirit At the Last Supper the Apostles received the promise of the Spirit; later in the Cenacle, with Christ gone but Mary present, they receive Him as the supreme gift of Christ; what else indeed could the Spirit of Christ be? And He is the Strengthener and the Vivifier of souls. The Holy Spirit continues to pour forth His grace on and in the Church day by day;.centuries and peoples belong tothe Spiri~ and to the Church. The triumphs of the Church are not al-ways apparent externally; but they are always there, full of surprises and marvels~ The Hail Marys of this mystery are directed towards a special intention in this year of fervor as we see the pilgrim Church plan and prepare an ecumenical council. The council is to be a new Pentecost Of faith, of the apostolate, and of extraordinary graces for the well-being of men and the peace of the entire world. Mary, the Mother of Christ The Rosary VOLUME 2I, ~.962 405 ÷ ÷ JOHN XXIII REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 406 and our own living Mother, is with the Apostles in the Cenacle at Pentecost. Let us ever remain close to her through the "Rosary during this year. Our prayers united with hers will effect once more the ancient event of Pente-cost; it will be the rise of a new day, the dawn of new ac-tivi. ty for the Church as she grows holier and more catholic in these our times. The Assumption The lovely image of Mary becomes glowing and bril-liant in this greatest of exaltations that a creature may have. How full of grace, of sweetness, and of solemnity is the dormition of Mary as the Christians of the East love " to think about it. She lies there in the quiet sleep of death; Christ stands near her, holds her to His Heart as though the soul of Mary were an infant; thus is symbolized the wonder of Mary's immediate resurrection and glorifica-tion. The Christians of the West, on the other hand, prefer to raise their eyes and their hearts to follow Mary as she is assumed body and soul into the eternal kingdoms. It is in this way that our greatest artists have represented her in her incomparable beauty. Let us too follow her in this way; let us allow ourselves to be carried away with her amid the angelic procession. On days of sorrow this scene is a source of consolation and fidelity for privileged souls--and we. can all be such if we respond to grace--whom God silently prepares for the greatest of triumphs, that of sainthood. The mystery of the Assumption makes the thought of death, including our own, familiar to us; it gives us the light of a serene abandon of ourselves, for it familiarizes and accustoms us to the thought that, as we would desire, the Lord will be near us in our death agony to gather into His hands our immortal souls. May your favor be always with us, 0 immaculate Virginl The Coronation of Mary This is the synthesis of the entire Rosary which thus ends in joy and in glory. The great theme that opened .with the Annunciation of the angel to Mary has passed like a thread of fire and light through each of the mysteries; it is the eternal plan of God for our salvation. It has been imaged in many scenes; it has been present in all the mysteries up to now; and now it ends with God in the splendor of heaven. The glory of Mary, the Mother of Christ and our Mother, shines in the splendor of the most august Trinity and is dazzlingly reflected in holy Church in all her states: triumphant in heaven, suffering in the confident expec-tation that is Purgatory, militant on earth. 0 Mary, pray with us, pray for us, as we know and feel you do. How real are the delights, how lofty the glory in the divine-human relationships of. affection, words, and life that the Rosary has given and continues to give to us. It softens our human afflictions; it is a foretaste of the peace of the other world; it is our hope fore'ternal life. ÷ ÷ ÷ The Rosary VOLUME 21, 1962 407 JOSEPH F. GALLEN, S.J. Practice of the Holy See ÷ ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, S.J., is professor of canon law at Woodstock College, Woodstock, Mary-land. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS This article gives, from January 1, 1959, the contents of replies or rescripts of the Holy See to particular re-quests and the practical points of constitutions approved by the Holy See. The rescript or approval is always that of the Sacred Congregation of Religious unless otherwise indicated. Similar articles appeared in the REVtEW ~oR RELICXOUS, I0 (1951), 22--24; 11 (1952), 12--18, 69--74, 151-- 58; 12 (1953), 252--72, 285--90; 18 (1959), 77--85, 156--68, 214--24. We have also listed under each heading the is-sues of the REvmw FOR RELIGIOUS in which the same mat-ter had been at least generally explained. Such references will be useful and sometimes even necessary because the practice of the Holy See is not fixed and invariable in sev-eral of the matters contained in the article. Choir and lay nuns. In one order of nuns, the titles now in use are choir nuns and lay nuns. The latter are therefore no longer called lay sisters in this order. In the same order, the lay nuns have a vote in the conventual chapter but not in elections. REwv.w ~-oR P~V.L~CIOUS, 15 (1956), 266-67. Change of the religious habit. Several congregations of sisters simplified the religious habit to some degree. A monastery of nuns was permitted to change the white veil of the lay sisters to black on trial for ten years and provided it was certain that the chapter of the monastery consented to the change. A federation of nuns changed the habit of its extern sisters to conform completely to that of the choir nuns. In one order of nuns, it is no longer of obligation for the habit to be of wool and the lay nuns now wear the same habit as the choir nuns. In granting a request for a change in the habit to a congregation of sisters, the Sacred Congrega-tion stated: "However, even for temporary changes of this nature, this Sacred Congregation requires that the matter be referred to each and every superior and sister. If the majority of those qualified to vote are in favor of the change . " The Holy See is approving constitutions that contain the following article: "No substantial, per-manent, or general change in the color or form of the habit may be made without the permission of the Holy See." R~vIEw FOR RELIGIOUS, 18 (1959), 80-81; 13 (1954), 298. Time of giving dowry (c: 547, ~§ 1'-3). Ina general revision of the constitutions of a congregation of sisters proposed to the Holy See, the article on this point was presented in the usual wording: "The dowry must be given to the congregation before the begihning of the noviceship, or at least its payment guaranteed in a man-ner recognized as valid indvil law," The Holy See added the following sentence: "The dowry may also be given in parts." The same article in another set of approved constitutions reads: "Each aspirant is obliged to bring a dowry . The dowry may also, for just reasons, be set up in installments or after the death of the parents, provision being made in the meantime for the payments of the an-nual interest." REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 3 (1944), 229-30. Length of postulancy (c. 539). The Holy See is approving articles of the following type: "The time prescribed for the postulancy is one year. For a just reason and with the advice of the council, the mother general may shorten or prolong this time, but not beyond six months in either case." Before they are admitted to the noviceship, the aspirants are to make a postulancy of ten months, which may be reduced to six months or extended to sixteen months by the mother general with the advice of her coun-cil." "Before being admitted to the noviceship, the as-pirants must spend nine months as postulants. The pro-vincial superior or the superior general, as. the case may be, may prolong this time but not beyond an additional six months; she may shorten it, but never beyond three months." REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 18 (1959), 82; 11 (1952), 151-53; 13 (1954), 301; 3 (1944), 410. Two years of noviceship in monasteries and federations of nuns. One entire federation of nuns was permitted to change its noviceship from a duration of one to two years. Two monasteries of the federation already possessed this permission. A monastery of another order was granted the same duration of the noviceship on trial for five years, and several monasteries of still another order are request-ing a noviceship of two years. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 18 (1959), 83-84; 13 (1954), 301. Dispensation from second year of noviceship. The Holy See dispensed from the sec-ond year of noviceship in favor of a-novice who had been professed of perpetual vows in another institute. REVIEW VOR RELIGIOUS, 18 (1959), 84; 12 (1953), 260; 13 (1954), 301. Those who may admit to the profession of a novice in danger of death. The Holy See continues to approve the following article: "Even though she has not completed 4" 4" 4" Practice o] the Holy See VOLUME 21, 1962' 409 ÷ ÷ ÷ ]. F. Gallen, $.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 410 the time of her noviceship, a novice in danger of death may for the consolation of her soul be admitted to pro-fession by any superior, the mistress o/novices, and their delegates. " REVIEW EOR Ri~L*GIOUS, 18 (1959), 84--85; 15 (1956), 263-64; 1 (1942), 117-22. First profession out-side novitiate house (c. 574, § 1). Two congregations of sisters secured a dispensation for five years to have the first temporary profession outside the novitiate house, a third to do the same indefinitely in the chapel of the generalate, and four others to hold the reception and pro-fession ceremonies in a nearby parish church because of inadequate space in the novitiate chapel. REVIEW FOR LIG~OUS, 18 (1959), 156; 12 (1953), 264; 15 (1956), 222--24, Temporary prolession of l~ve years. Congregations of sis-ters continue to change from three to five years of tempo-rary vows. A prolongation of a five-year profession is limited to a year (c. 574, § 2), The Sacred Congregation does not insist on any determined division of the five-year duration, for example, out of fourteen approved changes, five congregations have five annual professions, two have three annual professions and one of two years, two have a profession of two years followed by one of three years, and five have a profession of three years followed by one of two years. REVIEW FOg RELIGIOUS, 18 (1959), 156-57; 16 (1957), 379-80; 15 (1956), 267; 12 (1953), 263-64; 13 (1954), 302-303. Abbreviation of constitutional duration of temporary profession. One congregation that has a pre-scribed temporary profession of six years was granted a dispensation to abbreviate this time by two years for an individual religious. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 12 (1953), 262--63; 19 (1960), 337--52. Reception o[ profession (c. 572, § I, 6°). Articles of the following type are approved and inserted into constitutions by the Holy See. "That it be received by the mother general or a sister delegated by her. Regional and local superiors and their legitimate substitutes are delegated by the constitutions to receive the renewal of ~'ows and with power also to subdelegate. They possess the same authority for the reception of other professions in the default of a sister expressly delegated by the mother general." REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 18 (1959), 157--58; 16 (1957), 113; 8 (1949), 130--39. Renunciation o[ patrimony. In five dispensations for a sister of simple vows in a congregation to renounce her patrimony in [avor oI her congregation (c. 583, 1°), according to the printed and thus regular form of the rescript the dispen-sation was granted, "under the condition that the entire sum will be restored to the petitioner if for any reason whatever she leaves the congregation." This condition was not found in another dispensation in virtue of which the property was to be given to a brother and sister. RE-. VIEW fOR RELIGIOUS, 12 (1953), 257-59; 16 (1957), 311. No precedence in receiving Holy Communion. In one request for changes in the constitutions, the Holy See it-self added the following sentence: "No precedence is to be observed in approaching Holy Communion." REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 9 (1950), 149; 18 (1959), 162; ~5 (1956), 25; 3 (1944), 252--67, 268~70, 428; 1'1 (1952), 213;' 12 (1953), 147--50. Feast of our Lady of Mercy. Several communities of the Sisters of Mercy have obtained from the Sacred Congregation of Rites the faculty of celebrating the feast of our Lady of Mercy, September 24, as a feast of the I class, with. a proper Mass approved on May 30, 1955 for the Sisters of Mercy of the Australian Union, and with the faculty also of using it as a votive Mass. