Suchergebnisse

Introduction. Successful upgrade of the secondary professionaleducation (SPE) has a key value for innovative development of domestic economy. First of all, the solution of a task of creation of high-technology workplaces and development of labour productivity has a key role. However, the process of reforming of SPE, which dragged on for many years, is followed by the internal and external contradictions which are slowing down an inflow of necessary skilled personnel on the labor market.The aim of the present article consists in drawing attention to the collected problems and contradictions in the system of SPE which are in many respects caused by inconsistency in rule-making and legislative activity of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation, special-purpose committees of the State Duma of Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation in education.Methods. The research is based on the analysis of normative and program documents in the field of SPE, realization of competence-based approach in practice of activity of establishments of professional education.Results and scientific novelty consist in identification and designation of the obvious and hidden antinomy existing in the SPE system now. The reasons for the late reaction of system of training of personnel to the transformations happening in economy are disclosed: discrepancy of training programs to requirements of employers; unsatisfactory quality of training of graduates; fall of prestige of working professions and specialties among youth; the broken ratio in a life-long education chain «a worker – a technician – an engineer»; reduction of the staff of masters of professional training; disinterest of employers in the joint SPE problem resolution (in cooperation with pedagogical community); excessively fractional specialization of professions of workers in available occupational classifications, etc. The designated problems enable to begin a search of ways of their decision and options of the valid upgrade of the SPE system answering to the requirements of economy. The inefficiency of the concept of one-leveled SPE and its non-competitiveness against the background of development of an applied bachelor degree at the higher school is shown. It is offered to differentiate programs of basic level for training of skilled workers and the program of the increased level for training of specialists of an average link (technicians, technologists) on the basis of basic level for forming of a single system of continuous professional training and effective functioning of regional systems of professional education. Such system will help to eliminate disproportions in a triad «a worker – a technician – an engineer», and will increase the quality of professional education. Furthermore, it is indicated the need of polyprofessional education wherein the integrated educational structures differing in degree of formation of split-level educational institutions on the basis of network interaction, convergence and integration are required. According to the author, in the regions it is necessary to develop two types of organizations and SPE organizations: territorial multi-profile colleges with flexible variable programs and the organizations realizing educational programs of applied qualifications in specific industries (metallurgical, chemical, construction, etc.) according to the specifics of economy of territorial subjects.Practical significance. The results of the research can be useful to specialists of management of education, heads and pedagogical staff of SPE institutions, and also representatives of regional administrations and employers while organizing the multilevel network system of training of skilled workers and experts of middle ranking. ; Введение. Успешная модернизация среднего профессионального образования (СПО) имеет ключевое значение для инновационного развития отечественной экономики – прежде всего, для решения задачи создания высокотехнологичных рабочих мест и повышения производительности труда. Однако процесс реформирования СПО, затянувшийся на много лет, сопровождается внутренними и внешними противоречиями, тормозящими приток необходимых квалифицированных рабочих кадров на рынок труда.Цель статьи состоит в привлечении внимания к накопившимся проблемам в системе СПО, которые во многом обусловлены несогласованностью нормотворческой и законодательной деятельности Министерства образования и науки РФ, профильных комитетов Государственной Думы и Федерального Собрания РФ.Методология. Исследование, изложенное в публикации, основано на комплексном анализе нормативных и программных документов в области среднего профессионального образования и анализе реализации компетентностного подхода в практике учреждений профессионального образования.Результаты и научная новизна исследования заключаются в выявлении и обозначении явных и скрытых антиномий, существующих в системе СПО в настоящее время. Показаны причины запаздывающей реакции системы подготовки рабочих кадров на происходящие в экономике преобразования: несоответствие учебных программ требованиям работодателей, неудовлетворительное качество подготовки выпускников, падение престижа рабочих профессий и специальностей среди молодежи, нарушенное соотношение в цепочке непрерывного образования «рабочий – техник – инженер», сокращение штата мастеров профессионального обучения, незаинтересованность работодателей в совместном с пеагогическим сообществом решении проблем СПО, чрезмерно дробная специализация профессий рабочих в имеющихся классификаторах и др. Обозначенные проблемы задают вектор поиска путей их решения и вариантов действительной модернизации системы СПО, отвечающей потребностям экономики. Показана несостоятельность концепции одноуровневого СПО и ее неконкурентоспособность на фоне развития прикладного бакалавриата в высшей школе. Для формирования единой системы непрерывного профессионального обучения и эффективного функционирования региональных систем профессионального образования предлагается дифференцировать программы базового уровня для обучения квалифицированных рабочих и программы повышенного уровня для подготовки специалистов среднего звена (техников, технологов) на основе базового уровня. Такая система поможет устранить диспропорции в триаде «рабочий – техник – инженер» и повысит качество профессионального образования. Кроме того, указывается на необходимость полипрофессионального образования, для которого требуются укрупненные образовательные структуры, различающиеся степенью объединения разноуровневых учебных заведений на основе сетевого взаимодействия, конвергенции и интеграции. По мнению автора, в регионах следует развивать два типа учреждений и организаций СПО: территориальные многопрофильные колледжи с гибкими вариативными программами и учреждения, реализующие образовательные программы прикладных квалификаций в конкретных отраслях (металлургической, химической, строительной и т. д.) в соответствии со спецификой экономики территориальных субъектов. Практическая значимость. Результаты исследования могут быть полезны специалистам управления образованием, руководителям и педагогическим коллективам учреждений СПО, а также представителям региональных администраций и работодателям при организации многоуровневой сетевой системы подготовки квалифицированных рабочих и специалистов среднего звена.

