Suchergebnisse

Постановка проблеми.Проаналізувавши ситуацію щодо малих річок України, автори дійшли висновоку, що вони забруднені більше, ніж великі. Це пояснюється не тільки їх малою водністю, а й недостатньою охороною. Проблеми малих річок спричинюють деградацію великих рік. Щороку до водоймищ України потрапляє величезна кількість солей та значна частина стоків тваринницьких комплексів. Значна кількість мінеральних добрив, отрутохімікатів змивається і потрапляє у воду. В басейні Дніпра (найбільшої водної артерії країни) діють Запорізька, Південно-Українська, Хмельницька, Рівненська атомні електростанції. Це додає до складу забруднень ще й радіоактивні. Відомо, що в Дніпро щорічно потрапляє 370 млн м3 забруднених стоків, або 14 % від їх обсягу по країні. Деякі країни Південної Африки, Єгипту вже стикаються або очікують на серйозний дефіцит водопостачання. Згодом Європа тоже може виявитись незахищеною від нестачі води чи водного стресу. Водний стрес − це проблема, яка зачіпає мільйони людей у всьому світі, з них понад 100 мільйонів у Європі. Погіршення якісного стану малих річок являє пряму загрозу здоров'ю людини у зв'язку з органолептичними, санітарно-токсикологічними властивостями води та епідеміологічною небезпекою. Існує багато інтегральних оцінок якості водних ресурсів, але проблема полягає в тому, що важко передбачити комбінований вплив забруднень на людиную. Наразі, незважаючи на досягнутий прогрес, загальне екологічне здоров'я багатьох водойм Європи залишається невизначеним. Мета дослідження− збереження водності малих річок та їх захист від засмічення та забруднення. Висновок. Враховуючи важливість існування малих річок для належного функціонування всіх елементів довкілля та законодавчі обмеження щодо здійснення діяльності в межах басейнів малих рік, доцільно об'єднувати зусилля органів влади та місцевого населення для пошуку спільних дієвих рішень щодо охорони малих річок. ; Постановка проблемы.Проанализировав ситуацию относительно малых рек Украины, авторы пришли к выводу, что они загрязнены сильнее, чем большие. Это объясняется не только их малой водностью, но и недостаточной охраной. Проблемы малых рек приводят к деградации крупных. Ежегодно в водоемы Украины попадает огромное количество солей и часть стоков животноводческих комплексов. Значительное количество минеральных удобрений, ядохимикатов смывается и попадает в воду. Действующие атомные электростанции добавляют еще и радиоактивные загрязнения. К тому же существует угроза дефицита воды.В бассейне реки Днепр (крупнейшей водной артерии страны) действуют Запорожская, Южно-Украинская, Хмельницкая, Ривненская атомные электростанции. Это добавляет в состав загрязнений еще и радиоактивные. Известно, что в р. Днепр ежегодно попадает 370 млн м3 загрязненных стоков, или 14 % от их объема по стране. Некоторые страны Южной Африки и Египета уже сталкиваются или ожидают серьезного дефицита водоснабжения. Европа тоже может оказаться незащищенной от нехватки воды или водного стресса. Водный стресс − проблема, которая затрагивает миллионы людей во всем мире, из них более 100 миллионов в Европе. Ухудшение качественного состава малых рек являет прямую угрозу здоровью людей. Существует много интегральных оценок качества водных ресурсов, но проблема заключается в сложности прогнозирования комбинированного влияния различных загрязнений на человека. Сегодня общее экологическое здоровье многих водоемов Европы остается неопределенным. Цель исследования− сохранение водности малых рек и их защита от засорения и загрязнения. Вывод. Учитывая роль малых рек для надежного функционирования всех элементов окружающей среды и законодательные ограничения на осуществление деятельности в пределах бассейнов малых рек, целесообразно объединять усилия органов власти и населения в поисках совместных и эффективных решений для охраны малых рек. ; Problem statement.The analysis of the situation showed that the small rivers of Ukraine are more polluted than the large rivers. This is explained not only by their low water content, but also by the lack of protection. Problems of small rivers lead to degradation of large rivers. Annually, a large amount of salts and a considerable part of the runoff of livestock complexes enter the reservoirs of Ukraine. A considerable amount of mineral fertilizers, poisonous chemicals are washed away and get into the water. There are Zaporizhia, South-Ukrainian, Khmelnyskyi, and Rivne nuclear power plants operating in the Dnieper basin (the country's largest waterway). This adds to the composition of contamination and radioactive. It is known that 370 million m3 of polluted effluents, or 14 % of their volume in the country, fall into the Dnieper annually. In addition, some countries, for example, Cape Town, Cairo, South Africa, Egypt, already face or expect a serious shortage of water supply. Subsequently, Europe may be unprotected from lack of water or water stress. Water stress is a problem that affects millions of people around the world, of which more than 100 million in Europe. Deterioration in the quality of small rivers is a direct threat to human health. There are many integral assessments of the quality of water resources, but the problem is the difficulty in predicting the combined effect of various pollution on humans. The purpose. Preserving the water content of small rivers and protecting them from clogging and siltation. Preservation of water content of small rivers and their protection against clogging and siltation. Conclusions. Given the importance of the existence of small rivers for the proper functioning of all environmental elements and legislative restrictions on activities within small river basins, it is advisable to combine the efforts of authorities and local people to find joint and effective solutions for the management and protection of small rivers, which are a guarantee and indicators of good environmental conditions.

Постановка проблеми.Проаналізувавши ситуацію щодо малих річок України, автори дійшли висновоку, що вони забруднені більше, ніж великі. Це пояснюється не тільки їх малою водністю, а й недостатньою охороною. Проблеми малих річок спричинюють деградацію великих рік. Щороку до водоймищ України потрапляє величезна кількість солей та значна частина стоків тваринницьких комплексів. Значна кількість мінеральних добрив, отрутохімікатів змивається і потрапляє у воду. В басейні Дніпра (найбільшої водної артерії країни) діють Запорізька, Південно-Українська, Хмельницька, Рівненська атомні електростанції. Це додає до складу забруднень ще й радіоактивні. Відомо, що в Дніпро щорічно потрапляє 370 млн м3 забруднених стоків, або 14 % від їх обсягу по країні. Деякі країни Південної Африки, Єгипту вже стикаються або очікують на серйозний дефіцит водопостачання. Згодом Європа тоже може виявитись незахищеною від нестачі води чи водного стресу. Водний стрес − це проблема, яка зачіпає мільйони людей у всьому світі, з них понад 100 мільйонів у Європі. Погіршення якісного стану малих річок являє пряму загрозу здоров'ю людини у зв'язку з органолептичними, санітарно-токсикологічними властивостями води та епідеміологічною небезпекою. Існує багато інтегральних оцінок якості водних ресурсів, але проблема полягає в тому, що важко передбачити комбінований вплив забруднень на людиную. Наразі, незважаючи на досягнутий прогрес, загальне екологічне здоров'я багатьох водойм Європи залишається невизначеним. Мета дослідження− збереження водності малих річок та їх захист від засмічення та забруднення. Висновок. Враховуючи важливість існування малих річок для належного функціонування всіх елементів довкілля та законодавчі обмеження щодо здійснення діяльності в межах басейнів малих рік, доцільно об'єднувати зусилля органів влади та місцевого населення для пошуку спільних дієвих рішень щодо охорони малих річок. ; Постановка проблемы.Проанализировав ситуацию относительно малых рек Украины, авторы пришли к выводу, что они загрязнены сильнее, чем большие. Это объясняется не только их малой водностью, но и недостаточной охраной. Проблемы малых рек приводят к деградации крупных. Ежегодно в водоемы Украины попадает огромное количество солей и часть стоков животноводческих комплексов. Значительное количество минеральных удобрений, ядохимикатов смывается и попадает в воду. Действующие атомные электростанции добавляют еще и радиоактивные загрязнения. К тому же существует угроза дефицита воды.В бассейне реки Днепр (крупнейшей водной артерии страны) действуют Запорожская, Южно-Украинская, Хмельницкая, Ривненская атомные электростанции. Это добавляет в состав загрязнений еще и радиоактивные. Известно, что в р. Днепр ежегодно попадает 370 млн м3 загрязненных стоков, или 14 % от их объема по стране. Некоторые страны Южной Африки и Египета уже сталкиваются или ожидают серьезного дефицита водоснабжения. Европа тоже может оказаться незащищенной от нехватки воды или водного стресса. Водный стресс − проблема, которая затрагивает миллионы людей во всем мире, из них более 100 миллионов в Европе. Ухудшение качественного состава малых рек являет прямую угрозу здоровью людей. Существует много интегральных оценок качества водных ресурсов, но проблема заключается в сложности прогнозирования комбинированного влияния различных загрязнений на человека. Сегодня общее экологическое здоровье многих водоемов Европы остается неопределенным. Цель исследования− сохранение водности малых рек и их защита от засорения и загрязнения. Вывод. Учитывая роль малых рек для надежного функционирования всех элементов окружающей среды и законодательные ограничения на осуществление деятельности в пределах бассейнов малых рек, целесообразно объединять усилия органов власти и населения в поисках совместных и эффективных решений для охраны малых рек. ; Problem statement.The analysis of the situation showed that the small rivers of Ukraine are more polluted than the large rivers. This is explained not only by their low water content, but also by the lack of protection. Problems of small rivers lead to degradation of large rivers. Annually, a large amount of salts and a considerable part of the runoff of livestock complexes enter the reservoirs of Ukraine. A considerable amount of mineral fertilizers, poisonous chemicals are washed away and get into the water. There are Zaporizhia, South-Ukrainian, Khmelnyskyi, and Rivne nuclear power plants operating in the Dnieper basin (the country's largest waterway). This adds to the composition of contamination and radioactive. It is known that 370 million m3 of polluted effluents, or 14 % of their volume in the country, fall into the Dnieper annually. In addition, some countries, for example, Cape Town, Cairo, South Africa, Egypt, already face or expect a serious shortage of water supply. Subsequently, Europe may be unprotected from lack of water or water stress. Water stress is a problem that affects millions of people around the world, of which more than 100 million in Europe. Deterioration in the quality of small rivers is a direct threat to human health. There are many integral assessments of the quality of water resources, but the problem is the difficulty in predicting the combined effect of various pollution on humans. The purpose. Preserving the water content of small rivers and protecting them from clogging and siltation. Preservation of water content of small rivers and their protection against clogging and siltation. Conclusions. Given the importance of the existence of small rivers for the proper functioning of all environmental elements and legislative restrictions on activities within small river basins, it is advisable to combine the efforts of authorities and local people to find joint and effective solutions for the management and protection of small rivers, which are a guarantee and indicators of good environmental conditions.