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 18 (1959), 163; 12 (1953), 289--90. Obligation of the choral recitation of the Little Office of the Blessed Virgin by nuns. Authors commonly state that the obliga-tion of choral recitation is only under venial sin in the orders of nuns that are not obliged by their constitutions to the Divine Office but only to the Little Office of the Blessed Virgin. Some add that this is the Office recited by Visitandine nuns or give the Visitandine nuns as an ex-ample of the venial obligation cited above. Cf, De Carlo, ]us Religiosorum, n. 375, 8. In a rescript of October 26, 1959, the Sacred Congregation of Religious declared that the recitation of the Little Office of the Blessed Virgin, prescribed by the constitutions and spiritual directory of the Order of the Visitation of Holy Mary, is an obligation imposed upon the religious under venial and not under mortal sin. Change to the Short Breviar~ from the Little Office of the Blessed Virgih. This was granted on trial for one year to a congregation of sisters by the Sacred Congregation of Religious, on May 23, 1961, and to another congregation of sisters absolutely by the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, on March 4, 1960. Articles approved on the Little Office of the Blessed Virgin. The Holy See approved the following arti-cles of constitutions on this Office: "The sisters shall re-cite daily Lauds, Vespers, and Compline of the Little Office of the Blessed Virgin, using an approved transla-tion in the vernacular." "In formal houses, on Sundays and on the principal feasts of the Blessed Virgin, they shall recite in common the Little Office of the Blessed Virgin." REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 20 (1961), 304--306; 18 (1959), 163; 9 (1950), 156; 6 (1947), 18--24; 2 (1943), 66, 406; 11 (1952), 44; 13 (1954), 129--30, 149--52, 299--300. Frequency o[ chapter of faults. The Holy See approved a requested change in the chapter of faults from once a week to once a month. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 13 (1954), 135; 7 (1948), 163--64. Indulgences. Privileged altar (cc. 916-18), A congregation of sisters obtained from the Sacred Penitentiary, Office on Indulgences, for seven 4- 4- 4. Practice o] the Holy See VOLUME 21, 1962 411 J. F. Gallen, S.J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 412 years that the main altar of its motherhouse .be a privi-leged altar for the dead. For recitation of the Little OI~ice o[ the Blessed Virgin. The indulgences commonly granted are listed in the Raccolta, n. 318. A congregation of sisters secured from the same source the following indulgences to be gained under the usual conditions: (1) A plenary indulgence, if the sisters recite this entire Office, even though interruptedly, in the presence of the Blessed Sacra-ment solemnly exposed or ~eserved in the tabernacle: (2) A partial indulgence of five hundred days for every hour of this Office that they have recited with at least a con-trite heart before the Blessed Sacrament, as above, and even though they do not recite the complete Office be: fore the Blessed Sacrament. Rv.virw for RELXG~OUS, 15 (1956), 24. Papal blessing at the end of a retreat [or those not physically present. Through their cardinal protector, a congregation of sisters obtained from the Holy Father, John XXIII, a privilege that permits the sisters who are in the infirmary and cannot go to the chapel to gain the plenary indulgence attached to the papal blessing given at the close of a retreat by hearing this blessing imparted by the priest on the public address system. Montague ex-presses the common opinion on this point briefly and clearly: "It should be noted that this privilege of receiV: ing the blessing and indulgence over the radio is attached by positive decree only to the blessing given by the Pope 'Urbi et Orbi'; when the Apostolic Benediction is given by a bishop or priest, its benefits accrue only to those who are physically present to receive it." Problems in the Lit-urgy, 374. Cf. Bouscaren, Canon Law Digest, II, 231,227; Ephemerides Liturgicae, 53 (1939), 122-23; De Angelis, De Indulgentiis, nn~ 143-50; Heylen, Tractatus de Indul-gentiis, 274; Coronata, De Sacramentis, I, 525, note 5; Cappello, De Sacramentis, II, n. 678, who holds that physi-cal presence is not necessary; Regatillo, Interpretatio et Iurisprudentia Codicis Iuris Canonici, 366; Dizionario Di Teologia Morale, 154; Ferreres-Mondria, Compendium Theologiae Moralis, II, n. 753; De Herdt, Praxis Litur-gica, III, n. 294; De Amicis, Caeremoniale Parochorum, n. 386, 3. Common cloister. Absence beyond six months. In giv-ing permission for an absence beyond six months outside the houses of the institute because of ill health (c. 606, § 2), the Sacred Congregation is adding (1) the granting of "an appropriate dispensation from the rules incom-patible with the state of infirm health 0f the aforesaid sister," and (2) the injunction to superiors: "The perti-nent superiors shall take care that the sick sister is aided as much as possible by a thoughtful charity, especially with regard to spiritual matters, and that she be properly assisted." Permission given [or as long as necessary. The' petition stated: "Sister has been a. mental patient for sev-eral years, and the doctors have advised that she remain in this hospital." When granted the permission was not for any determined period but for as long as necessary. REVIEW fOR REr.IGIOUS, 15 (1956), 289--91; 18 (1959), 166. Admitting sisters o[ other institutes into tho refectory ol a congregation. "This Sacred Congregation hereby grants a general dispensation from the prescriptions of arti-cle., of your constitutions so that you may receive at table in your refectory all those sisters of other communi-ties whom you take into your juniorate." REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 15 (1956), 285--87. Papal cloister. Veil covering grille. The Holy See permitted the removal of the veil covering the grille in.the parlor of a monastery Of nuns for the visits of relatives and others at the discretion of the abbess; REVIEW for RELIGIOUS, 16 (1957), 40-41. Ad-mission .o[ instructors. One monastery of nuns was per-mitted for ten years to admit into papal cloister "quali-fied feminine instructors to train the nuns in such arts and crafts as are compatible with the life of enclosed nuns., for the time strictly necessary . ~' REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 16 (1957), 43-48. Entrance of extern sisters. One monastery of nuns received the faculty, in 1959, to permit the finally professed extern sisters to enter the enclosure (I) to take part in the community exercises in-sofar as, according to the judgment of the prioress, their duties on the outside permit; (2) for private retreats; (3) medical and dental examination and care; (4) sleep, when the prioress deems it expedient; to permit the tempo-rarily professed extern sisters to enter the enclosure for their renewals of vows and final profession; that these, the second-year novices, and postulants be permitted to enter (I) for novitiate exercises; (2) community exercises and sleep, according to the discretion of the prioress; (3) private retreats; and (4) medical and dental examination and care. REVIEW VO~ RELIGIOUS, 12 (1953), 289; 16 (1957), 47-48; 21 (1962), 1--9. General chapter. Ordinary and extraordinary. The Holy See is consistently defining an ordinary general chap-ter as the one that takes place at the expiration of the term of office of the superior general and on the vacancy of this office by reason of death, resignation, or deposi-tion, whereas an extraordinary general chapter is one held for any reason other than the election of a superior gen-eral. REVIEW VO~ RELIGIOUS, 18 (1959), 244; "1 (1942), 146. Anticipation or postponement of' general chapter: The Holy See approves an article of the following type: "The assembly of the ordinary general chapter at the end of the six-year term of office of the superior general may for weighty reasons and with the consent of the general coun-cil'be convened three months before or after the expira-÷ ÷ ÷ Practice oy the Holy See VOLUME 21, 1962 413 ~. F. Gallen, S.J. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 414 tion of the term." "The general chapter will be held three months before or after the expiration of the term of mother general." REvIEw for RELIGIOUS, 19 (1960), 302-303. Secretary general and treasurer general. The Holy See now demands that both of these be given ex officio membership in the general chapter and that the treasurer general~be elected by the general chapter. It permits the appointment of the secretary general by the superior general with the consent of the general council. By the law of one congregation, the secretary general and bursar general were not elected but appointed by the mother general with the Consent of her council. The)' also did not have ex officio membership in the general chapter. The mother general with the consent of her council requested that they be given such ex officio mem-bership. The request was granted only for the next gen. eral chapter, in which the matter was to be submitted to the discussion and vote of the general chapter and again proposed to the Sacred Congregation. In the case of another congregation, the Sacred Congregation refused a requested change of the constitutions from the election of the secretary general and bursar general by the general chapter to appointment by the mother general with the consent of her council for a term of three years each. In one definitive approval of constitutions, a gendral re-vision, and a request for particular changes in the con-stitutions, the secretary general and bursar general were given ex officio membership in the general chapter but they were to be appointed to their offices for a term of three years by the mother general with the consent of her council. The Sacred Congregation, in all three cases, approved such an appointment of the secretary general but changed the appointment to elefition by the general chapter in the case of the bursar general. The approved constitutions of a congregation that was made pontifical contain the following: "After the election of the superior general, the chapter shall proceed on the same day, or on the following, to the election of the four general coun-cilors and the general treasurer . As soon as convenient after the gene(al chapter, the superior general and her council meet for the appointment of the secretary gen-eral . The general council, the secretary general, and the treasurer general remain in office until the next elec-tive general chapter." REWEW for RELIGXOUS, 18 (1959), 218; 12 (1953), 286; 10 (1951), 190--91. Ex oficio member-ship of regional superiors. In some constitutions, these are given ex officio membership; in others, they are not. Local superior of the motherhouse. In one set of consti-tutions, this superior was given ex officio membership in the general chapter of an institute divided into provinces, Use of proposed revision for an approaching general chap.~ ter. One congregation of sisters asked permission to use for an approaching general chapter the section on the general chapter from a general revision of the constitu-tions that was being prepared. The Sacred Congregation granted this request only for the approaching general chapter and with the following changes. (1) This revision enacted that the elected delegates from the provinces were to be, "four from each large province which numbers at least two hundred sisters of perpetual vows; three from each small province; and two from the houses, immedi-ately subject to the mother general." The Sacred Congre-gation added the following clause to the last. part of this article: "provided the number of sisters in all these houses [those immediately subject to the mother general] is equal at least to the number of sisters in the smallest province." (2) The ex officio members of the general chapter were: the mother general, general councilors, secretary general, bursar general, former mothers general, and mothers pro-vincial. The Sacred Congregation added to this article: "Should there be a question of replacing an ex officio delegate to the general chapter, a sister shall be chosen by the mother general with the consent of her council, unless there is question of a provincial. A provincial will be replaced in the chapter by her assistant." This is the first case I have ever encountered of substitutes for the general officials in the constitutions of lay congregations, nor are such substitutes found in constitutions or general revisions of constitutions recently approved by the Holy See, Time of election of tellers and secretary of the general chapter. The Holy See approved the request of a congre-gation of sisters to transfer these elections from the day of the election of the mother general to the preliminary session of the general chapter on the preceding day. RE-VIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 21 (1962), 63-64; 17 (1958), 229-30. Definitive system of delegates must be approved by the general chapter. A mother general obtained permission to use