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Why do some parties formed by social movements develop top-down structures while others stay more open and responsive to their social bases? The first rigorous comparative study of movement-based parties, this book shows not only how movements can form parties but also how movements contribute to parties' internal politics and shape organizational party models over the long term. Although the existing literature argues that movement-based parties will succumb to professionalization and specialization, Anria shows that this is not inevitable or preordained through an in-depth examination of the unusual and counterintuitive development of Bolivia's MAS. Anria then compares the evolution of the MAS with that of other parties formed by social movements, including Brazil's PT and Uruguay's FA. In a region where successful new parties of any type have been rare, these three parties are remarkable for their success. Yet, despite their similar origins, they differ sharply in their organizational models.

In a democracy, a general election is a platform for citizens to use their political rights. However, not all citizens use it well, leading to an imperfect voting participation level. This situation motivates this study to exist. With this intention, this paper examines and analyzes the participation to vote decision in the party general election in 2019 based on gender and ages. Backing up this goal, we use the people in three regencies in West Java: Subang, Majalengka, and Sumedang, as the population. Because of these areas, we utilize multistage random sampling to take 600 people as the samples. As the statistical checking, we use the Mann-Whitney U and Kruskal-Wallis to test the hypotheses based on the categorical responses. After investigating the answers through the statistical test and discussing their outputs, we deduce that the participation of females is lower than that of males, demonstrating the gender gap. Also, the younger the participants, the higher involvement to vote.

THE AUTHORS OFFER A DETAILED ANALYSIS OF RUSSIA'S 1995 DUMA ELECTIONS, INCLUDING THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM, THE VOTING, AND THE RESULTS.

This paper reviews some recent analyses of political parties in Brazil, Argentina, Chile and Uruguay. The author argues that parties and party systems are of a fundamental importance in understanding the political processes of the four countries in question, the patterns of authoritarian rule, as well as differences in the transition to democracy and the dilemmas and opportunities facing the new democratic governments

This article explains the emergence of new Islamic-based parties after the-2019 election in Indonesia. They are Ummah Party, Masyumi-Reborn Party, and Gelora Party. By using intra-party conflicts and path dependency theories, this study reveals that the emergence of those new Islamic parties is associated with frictions among party actors that troubled their prior parties, namely PAN, PBB, and PKS. The formation of the Ummah Party and Masyumi-Reborn Party was also situated by the 2014 and 2019 political contest, which represent the oppositional stance that could not be accommodated by the prior parties. Meanwhile, Gelora Party offered itself as a middle ground between the pro and contra camps of the government and provided a solution for the Islamic conservatism. This article argues that the emergence of new Islamic parties continues a pattern that has long plagued Indonesian Islamic-based parties, namely political fragmentation.

This article develops the reward-punishment issue model of voting using a newly collated aggregate measure of issue competence in Britain between 1971 and 1997, revealing systematic differences between governing and opposition parties in the way citizens' evaluations of party competence are related to vote intention. Using monthly Gallup "best party to handle the most important problem" and vote intention data, time series Granger-causation tests give support to a classic issue reward-punishment model for incumbents. However, for opposition parties this reward-punishment model does not hold: macro-issue competence evaluations are Granger-caused by changes in vote choice or governing party competence. An explanation is offered based upon the differentiating role of policy performance and informational asymmetries, and the implications are considered for comparative studies of voting, public opinion and for political party competition. Adapted from the source document.