L'année 2011 aura été marquée par une vague de changements sans précédents dans le monde arabe : qui aurait pu croire il y a encore quelques mois à l'effondrement de régimes aussi férocement verrouillés que ceux de MM. Ben Ali ou Moubarak ? Souvent présentés comme modèles de développement dans le monde arabe, soutenus à bras-le-corps par l'Occident car longtemps considérés comme des remparts sûrs contre l'islamisme, ces régimes n'ont en fait servi qu'à maintenir le statu quo : privilèges économiques exorbitants pour les nomenklaturas et écrasement des moindres velléités réformatrices tendant à déverrouiller les systèmes dominants. Mais ce statu quo pouvait-il résister longtemps à la pression démographique et à la forte demande politico-sociale induite alors que ces mêmes pays avaient formellement opté pour l'ouverture économique et n'avaient cessé d'entreprendre des réformes dans ce sens, stimulant encore plus les demandes politiques et sociales locales ? La contagion qui a suivi les révolutions tunisienne et égyptienne, phénomène d'une importance géostratégique similaire à la vague de révolutions qui a touché l'Europe de l'Est communiste à la suite de la chute du Mur de Berlin, interpelle également à plus d'un titre. Dans ce numéro de Regards économiques, nous analysons les ressorts des révolutions arabes et les perspectives de réformes de fond dans le monde arabe. Nous mettons en évidence que (i) au-delà de la forte hétérogénéité des réalités socio-économiques nationales dans le monde arabe, il y a bien (ii) une logique institutionnelle commune qui est à l'origine des révoltes récentes, celle de coalitions dominantes se perpétuant au pouvoir pour contrôler les rentes issues de la libéralisation et/ou de l'exploitation de ressources naturelles. En étudiant plus spécifiquement le cas algérien, nous argumentons que (iii) si le statu quo a été momentanément maintenu dans ce pays grâce à la mise en œuvre de mesures d'urgence pour satisfaire les demandes sociales exprimées en puisant dans la rente pétrolière, le consensus social atteint ne peut être un équilibre stable. Nous développons ces trois points ci-dessous. Nous notons en premier lieu que ce qui est maintenant dénommé le Printemps arabe recouvre en fait une multitude de réalités économiques, sociales et même religieuses nationales. C'est donc un Printemps multiple et complexe qui ne peut s'interpréter de façon univoque. Notre analyse part de l'observation que le Printemps arabe a été déclenché dans deux pays, la Tunisie et l'Egypte, qui sont parmi ceux qui ont le plus réformé formellement leur économie selon les standards libéraux du Doing Business pilotés par la Banque Mondiale. Ce sont en effet deux pays qui se distinguent par une adhésion totale aux critères de l'économie libérale et à une ouverture presque sans restriction aux capitaux étrangers. L'Egypte a ainsi été classée en 2008/2009 dans le top 10 des pays réformateurs dans le monde dans le classement de Doing Business tandis que la Tunisie figure en 2011 à la 55ème place sur un total de 183 pays.Ce que les classements de Doing Business ne peuvent et n'ont pas vocation à refléter c'est que ces réformes économiques se sont de fait accompagnées par un renforcement du cronysme et une allocation généreuse des ressources au profit des coalitions dominantes. Que ce soit le Parti Démocratique National en Egypte ou le Rassemblement Constitutionnel Démocratique en Tunisie, ces partis historiques au pouvoir étaient vus par les citoyens de ces pays comme le chemin nécessaire et incontournable pour démarrer et/ou développer des entreprises économiques dans quelque secteur que ce soit. Dans ces deux cas, il y a donc eu un rythme soutenu de réformes ouvrant clairement le jeu économique, du moins formellement, sans que le système politique n'ait connu une ouverture de même amplitude. C'est cette logique de coalitions dominantes se perpétuant au pouvoir pour contrôler les rentes issues de la libéralisation et/ou de l'exploitation de ressources naturelles qui nous semble commune à tous les pays qui ont été touchés à des degrés divers par le Printemps arabe, au-delà de la grande hétérogénéité socio-économique qui caractérise le monde arabe que nous mettrons en exergue. Nous arguons que si cette logique institutionnelle de contrôle des rentes par des coalitions dominantes est commune à ces pays, il est somme toute logique que le mouvement de révolte ait démarré dans les pays les plus ouverts économiquement, qui sont, par ailleurs, parmi ceux qui ont les secteurs éducatifs les plus performants dans la région.Le cas algérien, économie rentière par excellence, relativement épargnée par la contagion, est un cas particulier intéressant, notamment par comparaison à la Tunisie. Nous arguons que si le statu quo a été momentanément maintenu dans ce pays grâce à la mise en œuvre de mesures d'urgence pour satisfaire les demandes sociales exprimées en puisant dans la rente pétrolière, le consensus social atteint ne peut être un équilibre stable. L'ouverture à la compétition aussi bien économique que politique semble être la seule voie viable pour que cette économie rentière improductive se dépasse à terme. Cette double exigence d'ouverture nous semble être cruciale pour l'avenir du monde arabe. Cette ouverture doit évidemment aller de pair avec la garantie des libertés individuelles et collectives, ce qui permettra à terme l'émergence d'une société civile authentique, seule à même d'asseoir véritablement la démocratie dans le monde arabe.

Over a decade has gone by since the renaissance of autocratic studies, which greatly contributed to refining the knowledge accumulated from the democratization studies literature. However, almost all contributions within the field have focused on classifying autocracies along "autocratic types" (e.g. placing countries into categories that comprise civil, military, royal or personalistic dictatorships), while close to none asked whether we should be interested in explaining variation along political liberalization levels. I propose a measure of political regime openness which is correlated but significantly different from indexes of democracy. I then produce a tripartite classification of the political space linked to a theoretical model (dividing countries between closed autocracies, open autocracies, and democracies), and empirically test the correlates of these liberalization types and pro- and anti-liberalization transitions in 154 countries of the world between 1970 and 2007. I produce multiple tripartite classifications according to different political regime openness thresholds, and show that empirical findings are highly robust to different conceptualizations of this latent variable. To assuage the problems of high missingness levels in a host of theoretically-relevant correlates, I employ known but seldom-used empirical methods (multiple imputations). This allows me to include a much higher number of regressors without resorting to listwise deletion or to bias-inducing single/"expert" imputation techniques. At the same time, by incorporating the uncertainty around missing data instead of doing away with it, this allows me to retain only very significant findings and to do away with the rest. Empirical findings show that, after controlling for relevant correlates, no political liberalization or autocratic retrenchment (time-clustering) "wave" occurs within the sample period. On the contrary, spatial autocorrelation and regime duration are key to understanding autocratic and democratic resilience. In terms of substantive socio-economic correlates, I find that inequality levels have a crucial role to play in determining political liberalization levels at the early stages of a polity, but tend to become irrelevant later on. I am also able to adjudicate between long-standing theories of inequality and democracy, finding in favor of those arguing that higher liberalization levels should be found at average, not low, levels of inequality. My findings also show that the modernization theory should be problematized: while countries with higher levels of economic well-being tend to be more politically liberal, the same higher levels of economic well-being tend to tip the balance in favor of regime resilience in general. In autocracies, this process is liable to open up a rift between the preferences of the population and those of the governing elite(s). This is most evident in non-rentier countries, where governing actors have less leeway to buy out consensus, and is also currently applicable to hydrocarbon-dependent countries who have to cope with low international prices. These findings are relevant to scholars and policymakers alike. First, they suggest that the international community should think twice about supporting democratization attempts, which may have a higher likelihood of failing whenever structural conditions are not favorable in the first place. Sometimes, political liberalizations within autocracies could be preferred. Second, while GDP growth is correlated with changes in political liberalization levels, in fact economic recessions are only found to increase the likelihood of autocratic retrenchment. Policymakers arguing in favor of economic sanctions are advised to take into account that the most likely outcome is for the existing government – or for a different government succeeding it – to veer towards a less liberal political regime. Current sanctions against Russia and Syria (not to mention North Korea) may be a case in point. Third, findings emphasize the role of agency. Structural relations within a polity do not perfectly determine political regime choice and change, and the same trend can have controversial effects over the likelihood of choosing a more liberal political regime and the likelihood of transitioning in the first place. Therefore, whenever policymakers and the international community are determined into "nudging" a country into a more liberal political regime, they are advised to concentrate over specific actors – e.g. governments in exile, oppositions within and outside the country, the military, etc. – and work with them towards a common objective. The bottom line is: while economic sanctions appear to be the easiest way to coordinate international action against an illiberal government, broader political action, while more costly, has a higher chance of succeeding in the longer run. Fourth, political regime transitions are associated with higher degrees of political violence. Whenever politicians, or the public opinion, side in favour of regime change in illiberal countries, they should be aware that this may not come at a small cost in terms of human lives lost or infrastructural damage. As conflicts in Syria and Libya that are dragging on since the 2011 Arab Spring show, attempted transitions may degenerate into longstanding violent confrontations. Finally, as Egypt's autocratic retrenchment shows, any regime transition "resets the clock" of a regime's durability, making it more likely to change again within the next few years. At the same time, both Egypt on the one hand and Tunisia on the other are evidence that, aside from differing structural conditions, the main actors of a polity are the ultimate source of political regime choice and change.