one of the group systems of electing delegates .for an approaching general chapter, but the manner of elect-ing delegates in the future had to be discussed and voted for in the chapter and again proposed to the Sacred Con-gregation for approval. In another congregation, a gen-eral chapter voted to change the method of electing its delegates but left the determination of the method to the decision of the mother general and her council, who decided on the system and requested the approval of the Holy See. The Sacred Congregation replied that the sys-tem must be first discussed in the general chapter and put to the vote of the chapter. An analysis of the house system of electing delegates. In its petition for a change to a group system, one congregation gave an interesting analy-sis of the house system that it was then using, that is, a 4- 4- Practice o~ the Holy See VOLUME 21, 1962 4. .L F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW EOR RELIGIOUS 416 larger house was one of twelve sisters of perpetual vows, and the smaller houses were combined into groups of at least twelve and not more than twenty-four sisters of per-petual vows. According to the analysis, four-fifths of the houses had fewer than twelve sisters of perpetual vows. Houses Sisters 15 of 12 or more sisters 324 29 of 6 to 12 sisters 251 31 of less than 6 sisters 108 75 683 There were 60 houses with less than 12 sisters; 26 houses had no representation in the chapter; but 3 houses with 4 sisters and 1 house with 6 sisters each had two represent-atives. This analysis i~ interesting, but it is of a house system whose basic norm is a house of twelve sisters of perpetual vows. The more common practice in the house system is to require only temporary vows, that is, to give the religious of temporary vows active voice. This would increase the number of larger houses, that is, of houses of twelve or more sisters professed of at least temporary vows; but it would be profitable to know to what degree the number of larger houses would be increased in this case. It is also to be recalled that the function of a general chapter is to treat of the more important affairs that con-cern the entire institute, not those of a particular house. Representation from all houses is not essential to such a purpose. GroUp systems are now receiving greater atten-tion, but some houses will always lack representation in any form of the group system. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 18 (1959), 215--17, 307--308; 10 (1951), 189; 5 (1946), 264-65. Systems of electing delegates apprdved by the Holy See. Five groups according to horizontal precedence. In the following system, thirty-five delegates are elected from the houses. The advantage of this particular form is that there are only five groups, not ten or twelve as are usually found in this system. The smaller number of groups gives each sister a larger number to choose from in her group. The pertinent article is: ". The names comprising these lists shall be divided into five groups, arranged by seniority according to profession, the local superiors first, then non-superiors. These shall be formed by the general c6uncil and shall be arranged by distributing the names of the local superiors and then the non-superiors horizontally in parallel columns. Each sister shall vote for seven of the sisters, that is, three superiors, four non-superiors, in her own particular group, in such a way that thirty-five dele-gates, fifteen local superiors and twenty non-superiors, will be elected." The following system is similar but al-lows for an increase to ten groups: "The mother general, with the deliberative vote of her council, shall divide the congregation into five equal groups of perpetually pro-fessed sisters. The sisters shall be listed across the five columns in order of precedence. From this grouping, one superior in each column shall be chosen as a delegate. The non-superiors are then listed in rank across the col-umns. From these, two delegates from each column shall be chosen. Thus the total number of elected delegates shall be fifteen . The number of districts or columns may be increased to ten, in proportion to the number of religious in the congregation." REvmw VOR RELm~O.US, 18 (1959), 216~17; 20 (1961), 143; 21 (1962), 64. Graduated vote and exclusion of preferred position of local superiors. In the following system, no local superiors were ex officio members of the general chapter nor did any fractional part of the elected delegates have to be local superiors. ".All sisters perpetually professed ten years or more shall have passive voice. Delegates are elected by secret graduated vote. Each sister having active voice shall indi-cate, in order of her preference, the sisters having passive voice for whom she wishes to vote. Each ballot shall con-tain the space for twenty-five names. The name listed first will receive twenty-five points. The name listed second, twenty-four points, and so forth. Each sister having active voice shall vote for not more than twenty-five nor fewer than fifteen sisters having passive voice. Repetition of a name on this ballot renders the second listing invalid. Ballots containing more than twenty-five names or fewer than fifteen names are invalid." REVIEW ~'oR RELIGIOUS, 20 (1961), 379-80; 18 (1959), 217. Second balloting in votes mailed in to the higher superior. This large congregation is divided into regions. Five delegates are elected from each region. As in the preceding system, local superiors are given no preferred position¯ ". each of the sisters will indicate on a specially prepared ballot, provided by the regional superior, her choice of five of the eligible sisters. ¯. The mother general, in a meeting of the general coun-cil, shall open and examine the ballots . She shall then make known the results to the sisters in each of the houses ofeach region. (c) Any sister who has received a majority of the votes of the sisters of the region is declared elected. If among the other sisters voted for, none has received an absolute majority, the sisters of the interested region will vote once again, as be[ore~ [or as many delegates as did not receive such a majority in the first ballot. Upon receipt of the second ballots, the same procedure as in (c) shall be followed but a simple plurality suffices for elec-tion . The five sisters receiving the highest number of votes after those elected on the second ballot shall be re-garded as the substitute delegates for their region." Ter-ritorial groups in a large congregation. "The delegates + + + Practice o] the Holy See VOLUME 21, 1962 417 4, ~. F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS to the general chapter shall be elected by the sisters pro-fessed of perpetual vows, as indicated hereafter, divided into groups of not less than 75 and not more than 90 electors. The grouping of houses for the formation of elec-toral groups to choose delegates to the chapter shall be determined by the superior general, or as the case may ¯ be, the sister assistant, with the deliberative vote of her council. Each group shall choose by secret ballot two dele-gates, one a superior and one a non-superior. It shall moreover choose in like manner one superior and one non-superior as substitutes . On the appointed day the sisters of each group shall meet in a room of the desig-nated house. The senior superior shall preside . " Public voting in the chapter of alyairs. The Holy See continues to approve an article of the following type in the constitutions of congregations of sisters. "All these matters are decided by an absolute majority. If the votes are equal, the mother general has the right of deciding the matter after the third balloting. The voting is public. Any capitular, however, has the right of requesting a secret vote on a particular matter. Such a request shall be put to the public vote of the chapter. If a majority favor the request, the voting on the particular matter shall be secret." R~vIEw VOR RELIGIOUS, 17 (1958), 368-69; 21 (1962), 55-57. General councilor residing outside the motherhouse. The usual practice of the Holy See in approving consti-tutions permits two of the general councilors, with the exception of the assistant superior general, to live outside the motherhouse in a case of necessity, provided they can easily attend the meetings of the council and that they are always summoned to its sessions. The constitutions of one congregation command all general councilors, without exception, to live in the motherhouse. The Holy See gave a dispensation for three years from this law to permit a newly elected councilor to reside outside the motherhouse and thus remain as superior and principal of a high school in another city, provided that it was not a question of the assistant superior general, that the coun-cilor in question could easily attend all sessions of the council, and would be summoned to all of them. R~vi~w voR RELIGIOUS, 19 (1960), 130. ~General councilor also local superior. The general norm of the Holy See in ap-proving constitutions is that a general councilor should not have any other assignment that would prevent the proper fulfillment of the duties of a councilor. The con-stitutions of one congregation specifically forbid a general councilor to be also local superior. A local superior, in her fifth year of office, was elected a general councilor. The Holy See was petitioned and granted the dispensa-tion for her to complete the six years as local superior. The reason, given was that her supervision was necessary until the erection of a building then in process was com-pleted. REVIEW l~oR RELIGIOUS, 19 (1960), 130-31. Re-gional superiors are given delegated authorit)). It appears to be the present practice to give regional superiors only delegated, not ordinary, auth6rity. REVIEW Fo~'REILIGIOUS, 90 (1961), 63; 18 (1959),.946--47. Immediate third te~rn of local superior (c. 505). In granting a dispensation to per-mit an immediate third three-year term in th~ same house to a local superior, the Holy See added the condition, "provided there had been no reasonable complaints against her." REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 10 (1951), 197-98; 19 (1960), 301. First washing of purificators, palls, and corporals (c. 1306, § 2). At the request of the Minister General of the Order of Friars Minor, the Sacred Con-gregation of Rites renewed for five years on May 30, 1961 the faculty by which one brother or' sister sacristan in all houses of congregations of the Third Order of St. Francis may be designated to do the first washing of the purifica-tors, palls~ and corporals used inthe sacrifice of the Mass. Cf. Capobianco, Privilegia et Facultates Ordinis Fratrum Minorum, ed. 4, Romae: Antonianum, 1961, n. 353; RE-VIEW I~OR RELIGIOUS, 15 (1956), 101; 6 (1947), 374--75. Changes in constitutions. In two cases, changes requested in constitutions were approved on trial until the next general chapter. REVIEW FOR RXLIGIOUS, 19 (1960), 352- 63; 3 (1944), 68-69. 4- 4- 4- Practice ot the Holy See VOLUME 21~ 1962 419 RICHARD P. VAUGHAN, s.J. Obedience and Psychological Maturity ÷ ÷ ÷ Richard Vaughan, s.J. teaches at the University of San Francisco, San Fran-cisco 17, California. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Obedience is a virtue through which an individual promptly and agreeably follows the commandments of his superior.1 It involves the sacrificing of one's own will so as to follow the will of the superior who stands in the place of God. Since it is the will of another that must be followed, obedience may mean that a religious must put aside what he actually thinks better so as to do the wish of his superior. Since obedience is a virtue, it calls for an habitual way of responding. A religious does not become ol~edient simply because he has a desire to be obedient. He must learn to be obedient. He must learn to see God acting through the commands of his superior. It is only after a considerable effort and practice that he becomes an obedient religious. Training in Obedience The initial phases of training in obedience usually take place in the novitiate where the young religious is taught to obey the least command, of his superior. During this phase of his life, he follows a strict routine aiad he is taught that he must seek permission to deviate from this routine in the smallest way. If he fails to do so, he is told that he is failing in obedience. In some orders or congregations, it not infrequently happens that the practice of obedience relieves the young religious of the personal responsibilities which he pre-viously faced before entering the religious life. He or she learns that the obedient religious is one who follows the command of the superior in his or her every action. This practice can eliminate all need of making decisions of any importance. Were the same seminarian or sister still living outside the religious life, he or she might well be facing the responsibilities of financing a college edu-cation or even of caring for a growing family. In the re- St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, 2-2, q.104, a.2. ligious life such responsibilities are removed. The re-ligious finds that all his needs are cared for. All that is asked of him is that he be prompt and generous in follow-ing commands. In many ways he is treated as a child and may find a certain contentment in such treatment. The question, therefore, present~ itself: "Is ~he praqtice of obedience at odds with full personality growth? Can a religious practice obedience and still become a mature individual?" Meaning of Obedience To answer this question one needs to consider what is the nature of true obedience and then reflect upon some of the developmental aspects of obedience. True obedi-ence calls for a human act; It is an act that springs from the will.2 It involves the exercise of freedom and judge-ment. It is not a mechanically performed act that flows from passive conformity or childish submission to au-thority. In other words, the supernatural obedience of a religious should differ radically from the mechanical habit of obedience practiced by a child towards his par-ents. The obedience of the religious is an act that calls for an active choice which is based upon faith and char-ity. It is an act which requires the individual to overcome his own will. In all its perfection, it is an act which re-qUires that the religious accept the judgement of tile su-perior as his own. True obedience, therefore, should de-mand the making of mature decisions. There are many possible reasons why a religious may obey his superior. Some of these reasons may spring from childhood or adolescent sources. Frequently the religious may be unconscious as to the precise reason .why he obeys. It is this unconscious aspect of obeying that often presents obstacles when a subject is given an order of obedience. The religious who has developed true obedience knows why he obeys and his reason is deeply rooted in faith. He accepts the demands of obedience because he loves God. He gives up his own wishes and desires, so as to lead a life more fully dedicated to God. In other words, he has developed for himself a supernatural way of life built on faith which he has made his own. He does not obey be-cause he is afraid of the consequence of disobedience. He does not obey because he cannot stand to live with the feelings of shame and guilt that follow his acts of dis-obedience. He does not obey because he desires the ap-proval and admiration of his superior. Rather he obeys because he is convinced that obedience is one of the vir-tues that he must practice if he is to follow the way of life that he has freely chosen for himself. To arrive at Ibid., a.3. ÷ ÷ ÷ Obedience and Maturity VOLUME 21, 1962 R. P. Vaughan, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS such a conviction calls for mature deliberation followed by a mature decision. Natural Foundation The young man or woman who enters the religious life has not come into this life completely devoid of the habit of obedience. Usually. he or she enters with the nat-ural foundation for future supernatural obedience al-ready well established. Natural obedience is a necessary part of human living. It is theproduct of Christian family life. Were there no such thing as obedience, chaos would reign in most homes and this chaos would continue on in every other form of social life. As long as men live to-gether in social groups a certain amount of obedience will always be demanded of them.s For the privilege of group living, the indi,~idual must sacrifice some of his freedom; but by the sacrifice of this freedom he gains new freedom. He is not less a man because he obeys but rather more of a man because by so doing he is living according to his God-given social nature. Since obedience is a necessary part of human living, it stands to reason that one must somehow develop the habit of obeying. It is not an inborn characteristic nor is it something that suddenly springs into being. Rather like many of the other developmental processes that mark the life of man, the practice of obedience too follows defi-nite stages of development until it reaches a state of full maturity. For example, the child develops the ability to sit before he develops the ability to walk;, and he develops the ability to walk before he develops the ability to roller skate. The infant has no experience with obedience. His first acquaintance with the demands of obedience usually are connected with fear and punishment. He either com-plies with the wishes of his mother or he is punished. He either submits to her demands or runs the risk of losing her love. As he grows older, he comes to imitate more and more the ways of his parents. He incorporates into his own personality many of their ideals, attitudes, opinions, and values. He now obeys because he wants to be like them. At this time there also comes into being the emotions of shame and guilt which are quickly attached to certain forms of behavior. These emotions play a major role in the obedience of a child. He obeys because a boy is sup-posed to obey his parents. When he fails to obey, he is plagued with feelings of guilt and shame. The uncom-fortableness of these feelings causes him to think twice before he gives way once again to disobedience. Thus through childhood and early adolescence the motivating force behind obedience can be reduced to the reactions of fear, shame, guilt, and admiration. St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Contra Gentiles, 3, c. 117. Adolescent Rebellion With the advent of full adolescence, the average boy or girl begins to re-evaluate many of the idea/s, attitudes, and values that he or she has taken from his or her par-ents. Frequently the adolesce.nt,re, bels agai, nst, these,atti-tudes and values, not ~ecessarily becati~e he f~ils to see their intrinsic worth but simply because he realizes that they are not his own but his parents'. He realizes all too well that he must develop his own standards and values. He must form his own opinions. His attitudes must be his own and not those of his parents. Rebellion is a neces-sary part of growing up. It definitely influences the de-velopment of obedience but most outgrow .rebelliousness and progress to a mature practice of obedience. Then an individual obeys the laws of God and the State and the demands of thole placed over him because he sees that obedience in some form is a necessary part of the philos-ophy of life which he has worked out for himself. Defective Foundation The virtue, of supernatural obedience as .practiced in the religious life is built upon the foundation of.natural obedience that was established in childhood and adoles-cence. Where that foundation is weak or warped, the practice of religious obedience will be faulty. The re-ligious who has never advanced 'beyond the childish level of obeying because of fear will often find that this is the motivating force behind his obedience in the religious life. Likewise the religious whose chief reason for obeying has never gone beyond the level of guilt and shame over vio-lating a divine or human command will find himself obeying his superior for this same reason. Finally, the re-ligious' who has never fully passed through the stage of adolescent rebellion frequently finds himself at odds with his superior simply because of this rebellious spirit. Un-fortunately, there is a bit of the child left in all of us, which in regard to obedience means that to some extent motives peculiar to childhood and adolescence linger on. The extent of their influence often depends upon our ability to detect and counteract such motivation by the development of full maturity in our obedience. When a young man or woman enters the religious life, he or she has already achieved a certain level in the de-velopment of natural obedience. Success in the develop-ment of supernatural virtue will depend upon the nature of the natural obedience. If the natural foundation for supernatural obedience is faulty, then this handicap must be remedied before the novice can be expected to practice true supernatural obedience. Effective training in obedi-ence, therefore, may require such counseling and direction as would be necessary to allow the young religious to see Obedience and Maturity VOLUME 21, 1962 + + ÷ R. P. Yaughan, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 424 why he obeys or why he fails to obey or why obedience presents such a problem to him. It is hoped that such counseling would result in insight into failures at specific levels of development followed by a change in attitude and motivation. For example, the seminarian who meets every command with a feeling of inner rebellion might be led to see that he is simply reacting to his superior in a way quite similar to the manner that he reacted to his father or mother when as an adolescent he was given a command: Once the natural foundation has been repaired, then the religious is in a position to develop supernatural obedi-ence. Supernatural Obedience Ultimately, however, whether the natural foundation for obedience must be repaired or whether that founda-tion is solid, training for supernatural obedience demands the building of a deep spiritual and ascetical life that is highly personalized. An essential part of this highly per-sonalized spiritual life would be an inner conviction that the most perfect way to love God is through the sacrifice demanded by obedience. If this personal conviction is at-tained, then acts of obedience will pose no problem but will be undertaken as a necessary part of the more perfect way of life which the religious has freely chosen to fol-low. Thus there would seem to be no value in practicing the young religious in useless acts of obedience, since obedience flows from a conviction and not from frequently repeated acts. 0bedience.is simply the natural outcome of a deeply spiritual life founded on faith and charity. The religious who understands the meaning and purpose of obedience and at the same time has a firm desire to live his life totally for God cannot help but practice the virtue of supernatural obedience when faced with a command from his superior. His total dedication to God leaves him no other choice but to follow God's will as manifest through the voice of his superior rather than his own will. To make a true act of obedience, therefore, demands a certain level of maturity. It demands that one has put aside at least to a significant degree any childish or adoles-cent qualities and' that he has assumed the responsibility of making a total dedication of himself to God. Generally speaking, only the mature person is capable of such a dedi-cation. True supernatural obedience is, therefore, a virtue possessed only by mature religious. Immaturity in Religious The mode of training given some young religious, how-ever, would actually seem to militate against the achieving o~ supernatural obedience. Under the guise of obedience; some groups of religious demand of their novices and newly professed religious a type of submission that simu-lates the obedience expected of a.child. It should not be surprising then to see in these religious a regression to childish forms of behavior. All one has to do is witness the immature actions of some novices and young religious to become aware that a return to earlier levels of behavior must be taking place. Often their way of acting is totally inappropriate to their age level. If it were seen in a college student or even more so in a young married man or woman, it would meet with amazement and embarrassment. Such behavior is often passed over with the justification that the seminarian or sister is just a novice or junior professed (as if these stages of the religious life entitle a person to regress to childish modes of acting). Noticeably absent in many novitiates and houses of stud-ies are opportunities to make important decisions for one's self. All that is required is fidelity to a routine way of life or to a course of studies, such as would be expected of the average ten year old. Frequently this absence of oppor-tunities to make decisions continues on long after the re-ligious has left the formative period. If the young religious is a teacher, the superior makes all decisions in regard to every phase of school activity. All initiative must come from the superior, and not from the subject. Thus One should not. be surprised that many religious do manifest certain signs of immaturity. They have been "treated as children and respond accordingly. Responsibility and Initiative The practice of obedience does not demand that the religious abandon all responsibilities, refrain from making decisions, and take up a childish existence. Within the framework of obedience, there is ample room for personal responsibility, initiative, and creativity. Whether these factors do exist in a group practicing the vow of obedience will depend upon the concept of obedience held by both the superior and the subject. If the superior envisions obedience as a process whereby his subjects become mere mechanical extensions of his own ego, then the practice of obedience will probably stifle psychological growth as expressed through initiative and creativity. In this situa-tion all initiative must come from the superior. No deci-sion is made by the subject without the explicit approba-tion of the superior. However, it would seem safe to say that such a limited view of obedience is far from the true view. A religious can practice the virtue of obedience without being under the explicit aegis of obedience in his every act. Thus he may be assigned a project and given full responsibility for making all decisions in regard to this project and still be operating under the vow of obedi- 4- 4. + Obedience and Maturity VOLUME 21, 1962 425 ÷ ÷ ÷ R. P. Vaughan, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 426 ence. It might be said that young religious should be given such responsibilities if for no other reason than to hasten the process of psychological maturity. For example, a novice should be given the full responsibility of teaching catechism to a group of public school children. He should be impressed with the idea that it is his responsibility to plan what is to be taught and how it is to be taught--pre-supposing some kind of general syllabus. He should be made aware of the fact that the success or failure .of the undertaking rests upon his shoulders and not upon those of the master of novices. Furthermore, the initial concep-tion and impetus for a project need not necessarily come from a superior if it is to be a work of obedience. It is the superior's approval that places the work under the banner of obedience. Thus if the novice who is teaching catechism develops some new ideas in regard to audio-visual aids, these ideas should not be stifled but encour-aged. The wise superior is one who realizes his own limita-tions and at the same time the potentialities ol~ his subjects and, as a result, looks for that initiative and creativity in his subjects which he may find wanting in himself. Personality, Weakness, and Obedience On the other side of the coin is the subject's attitude to-wards obedience. Due to a certain weakness of personality, some religious make use of a false notion of obedience as a means of solving their inner problems. Pseudo-obedience relieves the religious of overwhelming responsibilities and allows others to make decisions which he himself may be actually unable to make. It allows him to lead a protected, passive existence, free from the demands of adulthood. It requires no initiative on his part. It asks only that he do what he is told. Such conformity can hardly be honored by the name df obedience. Actually there, is no sacrifice of one's own will to follow the will of the superior. There is simply a following of the will of the superior because the subject is too weak to do otherwise or because childish sub-mission offers him a protection against a threatening world. On the other hand, the subject who understands the meaning of true obedience sees that he can take the initiative in many situations and that he can make use of his God-given creative powers as long as he does so under the approbation of his superior. He is also one who is will-ing to sacrifice these powers when the approbation of a su-perior is not forthcoming. Thus whether initiative and creativity will be limited in a life that professes the vow of obedience will depend upon the meaning that both the superior and the subject give to obedience. In conclusion, it can be said that the practice of obedi-ence and maturity are far from incompatible. If the obedi-ence is not mere submission but rather the true virtue of supernatural obedience, then it should further psychologi-cal maturity since only the mature religious is capable of a total dedication to God demanded by the virtue of obe~li-ence. Moreover, it can be said that true obedience offers the subject ample opportunity to assume such responsibil-ities as foster maturity. 4. ,4. 4- Obedience and Maturity VOLUME 21, 1962 427 ANDRE AUW, C.P. Contentment: Child of Poverty ÷ ÷ ÷ Andre Auw, C.P. is stationed at the Passionist Semi-nary, 1924 Newburg Road, Louisville 5, Kentucky. REVIEWFOR RELIGIOUS 428 Nothing is more characteristic of our modern jet age than the desire for change. Every day we Ere faced with constantly changing challenges to buy and try new magic-ingredient tooth pastes and detergents, to exchange old-model cars and freezers for better, newer ones. Dom Hu-bert Van Zeller, O.S.B., has summed up this spirit very neatly: "A man today will think little of changing his job, his house, his son's school, his religion, his political alle-giance, his car and his wife--perhaps all in the one year.''x This restless spirit is a sign and symbol of man's discon-tent. Men are discontented today, and they are discon-tented because they have a feverish thirst for things. They want things they would be better off without; they want things they cannot even use; they want things they simply cannot have. Men want things for many reasons: often be-cause having things is a symbol of security or a mark of distinction. But whatever the reason, men keep reaching out for new things to possess as if their very survival de-pended upon it. The sad fact is that the acquisition of all these things only adds to man's discontent. It is like a man who seeks relief from pain by taking morphine; the ensuing pain of addiction is worse than that of the original malady. Mother Janet stuart has supplied us with a better pre-scription for the illness of discontent. Faced with these same symptoms she once said: "We must either possess more or desire less." Implicit in Mother Stuart's statement is a rejection of the "possess-more" theory. Experience soon proves to us that the mere addition of things no more solves the problem of the discontented man than does the addition of drinks solve the problem of the alcoholic. The remedy is reduced to one choice: we must desire less if we 1 Dom Hubert Van Zeller, O.S.B., Approach to Calvary (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1961), p. 92. would find contentment. And the way to desire less is to develop the spirit of poverty. Often the very mention of the word poverty causes the formation of a series of unattractiveimages in our minds. The word seems to have the touch of winteT about it, sug-gesting something cold and sterile. But such is not the case. Poverty is a warm, lovely, life-giving thing. St. Francis of Assisi thought of poverty as a beautiful woman: Lady Poverty. St. Ignatius told his followers that they must think of poverty as a mother. The analogy of a woman or mother is especially apt since both are considered as sources of life and beauty. Woman's role is essentially life-giving and love-giving. And so it is with poverty. Poverty prepares us to receive the fullness of the Christ-life, and it continues to nourish that life. It prepares us to receive the everlasting love of the Spirit, and it keeps that love vibrant and strong. Rightly then is contentment called the child of poverty, for it is the first-born of a spirit which is essen-tially life-giving and love-giving. It is the fruit of the Spirit of love. In addition to this, poverty is the great liberator of man. Fallen nature has ringed us round with a steel circle of egocentrism. Poverty breaks through this closed circle and opens'up our souls to the wider worId of which Christ is the center. It gives us the thrilling freedom of the children of God, enabling us to soar instead of having to trudge along, burdened by the leaden weight of useless things. Most of the ugly effects of original sin can be, in some measure, neutralized by the spirit of poverty: self-interest, self-will, and especially self-pity. This latter effect, which is an unreasonable absorption in our current handicaps or misfortunes, can be one of our chief sources of discontent. Yet how wonderfully does a genuine spirit of poverty nul-lify our tendency towards self-pity. Helen Keller furnishes us with an excellent example of such a spirit. From child-hood she has borne the burden of blindness, deafness, and the inability to speak. Few have had better reason to in-dulge in self-pity than Helen Keller, yet never has she done so. Listen to her own life-summary: "It has been a happy life. My limitations never make me sad. Perhaps there is just a touch of yearning at times. But it is vague, like a breeze among flowers. Then the wind passes, and the flowers are content." It was the spirit of poverty which en-abled Helen Keller to appreciate herself as God had fashioned her. Poverty led her to contentment. As we read through the Gospels we cannot fail to notice the insistence of Our Lord upon the necessity for poyerty. Christ promised the "kingdom" to the poor: "Blessed are the poor in spirit, for theirs is the kingdom Of heaven" (Mt 5:3). By "poor in spirit" Christ meant the "little ones," the anawim of the Old Testament. These are the helpless, ÷ ÷ ÷ Contentment VOLUME 21, 1962 429 ÷ Andre Auw, C.P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 430 childlike souls who accept all things from God's hands, who depend upon Him as a child depends upon a father, who willingly suffer persecution because they know that no matter what happens to them, their heavenly Father will care for them. The spirit of poverty produces in us this same childlike attitude towards ourselves and things and God. One of the ways in which it does this is by painting for us a picture of gratitude. We suddenly see how much we really have, and, as a result, the needs and desires of the moment as-sume a less important value in our eyes. The following story is told of Brother Andrd, C.S.C., the famed apostle of St. Joseph at the shrine in Montreal. One day a man came to him complaining of his numerous misfortunes, and the saintly .brother said to him: "Tell me, would you take a hundred thousand dollars for one of your eyes?" The man answered, "Why, of course notl . Or for.one of your feet or hands or arms? . No!" replied the man. "Well then,'.' said Brother Andre, "count them up: With your eyes and hands and feet and arms and legs, you're worth over a million dollars!" In his simple, homely way, Brother Andr~ conveyed a telling truth: we all are far richer than we realize. Such counting of blessings, this development of a deep sense of gratitude is one of the chief ways in which poverty prepares us for the gift of contentment. It is far easier, once we see how much we have, to control our desires for the things we have not. Slowly thi~ initial realization ex-tends to the conviction that w~ really need very little. And it is then that we will have been made rich by our spirit of poverty. The great reformer of La Trappe, De Ranch, saw the beauty of this paradox and thus wrote: "It is not the man who has much who is rich, but the man who wants nothing." Another way in which the spirit of poverty produces in us a childlike attitude towards things is by filling us with a genuine sense of compunction. Much of our greedy grasping for things derives from an inherited tendency to be what we are not. Like our first parents, we see an. at-tractive object and then begin to act as if we have a right to it. We, also, listen, to the serpent and try to "be like gods," asserting our self-interest and our self-will in oppo-sition to the divine interest and will. Compunction strikes at the roots of this tendency. An analogy is seen in the case of a man who in a moment of weakness has been unfaithful to his marital promises. Al-though the man may be forgiven by his wife and reunited to her love, still he always carries in his heart a remem-brance of his sin. This remembrance is a good thing, for it serves to prevent the man from reaching out again to-wards illicit loves. Now in a similar way, compunction helps us to control our desires by recalling our past infidelity to God's love. Compunction shows us two things clearly: the self-deceit of egocentric desires, on the one hand, and the miracle of God's forgiving love, on the other. Between these two poles of awareness we can live content, no longer ~rusting in selfish d~sires but rather relying totally upon God's will in our regard. Compuction, then, helps us to forget the things we should not remember, and to remember the things we must never forget. We are enabled to forget our unreason-able preoccupation with self. At the same time we can never forget that .we are sinners deserving nothing, lovers who have been unfaithful, and yet, despite all this, we are chosen souls who have been called to become saints, des-tined to share God's love for all eternity. Gratitude and compunction thus constitute two princi-pal ways in which the spirit of poverty will prepare our souls for the gift of contentment. Gratitude says to us: "You have so much." Compunction adds: "You have so much which you do not deserve." Both help.us to see our-selves and things and