Social Networking Sites (SNS) became one of the most important tools to activate people in various issues including political and social causes. SNS is widely used by activist; individuals or groups, especially in the regions of conflict and chaos. Arab Spring is one of the recent and crucial examples to see how SNS is being used in activating and mobilizing societies against the autocratic state authorities. Thus, the roles that SNS can play by activists have been increasing day by day to the extent that activists are able not only in mobilization but in the functions of traditional media, such as setting the agenda of followers and exercising a gate-keeping function\process … etc. In this research study interviews will be conducted with the active users of SNS who have a power to mobilize their followers through the new media. The data that is collected with interviews will be analyzed in relation to the pre- defined thematic frames to answer the research questions of the thesis. The demographic data related to the activists is summarized in few tables with a statistical analysis. With the collected data, answers are tried to be found for the research questions such as: the role that activists play in setting the agenda of users, further forming mental images towards events, how SNS gratifies the needs of activists and their relation with the traditional media in light of SNS. Also, they attempted to examine the validity of SNS for collective actions such as campaigns, and the challenges that activists meet whether by governments, society, or even by SNS itself. iv The interviewees are chosen from different countries such as Egypt, Syria, Palestine, Iraq, Morocco, Jordan, Tunisia, and Yemen. Some of the interviewed activists, due to political and economic reasons, are located in the countries different than their own nationalities such as in US, Malaysia, and Turkey. The findings of the research study showed that the activists consider SNS as suitable alternative to practice their roles in the society compared to traditional media where the abilities of SNS allow them to gratify their needs and desires. Also, the activists can play a role in forming a mental image of their followers, and setting the agenda of them towards certain issues. As well, the study found out the efficiency of SNS for conducting collective actions accompanied with reflections in reality. In addition, the study highlights the control mechanism that activists suffered from and the forms of censorship imposed on them whether by regime, society or the administration of SNS itself which contribute to restrict the activists of practicing their roles and the ways of meeting these restrictions. Keywords: SNS, Mobilization, Collective action, Agenda-Setting, Censorship ; Sosyal Ağ Siteleri, siyasi ve sosyal gayeler de dâhil olmak üzere, birçok konuda insanları harekete geçirmenin en önemli araçlarından biri haline geldi. Sosyal ağ siteleri, özelikle çatışma ve kaos bölgelerindeki aktivistler, bireyler ya da gruplar tarafından yaygın olarak kullanılıyor. Arap Baharı, Sosyal Ağ Sitelerinin, toplumu devlet otoritelerine karşı harekete geçirmede nasıl kullanıldığını görmenin en yeni ve en önemli örneklerinden biridir. Sosyal Ağ Sitelerinin aktivistler için oynayabileceği roller gün be gün artmaktadır. Aktivistler bu siteler aracılığıyla, toplumu eyleme geçirebilmemin yanı sıra takipçileri için gündem belirleme ve enformasyon akışını kontrol etme gibi geleneksel medyanın işlevlerini de yerine getirebilmektedir. Bu araştırmada, takipçilerini yeni medya kanalıyla harekete geçirme gücüne sahip olan aktif sosyal ağ sitesi kullanıcılarıyla mülakatlar yapılacaktır. Tezin araştırma sorularına yanıt vermek için, bu mülakatlardan toplanan veriler, önceden belirlenmiş olan tematik çerçeveler ile ilişkilendirilerek analiz edilecektir. Aktivistlerle ilgili demografik veriler istatistiksel analiz ile birkaç tabloda özetlenmiştir. Toplanan verilerle, şu gibi araştırma sorularına yanıt verilmeye çalışılmıştır: kullanıcıların gündemini belirlemede ve olaylara dair zihinsel imgelerinin oluşturulmasında aktivistlerin oynadığı rol; Sosyal Ağ Sitelerinin aktivistlerin ihtiyaçlarını nasıl karşıladıkları ve geleneksel medya ile ilişkileri. Ayrıca, Sosyal Ağ Sitelerinin kampanyalar gibi kolektif eylemler için geçerliliği ve aktivistlerin, hükümet, toplum ve hatta Sosyal Ağ Sitelerinin kendileri tarafından karşılarına çıkarılan zorluklarla nasıl başa çıktıkları incelenmeye çalışılacaktır. vi Görüşme yapılan kişiler, Mısır, Suriye, Filistin, Irak, Fas, Ürdün, Tunus ve Yemen gibi farklı ülkelerden seçilmiştir. Görüşme yapılan aktivistlerden bazıları, siyasi ve ekonomik nedenlerden dolayı, ABD, Malezya ve Türkiye gibi kendi ülkelerinden farklı ülkelerde ikamet etmektedirler. Araştırmanın bulguları, aktivistlerin toplumsal rollerini yerine getirmeleri için, Sosyal Ağ Sitelerinin, geleneksel medyaya göre daha uygun bir alternatif oluşturduğunu ve bu sitelerin onların ihtiyaç ve arzularını tatmin ettiğini göstermektedir. Ayrıca, aktivistler takipçilerinin zihinsel imgelerini oluşturmada bir rol oynayabilmekte ve belirli konulara dair takipçilerinin gündemini belirleyebilmektedir. Çalışma, Sosyal Ağ Sitelerinin, kolektif eylemler yapılmasındaki verimliliğini de ortaya koymaktadır. Buna ek olarak çalışma, aktivistlerin karşılarına çıkan denetim mekanizmaları ile rejim, toplum ve bizzat Sosyal Ağ Siteleri tarafından uygulanan sansür biçimleri ve aktivistlerin bunlarla başa çıkma yolları da bulgular arasında yer almıştır. Anahtar sözcükler: SNS, Toplumsal Hareket, Kolektif Eylem, Gündem Belirleme, Sansür. ; Master of Arts in Communication and Media Studies. Thesis (M.A.)--Eastern Mediterranean University, Faculty of Communication, Dept. of Communication and Media Studies, 2015. Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Nurten Kara

В статье анализируется применимость к советскому обществу («реальному социализму», «историческому коммунизму») теории тоталитаризма, объединяющей в рамки одного целого советскую («сталинскую») систему и Третий рейх («гитлеровскую систему»), а также интерпретации «реального социализма» как возрождения докапиталистического строя (феодализма или «азиатского» способа производства). Автор показывает принципиальное различие между Третьим рейхом и СССР. В первом случае мы имеем капиталистическое общество с антагонистическими классами и буржуазией, частной собственностью, рынком, формальным, институционально зафиксированным разделением на публичную и частную сферы. Во втором системный антикапитализм, отрицающий частную собственность, классовую эксплуатацию, «свободный рынок». Имелись и существенные идеологические различия, отражавшие принципиальное несходство социально-экономического строя. Советская идеология с ее универсализмом, установкой на прогресс, свободу, равенство, братство развивалась в рамках геокультуры Просвещения, представляя собой левый проект европейского Модерна. Нацистская идеология была партикуляристской на расово-этнической основе, отрицая Просвещение с его ценностями. Попытка сторонников теории тоталитаризма в ее «красно-коричневой», т. е. объединяющей СССР и Третий рейх как «левую» и «правую» стороны одной медали, спасти ее, упирая на наличие в обоих случаях тотального контроля, терпит крах. Во-первых, в СССР, в отличие от нацистской Германии, тотальный контроль так и не был достигнут. Во-вторых, тотальный контроль или стремление к нему характеризует большинство существовавших в истории структур от Древнего Египта, традиционного Китая и абсолютистской Франции до современных корпораций. В таком случае тоталитаризм оказывается всемирным феноменом, а термин утрачивает свою научную состоятельность: тоталитаризм везде = тоталитаризм нигде. «Красно-коричневая» версия концепции тоталитаризма представляется не просто ненаучной, но антинаучной и пропагандистской. ; The article deals with the problem of the applicability of two theories of Western social and political science to the Soviet society ("really existing socialism", "historical communism"). These are the theory of totalitarianism and the interpretation of the Soviet society which treats it as a resurrection of a pre-capitalist order either feudalism or the "Asiatic" mode of production. The article shows a critical qualitative distinction between the Third Reich and the USSR. The former belonged to the capitalist system, it was a bourgeois society with antagonistic classes the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, with private property, market, formal and institutionalized differentiation of social life into public and private spheres. In the latter case, we have systemic anticapitalism, a socialist society based on the negation of private property, class exploitation and free market. There was also a significant dissimilarity between the two ideologies, which reflected crucial differences in the nature of respective social orders. The Soviet ideology was part and parcel of the Enlightenment geoculture and represented the left project of the European Modern. The Nazi ideology had a particularistic nature of a racist-ethnic kind; it negated the Enlightenment and its values. The attempt of the proponents of totalitarian theory in its "red-brown" version (i.e. the version which equates the USSR and the Third Reich as just the "left" and "right" sides of one and the same "totalitarian coin" using the argument of "total control") to save it fails on several counts. First, in the USSR in contrast to Nazi Germany total social control was not achieved. Secondly, the so-called "total control" or the will to establish it is characteristic for most social structures in history, from ancient Egypt, traditional China and absolutist France to contemporary corporations. In such case, totalitarianism would appear as universal all-historical phenomena, and the term/concept itself loses its scientific character: totalitarianism everywhere = totalitarianism nowhere. "Red-brown" version of totalitarianism is not just a nonscientific scheme, but an antiscientific and a propagandist one. Its aim is to equate the USSR and Nazi Germany to be able to blame the USSR for unleashing the Second World War. But the main aim is to conceal and to blacken the only real alternative to capitalism in history the Soviet order based on the ideas of social justice and equality. These features were determined by the evolution of Russian history and by its logic which negated capitalism. One more inadequate interpretation is the "real socialism" as a resurrection of pre-capitalist order of feudalism or "Asiatic" mode of production ("oriental despotism"). First, in contrast to pre-capitalist societies, the USSR was an anticapitalist society. While capitalism was born out of one of pre-capitalist societies the feudal one, "real socialism" emerged on the basis of capitalism as its negation. It was capitalism with a "minus" sign. Secondly, "real socialism" was a highly developed industrial society. Thirdly, it was a modern and not a traditional society, with modern institutions, education, technology, type of family etc. Fourthly, the USSR was a "mass society", i.e. the society in which individuals formed their collectivities, while in pre-capitalist society it had been this or that form of collectivity (Gemeinwesen) which had defined an individual. A superficial similarity between historical communism and "pre-capitalisms" is of a negative character all of them are noncapitalist forms. But this does not mean they belong to a qualitatively one and the same class. Birds and reptiles are not mammals, but it does not bring them together in one and the same class of living creatures.

Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) war und ist vor allem als Autor der bedeutendsten Programmschrift der ständischen Opposition des späten Vormärz, Österreich und dessen Zukunft bekannt. Kaum bekannt ist, dass er Zeit seines erwachsenen Lebens Tagebuch geführt hat. Nunmehr liegen seine gesamten erhaltenen Tagebücher in einer wissenschaftlichen Edition vor. Zwischen dem ersten Eintrag vom 20. Oktober 1839 bis zum letzten erhaltenen Eintrag liegen 19 Jahre, die Andrian vom jungen subalternen Beamten in Norditalien, Istrien und Wien zum Idol der vormärzlichen Opposition, vom geachteten Abgeordneten und Vizepräsidenten der Frankfurter Nationalversammlung und deutschen Reichsgesandten in London zum geächteten Zerstörer des vorrevolutionären Paradieses, vom Berater österreichischer Politiker der Jahre nach 1849 zum Verwaltungsrat kapitalistischer Eisenbahngesellschaften der 1850er Jahre machten. Dabei sah sich Andrian als verkanntes Genie, das es in der Hand gehabt hätte, die Gesellschaft aus der Unterdrückung und dem Stillstand des Vormärz und dem Chaos der Revolution in eine bessere Zukunft zu führen. Während all dieser Jahre vermischen sich in den Tagebüchern private und öffentliche Ereignisse, Reflexionen über familiäre und freundschaftliche Verhältnisse und persönliche Entwicklungen mit politischen Aussagen und Betrachtungen über die eigene Rolle im öffentlichen Leben. Die Schwerpunkte und die Dichte der Einträge verändern sich je nach Andrians Lebenslage. Als Konstante bleibt aber das unmittelbare Interesse an der Entwicklung Österreichs und seiner zukünftigen Gestaltung in direkter Verbindung mit der eigenen Situation. Diese Wechselwirkung von öffentlichem Interesse mit persönlichem Erleben machen die Tagebücher so zu einer der eindrucksvollsten privaten Quellen zur österreichischen Geschichte vom Vormärz über die Revolution von 1848/49 bis zur Spätphase des Neoabsolutismus. Schilderungen von finanziellen Problemen und Strategien zu ihrer Lösung, etwa durch eine reiche Heirat, wechseln mit Analysen der innen- und außenpolitischen Verhältnisse und Plänen zur Neugestaltung Österreichs. Phasen aktiven politischen Gestaltens wechseln mit Zeiten freiwilliger und erzwungener Zurückgezogenheit. Daher finden sich Einträge über Diskussionen mit führenden Politikern und höchsten Würdenträgern des Hofes bis hin zu Audienzen beim Kaiser ebenso wie Berichte von Reisen von Helgoland bis Rom und von der französischen Atlantikküste bis in den Süden Ägyptens. Zentral bleibt dabei immer das Wechselspiel zwischen privatem Erleben und öffentlicher Einflussnahme. Viktor von Andrian fühlte sich zum Führer, nicht zum Untergebenen berufen und meinte, auf jenen Zeitpunkt warten zu können, an dem man ihn rufen müsste. So blieb er mit Ausnahme des Jahres 1848, als er für kurze Zeit aktiv in das politische Geschehen eingriff, ein Beobachter, Ratgeber und Kritiker von außen, der auf den richtigen Zeitpunkt wartete, an dem ihm die Zügel der Macht zufallen sollten. Obwohl er sich in seinen letzten Lebensjahren bewusst war, dass es sich hierbei um eine Illusion handelte, war Andrian mit dem Verlauf seiner persönlichen Entwicklung zufrieden: "Schlechtes, Gemeines habe ich Gottlob mir nie vorzuwerfen gehabt." Die dreibändige Edition enthält neben dem kommentierten Text der Tagebücher eine Einleitung zu Leben und Werk Viktor von Andrians, eine Darstellung der Überlieferung der Tagebücher sowie erstmals ein exaktes Werkverzeichnis Andrians. Ergänzt und erweitert wird das Tagebuch durch zahlreiche Auszüge aus seinem erhaltenen Briefwechsel im Kommentar. Erschlossen ist die Edition durch ein kommentiertes Personenregister mit über 2.800 Einträgen. ; Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) was and still is primarily known as the author of Österreich und dessen Zukunft, the most important programmatic brochure of the estatist opposition in the late Vormärz. But it is almost unknown, that he kept a diary for most of his adult life. These diaries are now presented in a scholarly edition. Between the first entry of 20 October 1839 and the last surviving entry of 10 March 1858 lie 19 years which transformed Andrian from a young subordinate public servant in Northern Italy, Istria and Vienna to the idol of the Vormärz opposition, from a respected member and vice-president of the National Assembly in Frankfurt and German envoy in London to the proscribed demolisher of the pre-revolutionary paradise, from the advisor of the Austrian politicians in the years past 1849 to the member of the boards of capitalist railway companies in the 1850s. Throughout this whole time, Andrian saw himself as an unrecognized genius who could have rescued society from the oppression and stagnancy of the Vormärz and from the chaos of the revolution and lead it towards a better future. During all these years, the diaries show a mixture of private and public events. Reflections on family, friends, and personal developments are blended with statements and reflections on politics and policy and Andrian's own role in public life. While focus and denseness of the entries change along with Andrian's private and political situation, at center stage is always the interest in the developments in Austria and her future constitution in close connection with his personal conditions. It is this interaction between public interest and private experience that make the Andrian diaries one of the most impressive private sources on Austrian history from the Vormärz through the revolutionary years of 1848/49 well into the last years of the Neoabsolutism. Narratives about financial problems and strategies for a solution, for example through a rich marriage, alternate with analyses of internal and foreign politics and plans on the re-creation of Austria. Phases of active political involvement change with periods of voluntary and enforced retreat. Therefore, there are entries on discussions with leading politicians and court dignitaries and on audiences with Emperor Francis Joseph as well as accounts of journeys from Helgoland to Rome, from the French Atlantic coast to the South of Egypt. But the central aspect is always the interplay between private experience and public influence. Viktor Andrian felt to be a born leader, not a subordinate, and believed that he could wait for the moment when he was called to lead. Therefore he remained, with the exception of the revolutionary period of 1848/49 when he got actively involved in politics, an observer, adviser and critic at the fringes, waiting for the moment when the reins of power would fall to him. Although he realized in his later years that this was an illusion, Andrian was complacent with his personal development: "Thank God, I never had to blame myself for wicked, vicious things." This edition in three volumes contains the annotated diary entries, an introduction on Viktor Andrian's life and works, an account of the history of the diaries, and, for the first time, a complete listing of Andrian's publications. Numerous excerpts from Andrian's preserved correspondence in the commentary complement and broaden the diaries. An annotated index refers to more than 2.800 persons mentioned in the entries.

Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) war und ist vor allem als Autor der bedeutendsten Programmschrift der ständischen Opposition des späten Vormärz, Österreich und dessen Zukunft bekannt. Kaum bekannt ist, dass er Zeit seines erwachsenen Lebens Tagebuch geführt hat. Nunmehr liegen seine gesamten erhaltenen Tagebücher in einer wissenschaftlichen Edition vor. Zwischen dem ersten Eintrag vom 20. Oktober 1839 bis zum letzten erhaltenen Eintrag liegen 19 Jahre, die Andrian vom jungen subalternen Beamten in Norditalien, Istrien und Wien zum Idol der vormärzlichen Opposition, vom geachteten Abgeordneten und Vizepräsidenten der Frankfurter Nationalversammlung und deutschen Reichsgesandten in London zum geächteten Zerstörer des vorrevolutionären Paradieses, vom Berater österreichischer Politiker der Jahre nach 1849 zum Verwaltungsrat kapitalistischer Eisenbahngesellschaften der 1850er Jahre machten. Dabei sah sich Andrian als verkanntes Genie, das es in der Hand gehabt hätte, die Gesellschaft aus der Unterdrückung und dem Stillstand des Vormärz und dem Chaos der Revolution in eine bessere Zukunft zu führen. Während all dieser Jahre vermischen sich in den Tagebüchern private und öffentliche Ereignisse, Reflexionen über familiäre und freundschaftliche Verhältnisse und persönliche Entwicklungen mit politischen Aussagen und Betrachtungen über die eigene Rolle im öffentlichen Leben. Die Schwerpunkte und die Dichte der Einträge verändern sich je nach Andrians Lebenslage. Als Konstante bleibt aber das unmittelbare Interesse an der Entwicklung Österreichs und seiner zukünftigen Gestaltung in direkter Verbindung mit der eigenen Situation. Diese Wechselwirkung von öffentlichem Interesse mit persönlichem Erleben machen die Tagebücher so zu einer der eindrucksvollsten privaten Quellen zur österreichischen Geschichte vom Vormärz über die Revolution von 1848/49 bis zur Spätphase des Neoabsolutismus. Schilderungen von finanziellen Problemen und Strategien zu ihrer Lösung, etwa durch eine reiche Heirat, wechseln mit Analysen der innen- und außenpolitischen Verhältnisse und Plänen zur Neugestaltung Österreichs. Phasen aktiven politischen Gestaltens wechseln mit Zeiten freiwilliger und erzwungener Zurückgezogenheit. Daher finden sich Einträge über Diskussionen mit führenden Politikern und höchsten Würdenträgern des Hofes bis hin zu Audienzen beim Kaiser ebenso wie Berichte von Reisen von Helgoland bis Rom und von der französischen Atlantikküste bis in den Süden Ägyptens. Zentral bleibt dabei immer das Wechselspiel zwischen privatem Erleben und öffentlicher Einflussnahme. Viktor von Andrian fühlte sich zum Führer, nicht zum Untergebenen berufen und meinte, auf jenen Zeitpunkt warten zu können, an dem man ihn rufen müsste. So blieb er mit Ausnahme des Jahres 1848, als er für kurze Zeit aktiv in das politische Geschehen eingriff, ein Beobachter, Ratgeber und Kritiker von außen, der auf den richtigen Zeitpunkt wartete, an dem ihm die Zügel der Macht zufallen sollten. Obwohl er sich in seinen letzten Lebensjahren bewusst war, dass es sich hierbei um eine Illusion handelte, war Andrian mit dem Verlauf seiner persönlichen Entwicklung zufrieden: "Schlechtes, Gemeines habe ich Gottlob mir nie vorzuwerfen gehabt." Die dreibändige Edition enthält neben dem kommentierten Text der Tagebücher eine Einleitung zu Leben und Werk Viktor von Andrians, eine Darstellung der Überlieferung der Tagebücher sowie erstmals ein exaktes Werkverzeichnis Andrians. Ergänzt und erweitert wird das Tagebuch durch zahlreiche Auszüge aus seinem erhaltenen Briefwechsel im Kommentar. Erschlossen ist die Edition durch ein kommentiertes Personenregister mit über 2.800 Einträgen. ; Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) was and still is primarily known as the author of Österreich und dessen Zukunft, the most important programmatic brochure of the estatist opposition in the late Vormärz. But it is almost unknown, that he kept a diary for most of his adult life. These diaries are now presented in a scholarly edition. Between the first entry of 20 October 1839 and the last surviving entry of 10 March 1858 lie 19 years which transformed Andrian from a young subordinate public servant in Northern Italy, Istria and Vienna to the idol of the Vormärz opposition, from a respected member and vice-president of the National Assembly in Frankfurt and German envoy in London to the proscribed demolisher of the pre-revolutionary paradise, from the advisor of the Austrian politicians in the years past 1849 to the member of the boards of capitalist railway companies in the 1850s. Throughout this whole time, Andrian saw himself as an unrecognized genius who could have rescued society from the oppression and stagnancy of the Vormärz and from the chaos of the revolution and lead it towards a better future. During all these years, the diaries show a mixture of private and public events. Reflections on family, friends, and personal developments are blended with statements and reflections on politics and policy and Andrian's own role in public life. While focus and denseness of the entries change along with Andrian's private and political situation, at center stage is always the interest in the developments in Austria and her future constitution in close connection with his personal conditions. It is this interaction between public interest and private experience that make the Andrian diaries one of the most impressive private sources on Austrian history from the Vormärz through the revolutionary years of 1848/49 well into the last years of the Neoabsolutism. Narratives about financial problems and strategies for a solution, for example through a rich marriage, alternate with analyses of internal and foreign politics and plans on the re-creation of Austria. Phases of active political involvement change with periods of voluntary and enforced retreat. Therefore, there are entries on discussions with leading politicians and court dignitaries and on audiences with Emperor Francis Joseph as well as accounts of journeys from Helgoland to Rome, from the French Atlantic coast to the South of Egypt. But the central aspect is always the interplay between private experience and public influence. Viktor Andrian felt to be a born leader, not a subordinate, and believed that he could wait for the moment when he was called to lead. Therefore he remained, with the exception of the revolutionary period of 1848/49 when he got actively involved in politics, an observer, adviser and critic at the fringes, waiting for the moment when the reins of power would fall to him. Although he realized in his later years that this was an illusion, Andrian was complacent with his personal development: "Thank God, I never had to blame myself for wicked, vicious things." This edition in three volumes contains the annotated diary entries, an introduction on Viktor Andrian's life and works, an account of the history of the diaries, and, for the first time, a complete listing of Andrian's publications. Numerous excerpts from Andrian's preserved correspondence in the commentary complement and broaden the diaries. An annotated index refers to more than 2.800 persons mentioned in the entries.

Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) war und ist vor allem als Autor der bedeutendsten Programmschrift der ständischen Opposition des späten Vormärz, Österreich und dessen Zukunft bekannt. Kaum bekannt ist, dass er Zeit seines erwachsenen Lebens Tagebuch geführt hat. Nunmehr liegen seine gesamten erhaltenen Tagebücher in einer wissenschaftlichen Edition vor. Zwischen dem ersten Eintrag vom 20. Oktober 1839 bis zum letzten erhaltenen Eintrag liegen 19 Jahre, die Andrian vom jungen subalternen Beamten in Norditalien, Istrien und Wien zum Idol der vormärzlichen Opposition, vom geachteten Abgeordneten und Vizepräsidenten der Frankfurter Nationalversammlung und deutschen Reichsgesandten in London zum geächteten Zerstörer des vorrevolutionären Paradieses, vom Berater österreichischer Politiker der Jahre nach 1849 zum Verwaltungsrat kapitalistischer Eisenbahngesellschaften der 1850er Jahre machten. Dabei sah sich Andrian als verkanntes Genie, das es in der Hand gehabt hätte, die Gesellschaft aus der Unterdrückung und dem Stillstand des Vormärz und dem Chaos der Revolution in eine bessere Zukunft zu führen. Während all dieser Jahre vermischen sich in den Tagebüchern private und öffentliche Ereignisse, Reflexionen über familiäre und freundschaftliche Verhältnisse und persönliche Entwicklungen mit politischen Aussagen und Betrachtungen über die eigene Rolle im öffentlichen Leben. Die Schwerpunkte und die Dichte der Einträge verändern sich je nach Andrians Lebenslage. Als Konstante bleibt aber das unmittelbare Interesse an der Entwicklung Österreichs und seiner zukünftigen Gestaltung in direkter Verbindung mit der eigenen Situation. Diese Wechselwirkung von öffentlichem Interesse mit persönlichem Erleben machen die Tagebücher so zu einer der eindrucksvollsten privaten Quellen zur österreichischen Geschichte vom Vormärz über die Revolution von 1848/49 bis zur Spätphase des Neoabsolutismus. Schilderungen von finanziellen Problemen und Strategien zu ihrer Lösung, etwa durch eine reiche Heirat, wechseln mit Analysen der innen- und außenpolitischen Verhältnisse und Plänen zur Neugestaltung Österreichs. Phasen aktiven politischen Gestaltens wechseln mit Zeiten freiwilliger und erzwungener Zurückgezogenheit. Daher finden sich Einträge über Diskussionen mit führenden Politikern und höchsten Würdenträgern des Hofes bis hin zu Audienzen beim Kaiser ebenso wie Berichte von Reisen von Helgoland bis Rom und von der französischen Atlantikküste bis in den Süden Ägyptens. Zentral bleibt dabei immer das Wechselspiel zwischen privatem Erleben und öffentlicher Einflussnahme. Viktor von Andrian fühlte sich zum Führer, nicht zum Untergebenen berufen und meinte, auf jenen Zeitpunkt warten zu können, an dem man ihn rufen müsste. So blieb er mit Ausnahme des Jahres 1848, als er für kurze Zeit aktiv in das politische Geschehen eingriff, ein Beobachter, Ratgeber und Kritiker von außen, der auf den richtigen Zeitpunkt wartete, an dem ihm die Zügel der Macht zufallen sollten. Obwohl er sich in seinen letzten Lebensjahren bewusst war, dass es sich hierbei um eine Illusion handelte, war Andrian mit dem Verlauf seiner persönlichen Entwicklung zufrieden: "Schlechtes, Gemeines habe ich Gottlob mir nie vorzuwerfen gehabt." Die dreibändige Edition enthält neben dem kommentierten Text der Tagebücher eine Einleitung zu Leben und Werk Viktor von Andrians, eine Darstellung der Überlieferung der Tagebücher sowie erstmals ein exaktes Werkverzeichnis Andrians. Ergänzt und erweitert wird das Tagebuch durch zahlreiche Auszüge aus seinem erhaltenen Briefwechsel im Kommentar. Erschlossen ist die Edition durch ein kommentiertes Personenregister mit über 2.800 Einträgen. ; Viktor Franz Freiherr von Andrian-Werburg (1813-1858) was and still is primarily known as the author of Österreich und dessen Zukunft, the most important programmatic brochure of the estatist opposition in the late Vormärz. But it is almost unknown, that he kept a diary for most of his adult life. These diaries are now presented in a scholarly edition. Between the first entry of 20 October 1839 and the last surviving entry of 10 March 1858 lie 19 years which transformed Andrian from a young subordinate public servant in Northern Italy, Istria and Vienna to the idol of the Vormärz opposition, from a respected member and vice-president of the National Assembly in Frankfurt and German envoy in London to the proscribed demolisher of the pre-revolutionary paradise, from the advisor of the Austrian politicians in the years past 1849 to the member of the boards of capitalist railway companies in the 1850s. Throughout this whole time, Andrian saw himself as an unrecognized genius who could have rescued society from the oppression and stagnancy of the Vormärz and from the chaos of the revolution and lead it towards a better future. During all these years, the diaries show a mixture of private and public events. Reflections on family, friends, and personal developments are blended with statements and reflections on politics and policy and Andrian's own role in public life. While focus and denseness of the entries change along with Andrian's private and political situation, at center stage is always the interest in the developments in Austria and her future constitution in close connection with his personal conditions. It is this interaction between public interest and private experience that make the Andrian diaries one of the most impressive private sources on Austrian history from the Vormärz through the revolutionary years of 1848/49 well into the last years of the Neoabsolutism. Narratives about financial problems and strategies for a solution, for example through a rich marriage, alternate with analyses of internal and foreign politics and plans on the re-creation of Austria. Phases of active political involvement change with periods of voluntary and enforced retreat. Therefore, there are entries on discussions with leading politicians and court dignitaries and on audiences with Emperor Francis Joseph as well as accounts of journeys from Helgoland to Rome, from the French Atlantic coast to the South of Egypt. But the central aspect is always the interplay between private experience and public influence. Viktor Andrian felt to be a born leader, not a subordinate, and believed that he could wait for the moment when he was called to lead. Therefore he remained, with the exception of the revolutionary period of 1848/49 when he got actively involved in politics, an observer, adviser and critic at the fringes, waiting for the moment when the reins of power would fall to him. Although he realized in his later years that this was an illusion, Andrian was complacent with his personal development: "Thank God, I never had to blame myself for wicked, vicious things." This edition in three volumes contains the annotated diary entries, an introduction on Viktor Andrian's life and works, an account of the history of the diaries, and, for the first time, a complete listing of Andrian's publications. Numerous excerpts from Andrian's preserved correspondence in the commentary complement and broaden the diaries. An annotated index refers to more than 2.800 persons mentioned in the entries.

La ricognizione delle opere composte da Filippo Tommaso Marinetti tra il 1909 e il 1912 è sostenuta da una tesi paradossale: il futurismo di Marinetti non sarebbe un'espressione della modernità, bensì una reazione anti-moderna, che dietro a una superficiale ed entusiastica adesione ad alcune parole d'ordine della seconda rivoluzione industriale nasconderebbe un pessimismo di fondo nei confronti dell'uomo e della storia. In questo senso il futurismo diventa un emblema del ritardo culturale e del gattopardismo italiano, e anticipa l'analoga operazione svolta in politica da Mussolini: dietro un'adesione formale ad alcune istanze della modernità, la preservazione dello Status Quo. Marinetti è descritto come un corpo estraneo rispetto alla cultura scientifica del Novecento: un futurista senza futuro (rarissime in Marinetti sono le proiezioni fantascientifiche). Questo aspetto è particolarmente evidente nelle opere prodotte del triennio 1908-1911, che non solo sono molto diverse dalle opere futuriste successive, ma per alcuni aspetti rappresentano una vera e propria antitesi di ciò che diventerà il futurismo letterario a partire dal 1912, con la pubblicazione del Manifesto tecnico della letteratura futurista e l'invenzione delle parole in libertà. Nelle opere precedenti, a un sostanziale disinteresse per il progressismo tecnologico corrispondeva un'attenzione ossessiva per la corporeità e un ricorso continuo all'allegoria, con effetti particolarmente grotteschi (soprattutto nel romanzo Mafarka le futuriste) nei quali si rilevano tracce di una concezione del mondo di sapore ancora medioevo-rinascimentale. Questa componente regressiva del futurismo marinettiano viene platealmente abbandonata a partire dal 1912, con Zang Tumb Tumb, salvo riaffiorare ciclicamente, come una corrente sotterranea, in altre fasi della sua carriera: nel 1922, ad esempio, con la pubblicazione de Gli indomabili (un'altra opera allegorica, ricca di reminiscenze letterarie). Quella del 1912 è una vera e propria frattura, che nel primo capitolo è indagata sia da un punto di vista storico (attraverso la documentazione epistolare e giornalistica vengono portate alla luce le tensioni che portarono gran parte dei poeti futuristi ad abbandonare il movimento proprio in quell'anno) che da un punto di vista linguistico: sono sottolineate le differenze sostanziali tra la produzione parolibera e quella precedente, e si arrischia anche una spiegazione psicologica della brusca svolta impressa da Marinetti al suo movimento. Nel secondo capitolo viene proposta un'analisi formale e contenutistica della 'funzione grottesca' nelle opere di Marinetti. Nel terzo capitolo un'analisi comparata delle incarnazioni della macchine ritratte nelle opere di Marinetti ci svela che quasi sempre in questo autore la macchina è associata al pensiero della morte e a una pulsione masochistica (dominante, quest'ultima, ne Gli indomabili); il che porta ad arrischiare l'ipotesi che l'esperienza futurista, e in particolare il futurismo parolibero posteriore al 1912, sia la rielaborazione di un trauma. Esso può essere interpretato metaforicamente come lo choc del giovane Marinetti, balzato in pochi anni dalle sabbie d'Alessandria d'Egitto alle brume industriali di Milano, ma anche come una reale esperienza traumatica (l'incidente automobilistico del 1908, "mitologizzato" nel primo manifesto, ma che in realtà fu vissuto dall'autore come esperienza realmente perturbante). ; The analysis of F. T. Marinetti's works written from 1909 to 1912 is supported by a paradoxical hypothesis: what if Marinetti's futurism was less an expression of modernity than an anti-modern reaction? Behind a superficial and enthousiastic agreement to some issues coming from the Second Industrial Revolution, Marinetti hides a pessimistic vision of humanity and history. Futurism could be his Trojan Horse to bring this feeling into the citadel of modernity, thus anticipating in Italian literature what Mussolini made in Italian politics: preserving the Status Quo behind a modernistic maquillage. Marinetti is a "Futurist Without Future": despite his enthousiasm for some technological innovations, he is totally abstracted from the scientific culture, like most Italian writers of his time: Unlike H. G. Wells, to whom he was often compared, he doesn't appear very interested in detecting "the shape of thing to come", while he seems more concerned in updating the old mythologies to the new "steel Gods" of technology. This could explain why the futurist literature has not so much in common with Science Fiction. Marinetti's first futurist works (1908-1911) show – behind a quite superficial interest for machines and technologies – a real obsession with the human body and everything related with it: sexuality (Mafarka le Futuriste), food (Le Roi Bombance) and violence (Gli indomabili). As in François Rabelais' Gargantua Et Pantagruel, which they openly recall, Marinetti's bodies in Mafarka le Futuriste or Le Roi Bombance are expanded to grotesque dimensions. These issues are temporarily set aside in 1912, when Marinetti finds a completely new style which is described in the Technical Manifesto of Futurist Literature as "Words-in-Freedom". This step further will cause the first important crisis in the Futurist Movement, as many early subscribers will not follow him. This crisis (the "fracture of 1912") is described in the first chapter, while in the second chapter the "grotesque element" in Marinetti's works is thoroughly analysed. Finally, the third chapter deals with the not so frequent "future projections" in his poems and novels. The observation that machines and future in these works are often tied with Death – the "foundation tale" of Futurism shows the first car accident of Italian literature – leads to a last hypothesis: the young italian poet grown up in Egypt may have experienced the discovery of modern industrial Europe as a real shock; the invention of Futurism could be the result of a traumatic stress disease.