God with the clear vision of children: humbly, trustingly dependent upon God for all things. The true purpose of the spirit of poverty is the attain-ment of freedom from the captivity of self in order to be united to God. Poverty has the power to swing us from the orbit of egocentrism into the orbit of Christocentrism if we permit it to neutralize, one by one, our self-centered desires and attachments. An important consideration to recall at this point is the fact that our desires and attachments always wear most at-tractive apparel. Yet it is also true that, like Dante's hypo-crites, the beautiful cloaks are inreality leaden weights and the splendor of their appearance in no way lessens the ugliness of that which they try to hide. Desires can come to us under the cover of charity for our neighbor or zeal for souls. And all the while 'such desires may be purely self-centered. One such desire frequently comes to religious who have lived in their community for upwards of five years. The novelty has vanished, and in its place come new yearnings. Suddenly the religious feels that a different religious so-ciety might be the solution. A teaching sister feels that her talents belong in a missionary group; a Jesuit is attracted to the life of the Trappists. Yet almost always the counsel of a prudent spiritual director is: "Stay where you are." Since the desire appears under the guise of greater good for the Mystical Body of Christ, the ensuing trial can be very difficult for the particular religious. It is at such.a time that one discovers the meaning of a spirit of poverty. Thomas Merton went through this or- Contentment VOLUME 21, 1962 + ÷ ÷ Andre Auw, C.P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 432 deal. He longed to share the solitude of the Carthusians. He thought that such a lifd would better serve the inter-ests of Christ and the Church. He was wrong. Heeding the wise counsel of his spiritual fathers, he remained with the Trappists to become a source of countless other contem-plative vocatons. It is, then, a man with personal expe-rience who later wote these lines: "Do not flee to solitude from the community. Find God in the community and he will lead you to solitude." Thomas Merton met the test of poverty; he relinquished his egocentric desire in a true spirit of poverty. Thus, for him, poverty led to content-ment. The lives of the saints are filled with similar trials. Be-fore they received the gift of contentment, they had to sac-rifice some dear desire or attachment.-For some it was a thing, for others a place, for still others a friendship. But like a cautery, the spirit of poverty had to burn away the cancerous growth of egocentrism. In the book, St. Madeleine Sophie Barat, Mother Ma-guire, R.S.C.J., describes an incident in the lives of Sophie Barat and Philippine Duchesne. Their early years to-gether were marked by a wonderful understanding and intimacy; yet this had to be sacrificed. The author says in reflecting their attitude: "[It was] a brief honeymoon of religious life to which they looked back nostalgically all' their .lives without ever doubting it was better to give it up." Both saints met the test of poverty; and thus, for them,, poverty led to contentment. Not that poverty does its work without pain. We all re-call that Francis of Assisi was the great exemplar of pov-erty, but what we may forget is the price he had to pay to win the hand of Lady Poverty. Francis Bernardone was a. man with warm Italian blood in his veins and had a poet's appreciation for beautiful things in his heart. He liked good food and the taste of fine wine. He enjoyed the ad-miration of his stalwart friends and the adulation of his fair admirers. But one day Infinite Love and Perfect Beauty spoke to Francis in his poet's heart and said: "Sell all, and come follow Me." It took years of struggle with himself, but Francis won the battle. One by one he cast aside his attachments as he had earlier cast aside his cloth-ing at the feet of his bishop and thus, "naked followed the naked Christ." Then it was that he was able to become the Poverello, singing to the birds and blue skies his constant refrain: "My God and my alll" For Francis, poverty led to contentment. And in southern France a young girl who became a woman without ever losing her childlike spirit of poverty was asked one day about a strange paradox in her life. Bernadette Soubirous had seen and talked with the Mother of God. She had been honored as had few mortalg. before her. And yet all the honors disappeared when she entered the convent. There she worked about the kitchen, accepting humiliation as a part of her daily fare. A fellow religious thought it odd that our Lady should give her such recognition and then ignore her, and she asked Ber-nadette why this should be so. Bernadette replied by way of a question, "What do you do when you have finished using a broom? . Why, I put it in the corner," answered the sister. And Bernadette said, "Well, that's just what our Lady has done with me. And. I'm happy in my corner." For Bernadette Soubirous it was equally true: poverty led to contentment. So it is that the spirit of poverty leads us from self to Christ. By its power we are enabled to pull away from the overly strong attraction of self-centered desires and are permitted to be drawn into the dynamic, life-giving love of Christ. As we empty our souls of self, Christ fills them. As we lose a worldly love, we gain a divine one. The spirit of poverty gives us the ability° to accept our-selves as we are, for by means of gratitude wesee how much we really have; and .by means of compunction we see how little we really deserve. Poverty helps us to forget the un-important facts of our lives and to remember the things that matter. Poverty lets us feel. the gentle hand of our Father, soothing the ache of our troubled minds, quieting the cry of our restless hearts, and calming the urgency of our impelling desires. It give~ us childlike trust for the needs of tomorrow and childlike joy for the deeds of to-day. Of all the saints, none has better expressed the life-giving effects of the spirit of.poverty than St. Paul. He .has given us a magnificent example of a man made rich through poverty, of a man living the fullness of the Christ-life. By his own testimony, St. Paul underwent a long cata-logue of apostolic .sufferings: hunger, nakedness, want, imprisonment, scourgings, persecution, lies, misunder-standings, disappointments. And yet with all these suffer-ings Paul was able to say: "Not that I have anything to complain of, for I have learned the secret, in any and all conditions, of being well-fed, and of going hungry, of hav-ing plenty and of going without. I can do anything through Him who gives me strength" (Phil 4:11-14). The example is a shining one for us. The language is clear. It is the statement of a sinner who became a saint, speaking to us in the beautiful vocabulary of Christian contentment. Contentment VOLUME 21~ 1962 GEORGE E. GANSS, S.J. Prudence and Vocations ÷ Rev. George E. Ganss, S.J., .St. Mary's College, St. Marys, Kansas, is the director of the Institute of Jesuit Sources. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS This article will deal with the order of practice; that is, its purpose will be to suggest some practical applications of prudence to the technique of counseling young men and women about vocations. For this purpose we do not need any detailed discussion of the metaphysical intrica-cies connected with the topic of prudence. But a brief re-view of the highlights, in one paragraph, will help us to get our bearings. The Concept o[ Prudence Prudence is correct knowledge about things to be done, recta ratio agibilium. St. Thomas accepted this definition from Aristotle and sagely pointed out that prudence is the application by the practical intellect of wisdom to human affairs (Summa Theologiae, 2-2, q. 47, a. 2). This is our basic concept. It is accurate but abstract. Hence we can profitably add some other observations which give it human warmth. Etymologically, prudentia is derived by contraction from pro-videns, looking ahead, St. Augustine says (Quaest. Lib., q. 83, a. 61), "Prudence is the knowledge of things to be sought and things to be avoided." St. Isidore of Seville is a little quaint but charming and not far wrong when he writes (Etymologiae, X, PL 82, 202), "A prudent man--one who, so to speak, looks far ahead; for his sight is keen, and he foresees the probable outcome of uncertainties." Prudence directs the other moral virtues so that fortitude may not degenerate into foolhardiness, or temperance into fanaticism, or justice into unreasonable rigorism. Prudence, too, leads a man to take counsel about the best means to be used to attain some end, to judge soundly about their fit-ness, and to direct their being carried into practice (Summa Theologiae 2-2, q. 47, a. 8; q. 51, a. 1, ad Basically, prudence is a natural~ virtue which is acquired ',, by experience and exercise. But a man in the state of grace receives also the infused virtue of prudence which supernaturalizes both the habit and the act of the natural virtue and makes them fruitful toward the supernatural destiny, the beatific vision (Summa Theolog!ae 2-2, q. 47, a. 14, ad 1). ~ Applications We now proceed to apply this theory in the practical order. The "thing to be done," about which we are seeking at least some "correct knowledge," is the tech-nique of counseling young men and women who may perhaps accept God's invitation .to dedicate their lives to Him in priestly or religious life. I think that our first step had better be to oil the gears of our own sense of humor, Some wag wrote this definition: "A crazy man is one who holds an opinion different from mine." This wag fared happily until his friend the crazy man applied the definition back to the wag who wrote it. After that, nobody could tell which one really was the crazy man, or which was crazier than the other. Now, I shall suggest some techniques of vocational counseling which I hope are prudent. But if the tech-niques of others are different from mine, and if I there-fore brand their techniques as imprudent, then I am crazier than my crazy wag just described above. There are many apt procedures or means to stimulate or guide young men and women to desire to consecrate them-selves to God. Each counselor must seek the methods which work best with his personality and his set of local circumstances. In each case the personalities of the direc-tor and of the advisee are important and highly individu-alistic factors. What works well with one counselor or advi~ee sometimes will not work at all with others. So, for each of us the exercise of prudence is our.continual search for correct knowledge and its application to our task in hand. In this, observation of the techniques of others is sometimes helpful because it brings new ideas which we can apply. It has been my good fortune during the past twenty years to counsel many boys and girls who have entered all the states of life. Most of these youths were in college, but many were in high school, and some in the grades. As a result of this experience, I shall suggest some procedures which God has on His occasions blessed with success. But I state them precisely and merely as suggestions which each one can modify, accept, or reject according to his own personality and situation. 4- 4- Pl/orucadteionnc$e and VOLUME 21, 1962 ÷ ÷ ÷ G. E. Ganss, $.1. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 436 The Function of the V.ocation Counselor One point in which a zealous counselor of potential priests or religious can exercise prudence consists in his being aware of.his proper function. It is not to cajole or to "pressure" youths into "trying out" a seminary or novitiate; that would be the practice of "roping in" which they generally resent. Rather, the advisor's func-tion is to cooperate with God's grace in stimulating the boy or girl in such a way that he or she conceives on his own the desire to dedicate himself to God in priestly or religious life. As means to attain this effect, he can be an example of one who is happy in his dedicated life, and he can say and do things which bring 'the young people to see for themselves both the values and the joys of con-secrated life. The counselor's function can be called one of procreating grace. He stimulates the thoughts and de-sires which God supernaturalizes and through which, as actual graces, He gives the increase. A Sample Procedure How can he do all this prudently? To remain concrete and practical, I shall suggest, or rather exemplify, one procedure which has often turned out to be effective both with individual advisees and with groups (either in re-treats or in the classroom). 1. Put the advisee or group at ease by explaining your policy and procedure, somewhat as follows. "God has given to each young man or woman the right to choose his or her own state of life, and no one else--parent, priest, sister, or friend--ought to force or "pressure" one into any state. A counselor's function is to give the young person information by which he can make his choice mole in-telligently, or to explain the selections open to him, or to point out possible errors in his thinking, or, above all, to give him a chance to think out loud without feeling that he is as yet committing himself. But the making of the decision belongs to the youth himself; and that will be my policy in dealing with you." 2. Point out that the basic consideration, the hub around which everything else turns, is a clear and opera-tive concept of the chief purpose of life. For example, the counselor can present this statement and bring it to life: "God made me to give me an. opportunity to increase my sanctifying grace here below by performing meritori-ous deeds and by receiving the sacraments, and by means of this to merit a proportionately greater capacity here-after to know God directly, to love Him, to praise Him, and to be happy by the act of praising Him. The effor~ to do this here below is the pursuit of Christian perfectionl or spiritual development." 3. Explain that, to speak practically, there are four chief states of permanent situations in life in which one can work out his Christian perfection: those of marriage; single persons in the world; priesthood; and religious life as a nun, brother, or priest. God .invites each you.ng per-son into one of thosefor Which heis ~uited, but He leaves it up to the youth to accept or rejec~ this invitation. Hence the boy or girl should think the matter out, bring it to a head, and make his own decision. After he has made his choice and brought it to its irrevocable stage, God wants him or her to develop himself according to God's directives for the state he has entered, and to for-get about what might have happened if he had chosen some other state. In practice I have found it psychologically best with groups to explain marriage first--at considerable length and as an attractive state in which husband and wife should help each other to work out their Christian p~r-fection, Most of those present will marry, and all are spontaneously interested in this vocation. A careful and' inspiring presentation of Christ's plan for His Mysti-cal Body in miniature disarms the hearers of any fear of being "roped in" to one of the consecrated states. Then they are interested and happy to listen to an explanation of the other vocations to which God invites some. 4. Present a sound norm of choosing. The problem is not which state I like best, or even which is the best, for example, marriage or a consecrated state, Rather it is, which is the best for me with my personality and char-acteristics. To put it concretely, the most prudent pro-cedure for the youth is to conjecture, as prudently as he can: "In which of these states am I, with my personality, my temperament, and my personal abilities, likely to in-crease my sanctifying grace the most?" Variant wordings of this norm can make it clearer and more attractive, for example: ,In which state am I likely to bring greater glory to God?" or "to serve God and my fellow men the best?" 5. Give a theological explanation of what a vocation is, pointing the explanation to the particular.state of life in which the advisee is showing interest, for example, the sisterhood. This can be done in words somewhat like these. "Every vocation, to any sta~e of life, entails three elements: (a) God's invitation, (b) a decision of the in-dividual to accept it or not, and (c) a decision of the Church to admit him to the state in question. "For example, in its completed stage a vocation to the sisterhood comes into existence through these steps. First, through the thoughts or impulses and desires which are actual graces, God invites the qualified girl to offer her-self to serve Him and His Church in religious life. ÷ ÷ ÷ Prudence and Vocations VOLUME 21, 1962 (;;. £. (;(=nss, $.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS ~t38 "Second, she enters upon her period of deliberation. Helped perhaps by some reading, and surely by prayer, and perhaps by a counselor who will be guide, philos-opher, and friend but not a pressing salesman, she thinks out the details of her physical, intellectual, moral, and temperamental suitability for the life and work of the order she is thinking of entering. She weighs the pros and cons--and generally it is wise to write them in op-posite columns of a paper. Thus she formulates them more clearly, captures them for possible future use in moments of wavering or temptation, and gets the chance to evaluate their cumulative worth. "ALmong the reasons for, she sees the nobility of dedi-cating her life to God, and the spiritual values this of-fers: opportunities for growth in sanctifying grace~ Among the reasons against are the many values she must sacrifice to get those spiritual values: money of her own, marriage, being master of her own decisions, and the like. These latter values, being largely material and tangible, are often more attractive to human nature than the spiritual values which are more abstract. But through her prayerful thought, God gives her the light to see that the spiritual values are in reality the greater ones. Hence, for a good motive (one predominantly spiritual though it may be supplemented by natural motives), she decides to apply for admission. After proper investigation of her character and qualifications, the Church, acting through the re-ligious superior whom she has delegated, accepts her for the order. She now has a religious vocation in its prelim-inary stage, the stage for testing. "She enters the postulancy and then the novitiate, where she tests the life and the life tests her. As she goes along she discovers that her n~otives for leading the life grow stronger. Also, she gives reasonable satisfaction to those in charge of her. Toward the end of the novitiate she decides to pronounce her vows for the length of time the Church permits, and the Church decides, through the superior, to permit her to pronounce them. In similar fashion she goes through the periods of temporary pro-fession and then decides, again with the permission of the Church expressed through the superior, to consecrate her-self to Christ the King forever by perpetual vows. Now her vocation has reached its complete stage. This can be described as a set of circumstances in which she has a well founded hope that she will receive from God the helps she needs to live happily and well as a religious." 6. Gently tell the advisee to think this matter out pray-erfully and come to her decision. Give her a pamphlet or something else to read--preferably something not too long. The present writer has written his own pamphlet for this purpose which embodies the approach described above: On Thinking Out Vocations--to the Four Stages o[ Life (Queen's Work, St. Louis 18, Mo.). Reading this enables the advisee to review and even expand all that she has been told. Also, welcome her to come back for as many informal discussions as she wants. In what way is the procedure .outlined above an appli-cation of our principle of prudence? I think that it is such an application for two main reasons. First, it helps the advisee to set up his problem, and it shows him by ex-ample how to think it through. Second, right from the start it throws the burden of decision upon the individual. That is, it points up to the advisee the fact that sooner or later he or she must bring the matter to a head, think it out, and make a firm decision in the light of the clearly seen motives for and against. If she or he enters a con-secrated state, he will persevere only by the activi.ty of his own will aided by God's grace; and it is well that his first entrance also comes about through a similar act of his own will aided by God's grace. This advisee has not received any urging, but only the encouragement and self-confidence which are inherent in his discovering for him-self clear knowledge of the motives which bring him to enter religious life and to persevere. Raising Motives of Prospective Vocations We come now to a new application of prudence: some suggested means of gradually raising the motives of young men and women who begin to show an interest in the priesthood or religious life. The process which God seems to use most frequently in granting vocations---either vocations to the faith or vo-cations to priestly or religious life--is that of a gradual progression from natural to supernatural motives. This is why many priests have noticed that the majority of their conversions have sprung from courtships. In so many cases the motives which first evoke a non-Catholic's in-terest in the Church are natural ones: intimate friendship with a Catholic and the thought of marrying him or her. If the priest whom the non-Catholic approaches Simply tells his timid inquirer that his motive is unworthy, the inquirer departs and never returns. But if the priest is friendly and sympathetic and by his instructions gradu-ally raises the inquirer's motives, in many instances the latter eventually requests baptism for motives truly supernatural; and he would enter the Church with or without that marriage. God employs a similar technique in bestowing many, if not most, vocations to the priesthood or the religious life. The motives which first lead John or Mary to think of begoming a priest or nun are often on a purely natural plane. He has, perhaps, a religious teacher whom he ad- Prudence and Vocations VOLUME 21, 1962 439 ÷ ÷ ÷ G. E. Ganss, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 440 mires. That teacher's classes are well prepared, and he is always cheerful, approachable, willing to listen and then to help. His happiness and peace of soul shine through his work. John. gets the dim thought: "He (or she) is happy doing something really worthwhile, I'd like to be like him." Someday, perhaps with nervous shyness or clumsy inepititude, he stutters out an inkling of his vaguely formulated thought to a priest or nun who is in a position to direct him. If this director is inclined.to judge--"This person gives evidence of not knowing what a vocation means; his motives are insufficient, unworthy, shallow; therefore he has no true vocation"--he will also be prone to send John or Mary away quickly with a brief or even a curt remark, And John or Mary will not return. But if the direetor is alert and willing to risk his time, often he can gradually, patiently, and tactfully give John or Mary more motives; he can raise their natural ones to a supernatural level, so that eventually they will con-secrate themselves to God from motives truly worthy. In The Faculty Adviser for March, 1944 (St. Louis: The Queen's Work), Father Lawrence Chiuminatto, S.J., wrote that, in replies to a questionnaire, several hundred nuns listed, in order of frequency, the following attrac-tions which brought them to religious life: (1) The happiness, peace, contentment, friendliness, and so forth, of the sisters with whom they came into contact. (2) The good report and example of their relatives in religion. (3) An inner attraction to the life . a sense of happiness they felt in being in the companionship of sisters. (4) An increasing realiza-tion of the emptiness of worldly pleasures, which feeling sur-prisingly often followed the most enjoyable of parties and the best kind of entertainment. (5) An increasing love for Christ and the desire to work for souls. (6) A growing desire for a life of prayer and service, free from the dangers of temptations: (7) Lack of interest in the opposite sex and in establishing a family. (8) The glow of happiness experienced when present at religious processions, or even visiting a convent. (9) Lack of satisfaction and the peace of mind they sought. (10) The desire to make amends for their past life. (11) (Last and least of all) Some book or pamphlet read, sermon heard, retreat or mission made. Notice how many of these motives are natural ones; this is especially true of those observed first and conse-quently often the ones first broached to a director. They are natural, yes, but capable of being supernaturalized. Many of them, for example, 1, 2, half of 3, 4, 7, and 10, may at first seem unworthy motives. What if some director had hastily concluded to the unsuitability of those who had them and discouraged these young women who now are able and happy religious? Clearly, therefore, in many cases the director's tasK and opportunity is to raise natural motives to the superi natural and to supply additional motives as well. As-suredly he will discourage unfit subjects. But he will not be too hasty to conclude that an inquirer is unfit. Rather, he will strive to make true of himself what Isaiah said of Christ: "A bruised reed he will not break~ and a smoking wick he will not quench" (M~°12-:20). '°' ~' ' ' But how shall he proceed with prudence in order to realize his opportunity? Here again each director will have to use his own ingenuity. But here are a few sug-gestions: he can always show