As famine looms in northern Gaza, the United Nations agency for Palestinian refugees is hurtling toward collapse."What I can say today is that we can run our operation until the end of May, whereas a month ago I had just the visibility for the next week or two weeks," Philippe Lazzarini, head of the U.N. Palestinian refugees agency (UNRWA), told reporters in Geneva last week, just days after Israel denied him entry into Gaza. "But that shows also how bad the financial situation of the organization is."The money crunch stems in part from a fateful U.S. decision. When Israel accused a dozen of UNRWA's 13,000 Gaza-based employees of facilitating the Oct. 7 attacks, American officials immediately paused funding for the organization pending an investigation. Many other top donors followed suit, leaving UNRWA scrambling to stay afloat.It's since become clear that Israel's accusations relied on less-than-definitive evidence. This revelation led most funders to turn the spigot back on. But the U.S., with its unusually deep pockets, is now banned from changing course. Less than two weeks ago, Congress passed a law blocking all funding for UNRWA until March 2025. The timing of this decision is nothing short of disastrous, according to Christopher Gunness, a former spokesperson for UNRWA. "Mass starvation has already set in, but without UNRWA it's impossible to even slow that down," Gunness said.Despite Israel's claims to the contrary, there is no way to replace UNRWA's role in Gaza, especially amid the largest Palestinian humanitarian crisis since Israel's war of independence, according to experts on humanitarian aid and UNRWA's history. Analysts also fear that potential interruptions in the agency's operations across the Middle East — including in war-torn Syria and crisis-riven Lebanon — could further undermine regional stability.A State Department spokesperson told RS that getting aid to Palestinians in Gaza is a "team effort." "[W]hile we will continue to provide funding to organizations like the World Food Programme [WFP], we will be looking to other donors to continue to provide critical funding to UNRWA as long as our funding remains paused," the spokesperson said in a statement.But groups like WFP simply don't have the capacity to fill the gap made by defunding UNRWA, according to a humanitarian working to get aid into Gaza who requested anonymity to prevent Israeli retribution."The work they do on a day-to-day basis, no one else does it, and you couldn't stand up an organization to do it," the humanitarian worker told RS. "There's literally no other place for [Gazans] to go."A love-hate relationshipDecades removed from its founding, it can be easy to forget where UNRWA came from. In a practical sense, it sprung from the need to get aid to 700,000 Palestinian refugees when it became clear that Israel would not let them return home after the 1948 war. But ideologically, UNRWA's story begins in the Tennessee Valley.
In the 1930s, Congress launched a New Deal project known as the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA). The TVA was a development initiative; it enlisted some of those hardest hit by the Great Depression and put them to work building dams, boosting crop yields, and bringing electricity to rural communities. It was, by most accounts, a rousing success.
After the humanitarian disaster of the 1948 war, President Harry Truman hoped TVA chief Gordon Clapp could bring that success to the Middle East. With the support of the fledgling U.N., which had yet to establish an agency for refugees, Clapp visited the region in 1949 and became convinced that the Jordan Valley and other fertile areas in the Levant were ripe for TVA-style development. The U.N. General Assembly agreed, and the United Nations Relief and Works Agency was born.
It didn't take long for "works" to disappear from the mission. Development projects sputtered, missing deadlines due to infighting among host countries and the refugees' general unwillingness to be relocated once more. "Most refugees refused to work," said Jalal al-Husseini, an expert on UNRWA's history and an associate researcher at the Insitut français du Proche Orient (Ifpo). "They wanted to go back home." Donor states also realized that large-scale public works are a good bit more expensive than more mundane relief projects.
UNRWA's other activities — from schools to healthcare facilities and aid distribution — were far more successful. The organization provided much-needed help to the governments of Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon, each of which had little capacity to manage the refugee influx on their own.
Besides a brief period in the early 1950s, Israel had little to do with UNRWA until 1967, when its forces routed Egypt, Jordan, and Syria in the provocatively named Six Day War. The conquest created a problem: As an occupying power, Israel was suddenly in charge of the welfare of millions of Palestinians. Tel Aviv quickly struck a deal with UNRWA to keep its operations going in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
Since the vast majority of UNRWA's local staff is Palestinian, the agency was "never really seen by Israel as a neutral and independent and impartial U.N. organization," according to Lex Takkenberg, a 30-year veteran of UNRWA who left the agency in 2019.
"It started off with an explicit request by Israel for UNRWA to continue operating," Takkenberg said. "Since that time, there has sort of been a hatred-love relationship."
Israel-Palestine watchers will recognize the pattern. Since the 1960s, Israel has periodically bemoaned the contents of UNRWA textbooks or accused staff of ties to Palestinian political groups (or terrorist organizations, in Tel Aviv's telling), drawing scrutiny from Western donors. UNRWA responds by excising objectionable content from courses and firing employees with apparent conflicts of interest. Over the years, these back-and-forths forced the agency to develop a comprehensive "neutrality framework" to keep politics out of its work.
"Almost without exception, Israel never provided evidence" that employees had ties to groups like Hamas, Takkenberg recalled. But UNRWA would still usually fire them to protect the organization as a whole. "Then the Israelis would be back to business as usual," he said. "It never reached the point that [Israel] asked UNRWA to stop operations."
In substance, the Oct. 7 allegations were the latest entry in this story. Israeli officials made bold allegations that UNRWA employees facilitated the attacks but have yet to provide evidence, even to U.N. investigators.
But the reaction from donors was different. While the International Court of Justice has twice demanded a surge of aid into Gaza to avert disaster, most Western countries suspended support for the strip's leading relief group. Many have restarted their funding, but the U.S., United Kingdom, and Australia are still holding out.
"Prohibiting the Biden administration from contributing to UNRWA creates a large gap in the Agency's annual operating budget," said William Deere, the head of UNRWA's Washington office. The shortfall "will make it harder for UNRWA to assist starving Gazans and potentially further weaken regional stability," Deere argued.UNRWA in crisisUNRWA is, of course, no stranger to crises. When Saddam Hussein's Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1990, Israel imposed a blanket curfew on the West Bank and Gaza, leaving many Palestinians with limited access to food. Quick mobilization from UNRWA prevented a bad situation from getting worse, according to Takkenberg."I organized massive food distributions during short periods that Israel lifted the curfew so that people could collect food from distribution points," he remembered.In the tumultuous period since, UNRWA has managed to stay afloat and provide aid across the Levant despite wars and a blockade in Gaza; a brutal conflict in Syria; and a protracted economic crisis in Lebanon.When President Donald Trump cut off funding in 2018, it came as a shock. "We found out that the Americans were not going to be giving us their money when the check did not arrive in the post," Gunness, the former spokesperson, recalled. This diplomatic equivalent of an Irish goodbye lit a fire under UNRWA staff, who put fundraising efforts into overdrive and filled the gap with pledges from wealthy Gulf countries. Even Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reportedly backed the effort to avert "disaster" in Gaza.But all of these crises pale in comparison to the trial that the organization faces today. Gulf donors have so far failed to fill the gap left by the U.S. decision to cut off funding. At least 154 UNRWA employees have been killed since Oct. 7, and many of its facilities have been destroyed in the bombing. These direct attacks have been paired with an unprecedented Israeli PR effort to discredit the organization, all with the substantive backing of a Democratic U.S. president.Fringe Israeli activists have long argued that UNRWA is illegitimate in some fundamental sense, perpetuating a fanciful dream that Palestinians will eventually return home. Its existence, they argue, encourages false hope and prevents an end to the conflict. As Israel's political scene has lurched to the right, this view has become more popular. Now, multiple members of Netanyahu's cabinet are publicly opposed to UNRWA's very existence.Israel is now actively working to undermine UNRWA. In January, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich blocked a large shipment of U.S. aid in order to stop it from reaching UNRWA. The U.N. claims that Israeli officials are holding up visas for aid workers affiliated with the agency."UNRWA are part of the problem, and we will now stop working with them," an Israeli spokesperson said last week. "We are actively phasing out the use of UNRWA because they perpetuate the conflict rather than try and alleviate the conflict."Israeli opposition can only do so much to block the agency's work in the short term, according to Takkenberg, who noted that other groups are likely importing humanitarian aid in their own name and simply handing it off to UNRWA upon arrival. But that workaround has its limits as Israel allows only a trickle of aid to enter Gaza each day. There are currently as many as 30,000 trucks sitting in Egypt waiting to cross the border, according to a Jordanian official who spoke with NPR. "There are trucks that have been at the border for three months," the humanitarian worker told RS. "There's all sorts of crazy restrictions that make no sense, even from a security standpoint," they said, adding that they've had medical equipment and food confiscated during inspections.This has left UNRWA, and Gaza as a whole, on the verge of collapse. Israel and its Western backers will likely regret their role in bringing the crisis to this point, argued Gunness. "Any donor governments, especially those who are friends of Israel, who think that it's somehow in Israel's security interests to have millions of angry, hungry, radicalized, mourning, grief-stricken people living in appalling refugee camps and other circumstances on the doorstep of Israel, I wonder what planet they are living in," he said.