himself kindly, approach-able, easily accessible, and interested in the. advisee. He can make him feel welcome, and let him talk, even ram-ble. Once the advisee has worked up the courage to talk freely about vocation, he will talk himself into better motives, especially if he is drawn out a bit by questions somewhat like this: "Yes, that is a good reason [or becom-ing a priest; but isn't there another reason in your.mind, something like this, that you want to serve Christ better?" Other means of raising or adding motives will occur to you as you observe the need of each case. And as you work keep up your courage despite some disappointments. Remember, Christ did not win all his cases; neither will you. So do what you can, and with peace of soul leave the rest to God. Plant and water and pray Him to grant the increase. Allowing Full Freedom in the Choice o[ a Group When John or Mary has decided to .dedicate himself to God, the Church allows him full freedom to apply to the order or diocese in which he thinks he will bring greater glory to God. It is prudent for the counselor to do the same. He may well give information about the type of work done, or the need of personnel, or the out-look on the spiritual life of any of them, including his own. But if he exerts pressure in favor of his own or any other group, he may well stir up resentment in the young person and spoil the vocation for his own and all other groups too. The choice belongs to the boy or girl. In the long run all the groups of priests, brothers, or nuns will come out best if they follow a policy such as this, for all of us will be working to help one another. Each of us should indeed ha,~,e love and loyalty towards his own group, but above all should be our love and loyalty to-ward the welfare of the universal Church. The Screening o[ Candidates It is obvious that applicants who are clearly unfitted or unlikely to become suitable religious should be discour-aged from entering the novitiate. But prudence requires that a vocational counselor should not be too quick to decide that one is clearly unfitted. Frequently through + 4. 4. Prudence and Vocations VOLUME 21, 1962 44.1 academic counseling, or tests of his general intelligence or ability to read English, some one temporary deficiency is discovered which can be remedied. It is wise, too, for the vocational counselor to remember that he is not yet recommending one for ordination or for perpetual pro-fession. Rather, he is recommending that the advisee be given a chance to enter the course in which he will de-velop himself and eventually prove himself fit for ordina-tion or perpetual profession. Virtually every vocational counselor who has had years of experience will discover something like this as he re-flects back over cases he has handled in the past. Many of those about whose fitness and disposition he felt most sure sooner or later dropped out. And many of his border-line cases about whom he felt most insecure happily de-veloped in an unexpected way, and they are today doing excellent work as happy priests or religious. He shudders at the thought of what would have happened if he had been too rigid. We are 'dealing with at least two unpre-dictable factors, human free will and God's grace. We cannot guess all our cases. St. Thomas has told us that in many things human prudence cannot be infallible. In other.words, all we can hope for is a good batting average. Let us accept our human limitations, and with them do the best that we can for God, and confidently leave the test to Him. That is the final application of prudence which I have to suggest. Also, if others think that a dif-ferent approach is better for them than that which I have described, it does not mean that either of us is necessarily wrong. G. E. Ganss, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS WILLIAM C. MclNNES, s.J. Adaptation of Retreats for College Students In one of the introductory observations to the Spiritual Exercises, Saint Ignatius very wisely comments that "the Spiritual Exercises must be adapted to the condition of the one who is engaged in them, that is, to his age, educa-tion, and talent." Hardly any retreat director, amateur or professional, would professedly disregard such an in-struction. Yet many directors are perhaps not fully aware of the practical consequences of such an instruction. Some, succumbing to the favorable comments of ~hree or four delighted sisters after a retreat, will° feel that they have, therefore, successfully reached ninety to one hun-dred retreatants. Others, suspecting that experience by itself brings empathy, feel assured that they can reach sisters and brothers, religious and lay people with little extra effort since "they are all essentially the same." But neither unrepresentative comments nor even ex-perienced intuitions can be a satisfactory basis for the large-scale conducting of retreats today. Adaptation re-quires a firmer foundation than pleasantly prejudiced opinions or intuitive knowledge. It demands a valid and representative insight into the mentality of the audience. Such an insight is, in fact, almost as important as a knowl-edge of the Exercises themselves. It is just as necessary to know whether a message is being received by a particular audience as it is to know what the message is. The retreat director must, then, be armed with some understanding of the audience he is attempting to reach as well' as of the instrument he is trying to use. Without the latter the director has nothing to say; without the former he is talking only to himself. This knowledge of the audience, which is the basis of successful adaptation, is of special importance in plan-ning retreats for college students. Usually these retreats to students are given to rather large groups, they last only three days, and they offer a condensed version of the + William C. Mc- Innes, S.J., is associ-ate dean at Boston College, Chestnut Hill 67, Massachu-setts. VOLUME 21~ 1962 443 ÷ ÷ ÷ W. C. Mclnne$, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Ignatian Exercises. But even more than the changed. circumstances, the changed character of the audience postulates special adaptation. The modern student moves in a world that shapes much of his life and most of his views. It trims his ideals and sets a horizon to his vision. It colors his power to speak and his power to listen. It determines his power to pray and his ability to sit still. A sympathetic insight into this world along with a re-alization of the problems in communication that are raised are fundamental to the success of college retreats. The question is not: should we adapt retreats for college students or not? It is: how can we best adapt? To many outsiders a college campus is a remote, ivy. covered island in a hectic world, and a college student's life is permeated by that pastoral calm. Someone has calle~t college "a four year bracket before the beginning of real living." But the stereotype is inaccurate. Actually the four years of college are years of restless searching, new discoveries, and increasing pressures which leave a deep imprint on student lives and hence are certain to influ-ence receptivity to any message, spiritual or otherwise. A college career today is more institutionalized and pressurized than ever before. The college student begins his college career as a College Board score in the admis-sions office; he survives as a cumulative average in the registrar's file; and his whole academic record is sum-marized and punched out by an IBM printer. During his four years of school, he will be continually pressured to produce, to get good grades "if you want to get into graduate school," to rank in the top ten per cent of your class "if you want an interview for a good job at the placement office." Meanwhile all around him he dis-. covers heightened opportunities for sense pleasure and for taking a "break" when he thinks he needs it or when the pressure gets too great. And frequently he finds that he has the inflated wallet that makes these "breaks" fi-nancially possible. The external pressures from organization and pleasure are matched by an internal confusion which also jams any channel of communication to his soul. No respectable student today would be found dead wearing the label of "organization man." Yet college campuses are cluttered with the symbols of conformity--a conformity ruled by some anonymous Seventh Avenue clothing merchant or a "name" drama critic on a New York newspaper. A grow-ing sophistication makes most college students reject violently any argument from authority. Yet many of them will adhere dogmatically to a relativism that makes all intellectual pursuit an entertaining exercise without either agonizing pain or blinding ecstasy--and, worse~ without any deep commitment. In such an environment! it should not be surprising that the vision of truth is un-consciously tarnished by life's distractions and the dedi-cated pursuit of an abstract ideal is unwittingly slowed down by the practical concerns of life and the growing feeling that "it really isn't what you know but whom you know that counts." It is to this buffeted, pleasure-loving, uncommitted young generation that the retreat movement reaches out. And successfully too. The growing number of retreat houses, the steadily rising statistics of the number of re-treatants making closed retreats annually, the growing importance of the layman's retreat movement prove the fact. Why? Because retreat directors are speaking the message of Christ in language modern students can grasp. As long as there is contact, the message can get through. During the past two years, the author has directed a series of closed weekend retreats for Catholic college men. These retreats were held at a nearby seminary where the retreatants made the standard Ignatian Exercises and were also able to take some part in the community life of the seminary. In an effort to insure a continuing contact be-tween director and retreatants by determining the reac-tions of actual participants, a written questionnaire was devised and distributed at the close of.each retreat. The questionnaire sought to determine their impressions, fa-vorable and unfavorable, what they found most helpful about the retreat and what they found most difficult, what they would suggest to be changed. A~total of 203 detailed returns, representing about eighty per cent of the total number of retreatants, was received and form the basis of this study. Some may object that a sociological instrument of this type has no place in the giving of retreats. Such a device, however, is actually far more representative than the scat-tered oral comments of a few retreatants, and it is far more objective than the intuitive impressions of the director. Will it extract any worthwhile information? It .can, if properly constructed and explained so that bias and leading questions are eliminated. Compared to one hundred per cent accuracy, it is, of course, poor. But compared to a pure guess, it is certainly an improvement. And since one hundred per cent accuracy is impossible by any means and a pure guess is inadequate by any ob-jective standard, it does provide at least some exploratory information that can give important leads to an inquiring retreat director. The retreat groups which form the basis of this study ranged in size from seventeen to fifty-eight. The average number was thirty-five. Three of the groups were made up of undergraduate students majoring in business; two other groups were taking liberal arts. One group was 4. 4. 4- Retreats College Students VOLUME 21, 1962 445 + W. C. Mclnnes, S.I. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 446 composed of sodalists, most of whom had made retreats before; two other groups were composed primarily of students making retreats for the first time. One group wax composed of a senior class taught by the director and so were all known to him beforehand; two other groups were from another Catholic college and had never met the director before. One group was an intercollegiate group of business majors from three colleges; another group was an alumni group~mostly married---of men. working in business. Hence this diversity of composition permits some comparisons between those with a profes-sional education and those with a general education; be-tween those with previous retreat experience and those with none; between undergraduates versus alumni, strangers versus friends of the ,director, those .familiar with retreats and those who had never made a retreat before. Some of the findings of this study are perhaps obvious. Others are revealing. Still others, while obvious in con-tent, are revealing in the extent and force with which they appear. Some of the general highlights of the study follow: 1. A voluntary closed retreat means many different things to each retreatant; but to all it is a very special event which greatly impresses the college student who makes it, especially if he is making a retreat for the first time