Global decarbonisation requires massive and bold measures, sustained by consistent political support. The European Union has been a first mover with the launch of its European Green Deal in 2019 pursuing climate neutrality by 2050. To reach this ambition, cooperation among countries both within the EU and beyond its borders is crucial. This means planning to deliver structural change beyond the political cycle and building long-lasting partnerships to achieve climate neutrality and sustainable, inclusive economic growth. A lack of vision and long-term strategy, also triggered by electoral shifts, could fragment the EU, fragilise energy security, lead to economic losses as well as derail decarbonisation.
In this spirit, the recent developments in the North Sea – aiming at harnessing the abundant renewable energy potential of the region (especially offshore wind) and, consequently, enhancing energy security, accelerating the bloc's decarbonisation and promoting industrial competitiveness – go in the right direction. The initiative is thus very ambitious, although it does not come without obstacles and challenges[1] that these countries need to carefully assess and address. The inclusion of non-EU countries, such as the UK and Norway, together with the establishment of the EU-Norway Green Alliance,[2] is also an added value showing how the energy trilemma can be managed efficiently. The Green Deal will indeed be successful only if it manages to engage positively with the neighbourhoods and to mainstream its green pillars outside the borders and across its foreign policy.
Now, it is time to expand such an approach to the Mediterranean Sea. European Mediterranean countries should come together and work on their competitive and comparative advantages, contributing to the climate pathway of the entire region. The Med is well known for its renewable energy potential, in both solar and wind, well complementing the developments of the Northern European countries. The region is also strategic for EU foreign policy. The EU should indeed propose win-win partnerships for the region to promote its climate diplomacy and contrast the growing geopolitical presence and influence of external players, notably Russia and China.
Therefore, the EU Med countries can foster and launch partnerships for deploying clean energies (notably solar and offshore wind, alongside grids and flexibility tools), fostering energy efficiency, investing in cutting-edge technologies (like carbon capture, utilisation and storage [CCUS], and hydrogen) and strengthening infrastructure connectivity. These initiatives, carried out within the EU vision, should aim at strengthening energy security and accelerating the energy transition in the most cost-efficient way for the entire Union, as well as the entire region, rather than further fragmenting its energy landscape. By doing so, EuroMed countries will also address the rising, common challenge for the entire region: climate change. The Mediterranean is a climate hotspot currently warming 20 per cent faster than the rest of the globe, even though it is responsible only for 6 per cent of the global carbon emissions. The increase in intensity and frequency of climate change in the area is more visible than ever. An integrated regional and European vision toward the Med however still appears absent or embryonic.[3]We call EU Med countries to pursue and focus on the following actions and measures:
1) Countries should harness their vast renewable potential both in terms of solar and wind in the most cost-efficient way. Despite the growth of solar photovoltaic (PV), more can and must be done to increase solar generation in the region. EU Mediterranean countries could also benefit extensively from offshore wind, which is largely untapped with only a 30 MW project launched in 2022.[4] Therefore, countries need to accelerate permitting procedures to benefit from their potential, but they need also to team up in order to create economies of scale and joint projects. EU Med countries could also promote scientific cooperation on new renewables technologies, such as floating offshore wind.
2) The expansion of energy infrastructure both within the EU and abroad cannot be neglected by a Euro-Med Green Deal. As countries seek to increase the share of renewables in their mixes, developing the necessary electric grids is essential, otherwise the transition will be delayed.[5] The expansion of cross-border interconnections[6] provides economic benefits and security of supplies as well as the fast deployment of renewables into the system. Investing in cross-border interconnections will enhance energy security and allow better integration between wind from the North and solar energy from the South. EU Med countries should also invest in decarbonised gas infrastructure: Spain, Portugal and France for example have agreed to launch the "H2Med" energy interconnection project.[7] EU Med countries should also allocate funds for additional interconnections between the two shores of the Mediterranean, such as the one with Tunisia and Egypt. To import clean energy from the Southern shore, EU Med countries will need to ensure that these countries advance in their domestic decarbonisation. As of today, there is only a bidirectional interconnector between Spain and Morocco.
3) Another key issue is the development of CCS technologies given its potential coming from the depleted gas fields. Currently, the Med is lagging behind compared to the North Sea as there are only two projects under consideration in Italy and Greece.[8] EU Med countries should work jointly to build common infrastructures to decarbonise energy-intensive industries in the area and for the development of a hydrogen economy, which is a sector that the EU is eager to develop. This approach would also allow engaging with energy-producing countries in the Southern Mediterranean shore.
4) A true Euro-Med Green Deal cannot look only inward, but it must also be outward-looking. It is crucial to engage with non-EU Med countries to build solid, just energy and climate partnerships for the entire region's energy security and decarbonisation. Partnerships should consider different objectives and priorities, promoting mutual interests and cooperation, while advancing a solid decarbonisation pathway. A concrete area of cooperation can look at ways to fight methane emissions in the area – aiming at reducing environmental and economic damages for producing countries while increasing gas supplies for European gas markets as envisaged in the new EU External Energy Strategy.[9] EuroMed countries could also cooperate on energy efficiency (the low-hanging fruit of energy transition) through identifying and sharing innovative practices, technologies and data as well as investments aimed at capacity-building.
5) EuroMed countries could also invest in developing new technologies, such as hydrogen and clean electricity, to decarbonise existing industries and create jobs for the young, growing population. Imports from North African countries could potentially contribute to the EU target on hydrogen. Cooperation among EU countries as well as with Southern Med countries is necessary in this regard as shown by the joint development of the SoutH2 Corridor from Algeria to European markets.[10] On this matter, countries need to enhance existing EU frameworks with South Med countries, for example, the Mediterranean Green Hydrogen Partnership. Alongside hydrogen imports, EU countries should focus initially on promoting the use of green hydrogen and electricity domestically aimed at decarbonising Southern Mediterranean energy-intensive industries. Morocco and Egypt have also taken measures to develop hydrogen capacity, and many European countries and companies have increasingly engaged with them over the past years. Developing hydrogen for domestic use would also allow South Med countries to reduce their liability to the European Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) as well as foster the integration of value chains across the Mediterranean.
6) To implement all these measures, it is crucial for EU Med countries to enhance governance and financial cooperation.
(a) Governance: EuroMediterranean countries already share an intergovernmental institution (the Union for the Mediterranean) and several cooperative platforms related to energy (for example, MedReg and Med-TSO) as well as climate (MedECC, ClimateSouth, Cities for Climate, among others). Now, what is needed is a more integrated and holistic vision to harness the region's energy potential, to build long-lasting partnerships as well as a sustainable and secure future. To do so, EU Med countries could establish regular summits at the highest political level. Lastly, EU Med countries should coordinate their measures in a European perspective, by engaging with the European Commission to better coordinate the measures, ensure the achievement of EU climate targets and prevent fragmentation. In parallel, EU Med countries should prioritise inclusive and win-win solutions aimed at advancing decarbonisation and economic growth for the entire region.
(b) Finance: EU Med countries should pool their finance resources, also from multilateral institutions such as the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) and the European Investment Bank (EIB), to put forward a financial plan to promote projects and partnerships for a sustainable transition in the entire region. Coordination on investments in the area is much needed to avoid fragmentation and duplication of efforts.This Commentary is based on an initiative launched by IAI. The main goal is to propose a common and coordinated approach within the EuroMediterranean area in terms of energy transition. To this end, IAI gathered the voices of some experts on energy with an interest in the area. All authors have contributed to the text in light of their specific expertise and knowledge.[1] Simone Tagliapietra, "North Sea Summit: Blowing in the Wind?", in Bruegel First Glance, 25 April 2023, https://www.bruegel.org/node/8988.[2] European Commission, European Green Deal: New EU-Norway Green Alliance to Deepen Cooperation on Climate, Environment, Energy and Clean Industry, 24 April 2023, https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_23_2391.[3] See for example the latest Med 9 meeting in La Valletta in May 2023. Med 9 Energy Ministerial Summit Joint Statement, Valletta, 18 May 2023, https://www.gov.mt/en/Government/DOI/Press%20Releases/PublishingImages/Pages/2023/05/18/pr230740en/PR230740e.pdf.[4] Adrijana Bljan, "First Mediterranean Offshore Wind Farm Up and Running in Italy", in Offshore Wind, 22 April 2022, https://www.offshorewind.biz/?p=100224880.[5] Attracta Mooney, "Gridlock: How a Lack of Power Lines Will Delay the Age of Renewables", in Financial Times, 11 June 2023, https://www.ft.com/content/a3be0c1a-15df-4970-810a-8b958608ca0f.[6] Elisabeth Cremona, "Breaking Borders: The Future of Europe's Electricity Is in Interconnectors", in Ember Insights, 14 June 2023, https://ember-climate.org/insights/research/breaking-borders-europe-electricity-interconnectors.[7] Belén Carreño, "Hydrogen Pipeline between Spain and France to Cost $2.6 bln", in Reuters, 9 December 2022, http://reut.rs/3W1x2Ac.[8] International Energy Agency (IEA), Italy 2023 Energy Policy Review, Paris, IEA, May 2023, p. 49, https://www.iea.org/reports/italy-2023; and Greece 2023 Energy Policy Review, Paris, IEA, April 2023, p. 43-44, https://www.iea.org/reports/greece-2023.[9] European Commission, EU External Energy Engagement in a Changing World (JOIN/2022/23), 18 May 2022, https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/en/TXT/?uri=celex:52022JC0023.[10] Rachel More and Francesca Landini, "Germany, Italy Support New Hydrogen-Ready Pipeline Project", in Reuters, 8 June 2023, https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/germany-italy-support-new-hydrogen-ready-pipeline-project-2023-06-08.

Crisis Financiera mundial"El País" de Madrid:"Vía libre a la compra de Lehman por Barclays en sólo cinco días": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/Via/libre/compra/Lehman/Barclays/solo/dias/elpepueco/20080921elpepieco_4/Tes"Crisis financiera mundial - La gestación del rescate: "Si el plan no se aprueba, que el cielo nos asista"":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/plan/aprueba/cielo/nos/asista/elpepueco/20080921elpepieco_3/Tes"EE UU inyectará 485.000 millones para evitar el colapso financiero": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/EE/UU/inyectara/485000/millones/evitar/colapso/financiero/elpepueco/20080921elpepieco_1/Tes "New York Times":"Shift for Goldman and Morgan Marks the End of an Era": http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/22/business/22bank.html?hp "Bush Urges Democrats to Act Quickly on Bailout Plan": http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/23/business/23paulson.html?hp"Skeptics in Washington, Sellers on Wall Street":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/24/business/24markets.html?adxnnl=1&adxnnlx=1222207347-jKdB9jkUarOxtnUq15xrDg"CNN":"Fed boosts support for Goldman and Morgan: Central bank okays change in status for last two remaining investment banks":http://money.cnn.com/2008/09/21/news/companies/fed_investmentbanks.ap/index.htm?cnn=yes"Markets fall as fears grow over bailout plan": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/09/23/world.markets/index.html"Bush urges Congress to rubberstamp bailout plan": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/09/22/world.markets/index.html"BBC":"US banks make shock status switch: The last two major investment banks in the US have changed their status to become bank holding companies, allowing them to take deposits from investors.": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/7628578.stm"La Nación":"El fin de una era en Wall Street: adiós a los bancos de inversión: Goldman Sachs y Morgan Stanley se transformarán en bancos comerciales": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1052652"Caen las bolsas ante las dudas por el plan: Pese a un fuerte llamado de Bush a aprobar el rescate cuanto antes, los demócratas presentaron una propuesta alternativa": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1052651 "Time":"Japan to the Rescue of Ailing US Firms": http://www.time.com/time/business/article/0,8599,1843534,00.html"El Universal" de México: "La ONU, más necesaria y más urgente que nunca: Bush: En su discurso ante la Asamblea General de la ONU, el último de su mandato, dijo que el organismo internacional debe aprobar más resoluciones que impidan que esos atentados se produzcan": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/540630.html"MSNBC":"Bush to address country about bailout plan: Paulson reportedly compromises, will add limits on executive compensation": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26871338/"Fed plows $30 billion in foreign money markets :Temporary 'swap' arrangements aim to tackle global credit crunch": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26862762/"The Economist":"And then there were none: What the death of the investment bank means for Wall Street": http://www.economist.com/finance/displayStory.cfm?story_id=12294688&source=features_box_main"The politics of despair: Wall Street's meltdown readjusts the race in unexpected ways": http://www.economist.com/world/unitedstates/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12262221"Wall Street's bad dream": http://www.economist.com/finance/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12273023 AMERICA LATINA "La Nación" informa: "Fuerte crítica de Cristina Kirchner a Estados Unidos en la ONU": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1052725"CNN" publica: "Russian navy ships head to Venezuela": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/09/22/russia.venezuela.ap/index.html"China Daily" anuncia: "Russia sends ships on exercises in US 'backyard'":http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2008-09/22/content_7048551.htm"La Nación" publica: "Chávez inició en China una gira por Asia y Europa: El mandatario venezolano busca fortalecer la cooperación con el país asiático; "en este momento es mucho más importante estar en Pekín que en Nueva York", expresó":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1052710"CNN": "Peace talks aim at easing Bolivia tension": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/09/20/bolivia.talks/index.html"The Economist" analiza: "Bolivia: Now put it back together": http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12260915"La Nación" informa: "Antonini Wilson aseguró que en el vuelo había otros US$ 4.200.000 y que estuvo en la Casa Rosada": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1052756"La Nación" anuncia: "México, ante un nuevo drama: el narcoterrorismo: Los carteles inician la "colombianización" del país":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1052618"El Tiempo" de Colombia publica: "Haití, Venezuela y Ecuador entre los más corruptos de América Latina, según un estudio": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/home/haiti-venezuela-y-ecuador-entre-los-mas-corruptos-de-america-latina-segun-un-estudio_4548631-1 ESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADA "New York Times" informa: "2 Candidates Urge Greater Oversight in Bailout Plan": http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/22/us/politics/22campaign.html?ref=business"CNN" publica: "McCain 'deeply uncomfortable' with lack of bailout oversight": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/POLITICS/09/22/campaign.wrap/index.html"BBC" analiza: "The US election nightmare scenario": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/7626471.stm"El Mercurio" de Chile informa: "Palin se reúne con varios mandatarios en apertura de la Asamblea de la ONU": http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/09/23/internacional/_portada/noticias/1BCE1474-994A-47C6-A5FE-84CD8B379283.htm?id={1BCE1474-994A-47C6-A5FE-84CD8B379283}"The Economist" analiza: "The election campaign: Heard on the stump":http://www.economist.com/world/unitedstates/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12263226"Los Angeles Times": "Times poll shows Barack Obama has slight lead over John McCain": http://www.latimes.com/news/politics/la-na-poll25-2008sep25,0,4911734.stor"Los Angeles Times" informa: "McCain seeks to postpone debate because of financial crisis":http://www.latimes.com/news/politics/la-na-campaign25-2008sep25,0,766973.story"Time" publica sitio con links a artículos sobre las elecciones en los Estados Unidos:http://thepage.time.com/"La Nación" publica: "Bush busca tranquilizar a sus pares en la ONU: Hoy pronunciará su último discurso": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1052654"El Tiempo" de Colombia anuncia: "George W. Bush afirma que la ONU es más necesaria y más urgente que nunca":http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/euycanada/home/george-w-bush-afirma-que-la-onu-es-mas-necesaria-y-mas-urgente-que-nunca_4548370-1 EUROPA "El País" de Madrid informa: "La duda es más grande que Brown: El primer ministro, agobiado por su mala imagen, es incapaz de remontar los sondeos - El laborismo debate si dejar que siga o designar otro líder para un cuarto mandato": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/duda/grande/Brown/elpepuint/20080921elpepiint_1/Tes"CNN" publica: "Car bomb in northern Spain kills soldier":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/09/22/spain.bombs.soldier/index.html"CNN" publica: "Funding crisis may ground Alitalia": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/09/22/alitalia.license/index.html"Time" informa: "11 Dead in FinlandSchool Shooting": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1843568,00.html"El Tiempo" de Colombia anuncia: "Estudiante asesinó a diez compañeros en un colegio profesional de Finlandia y luego se suicidó": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/home/estudiante-asesino-a-diez-companeros-en-un-colegio-profesional-de-finlandia-y-luego-se-suicido_4546222-1 Asia – Pacífico /Medio Oriente. "China Daily" informa: "China's quality chief steps down in milk scandal":http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2008-09/22/content_7048471.htm"The Economist" analiza: "China's baby-milk scandal: Formula for disaster": http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12262271"MSNBC" anuncia: "Typhoon hits southern China, Vietnam next: Hong Kong saw 58 injuries and disruption of schools and airport":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26868696/"New York Times" informa: "Japanese Party Chooses Aso as Leader":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/23/world/asia/23japan.html?ref=world"Le Monde" publica: "Taro Aso va devenir le premier ministre du Japón": http://www.lemonde.fr/asie-pacifique/article/2008/09/22/taro-aso-va-devenir-le-premier-ministre-du-japon_1097905_3216.html#ens_id=1097909"BBC" anuncia: "Aso picked to become new Japan PM": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/7628495.stm"La Nación" informa: "Un "halcón" será el nuevo primer ministro de Japón: Taro Aso reemplazará a Yasuo Fukuda": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1052616"CNN" publica: "N. Korea seeks removal of nuke plant seals": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/09/22/nkorea.nuclear.seals/index.html"BBC" informa: "N Korea wants nuclear seals off": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/7628955.stm"El Mercurio" de Chile informa: "Pakistán persigue a célula de Al Qaeda tras atentado": http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/09/23/internacional/internacional/noticias/99E41C2A-5ED4-4AFA-BA25-4184BA2AD712.htm?id={99E41C2A-5ED4-4AFA-BA25-4184BA2AD712}"New York Times" publica: "Pakistan Leaders Barely Missed Attack": http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/23/world/asia/23pstan.html?ref=world"New York Times" anuncia: "Olmert Quits Post, and Political Maneuvering Begins": http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/22/world/middleeast/22olmert.html?ref=world"MSNBC": "Livni to form new Israeli government: Foreign minister has 42 days to form coalition": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26839166/"MSNBC" informa: "Car plows into soldiers in Jerusalem; 19 hurt: Palestinian shot dead after ramming car into crowd of soldiers in OldCity": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26841572/"El País" de Madrid publica: "Ahmadineyad vaticina el fin del "imperio americano" y el derrumbe de Israel": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Ahmadineyad/vaticina/fin/imperio/americano/derrumbe/Israel/elpepuint/20080923elpepuint_5/Tes AFRICA "El País" de Madrid informa: "Mbeki, obligado a dejar la presidencia de Suráfrica: Las luchas internas en el partido del Gobierno desembocan en una crisis": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Mbeki/obligado/dejar/presidencia/Surafrica/elpepuint/20080921elpepiint_7/Tes"New York Times" publica: "A South African of Charisma and Mystery": http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/22/world/africa/22zuma.html?ref=world"CNN" anuncia: "Sudan lobbies to avoid Darfur genocide arrest": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/09/22/sudan.un.ap/index.html"BBC" informa: "Eleven tourists seized in Egypt": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/7629171.stm"CNN" publica: "11 tourists kidnapped in Egypt desert": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/09/22/egypt.italians.kidnapped/index.html"CNN" analiza: "U.N.: Almost 10 million Ethiopians need food aid": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/09/22/ethiopia.drought.ap/index.html ECONOMIA "The Economist" analiza: "Airlines and the credit crunch: Shredding money": http://www.economist.com/business/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12267383"La Nación" publica: "Fuerte alza de las materias primas; récord del crudo: Tuvo la mayor suba en un día, del 17,8%; la soja aumentó 5,3%":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1052656"The Economist" publica su informe semanal: "Business this week": http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12274086"MSNBC" anuncia: "Oil near $108 as investors eye U.S. bailout: Investors await details of $700 billion plan to stabilize Wall Street": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/12400801/OTRAS NOTICIAS"New York Times" publica: "At U.N., Bush Reassures Leaders on Economy":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/24/world/24nations.html?_r=1&hp&oref=slogin "El Universal" de México informa: "Inicia hoy la Asamblea General de la ONU: El secretario general de la ONU, Ban Ki-moon, y el presidente de la Asamblea General, el ex canciller nicaragüense Miguel D' Escoto, inauguran una sesión en la que se tratarán los Objetivos del Milenio y la pobreza": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/540594.html"La Nación" informa: "Los discursos en la ONU se concentran en la crisis económica: La mayoría de los presidentes resaltaron en la apertura de la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas la delicada situación de los mercados mundiales; Ban Ki-Moon pidió "acción y liderazgo colectivo"": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1052733"MSNBC" anuncia: "U.N. chief: Rich nations must help Africa: Secretary-General says $72 billion a year needed to fight hunger, poverty": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26839643/"MSNBC" publica: "Russia, China block new Iran nuclear sanctions: Talks among six nations on Iranian program cancelled amid U.S.-Russia rift": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26859796/

Since the Arab Spring of 2011, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have been pursuing an increasingly active foreign and security policy and have emerged as a leading regional power. The UAE sees the Muslim Brotherhood as a serious threat to regime sta­bility at home, and is fighting the organisation and its affiliated groups throughout the Arab world. The UAE's preferred partners in regional policy are authoritarian rulers who take a critical view of political Islam and combat the Muslim Brother­hood. The new Emirati regional policy is also directed against Iranian expansion in the Middle East. Yet the anti-Iranian dimension of Emirati foreign policy is considerably less pronounced than its anti-Islamist dimension. The UAE wants to gain control of sea routes from the Gulf of Aden to the Red Sea. Since the Yemen conflict began in 2015, it has established a small maritime empire there. The rise of the UAE to a regional power has made the country a more im­portant and simultaneously a more problematic policy partner for Germany and Europe. (author's abstract)