A mature, wise, successful and concluding diplomatic action would be recorded if the international community would not have ignored the Yugoslav crisis in its beginning, and if it would conference less for the same matter without finding a solution, but it would hold a single international conference for the serious crisis in Yugoslavia, with serious partners and allies, lead by the USA.Why did this not happen, at least in Dayton, when such a crisis had already passed four years since its inception? The answer is rather flagellant for the international community, because unfortunately, in relevant circles of political and diplomatic force, the determination and courage for a consolidated and decisive action for a solution was not created yet.In this conference, a third one in the series (after the ones in the Hague and London) addressing the crisis in former Yugoslavia, determination, courage and bravehood was only on the side of one single international factor, the USA. It had all that, after all failing efforts of the EU in resolving this piece of the crisis, which was now being dealt with by the USA and the Dayton Conference, without having the potential or the pretence to put a halt to the wholesome crisis which had already metastasized throughout the former SFRY area.The Dayton Conference had delegated the Kosovo problem to the Contact Group, together with other matters disputable with the political order in the former Yugoslavia, until a final settlement of peace. For a long time, it was said that the Kosovo issue would have to be tackled by a future diplomatic cycle.The Dayton Peace was considered to be the concluding act of the former Yugoslav dissolution and reconstruction crisis. Disputable matters, left to the competency of the Contact Group, were more related to crisis management, preservation of provisional balances, ensuring mediation and presence of international institutions for the purpose of monitoring. The Contact Group had no power to reach decisions on political and geo-political matters. It would only operate within the framework of the Dayton Peace.[1]The Dayton Conference ruined all hopes of Albanians that something could be done to solve the Kosovo issue, with the same way Kosovo continued to trace, peaceful, subordinating and humiliating. It was ultimately recognized that other paths should be pursued to achieve the everlasting goal of freedom and independence.If what happened, or better said, if what was necessarily to happen for the future of Kosovo, the Liberation War, lead and commanded by the Kosovo Liberation Army, did not happen, Kosovo, Serbia and Montenegro, the whole region, would still be living in the suffocating stink of blood and gunpowder, in the nightmare of war and genocide, which was rising to an unprecedented tragedy. The Liberation War of Kosovo, with its extent, sobered and cleared, provoked and appealed to the international community to act, as it acted, breaking the taboos established by rules of a past time, and by setting a more solid and serious cornerstone of consolidation of a new political and diplomatic system, which would be more active and more fruitful. With a view of creating a different world, a world of emancipation, hope, courage and progress, this war (KLA war, author note) ultimately detached the international community from the illusion that it had been saved from the Balkan with the Dayton Agreement. The Contact Group – was the most concrete body which could be imagined under a shadow "international community" – was in favour of a compromise, a type of a conflict regulation, which was rightfully unfavoured in the Balkan. (the Contact Group, a group of "great powers" – United States, Russia, Germany, Great Britain and France – was created in 1994, with a view of revitalizing the former International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia ( ICFY ).[2]The EU was rather complex and deeply divided in terms of the Yugoslav crisis. The three most powerful countries, Germany, France and Great Britain, had very different political approaches to the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia. By such approaches, each of the states persisted to use the crisis in ensuring their individual positions inside the EU, starting from political influences and up to the future concepts of European security.[3]Setting from these discrepancies and detractions of policies and interests of greater powers of Europe, and the impossibility of approximating and unifying these extremes, to make Europe a Union in its essence and full meaning of the word, the actions of the USA in resolving the crisis are comprehensible and justifiable. Being the leader and decisive in partial attacks of the Northern Atlantic Alliance, to come to a peace conference by coercion, similar to the Dayton, it was not possible to tackle the whole Yugoslav crisis at one go, in a single conference. In fact, a prior well-studied concept had been missing, because knowing the circumstances and other factors, there would be no one to deal with the matter in terms of coming to a solution. This had another reason, the scepticism of the US in being able to cope with such a large chaos, in terms of tackling the whole Yugoslav problem, which had grown for almost a full century.[1] ALBANIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCE (Centre of Albanian Encyclopedia): Kosovo in an encyclopedic view, Toena, Tirana, 1999, pg. 139.[2] Reymond DETREZ: KOSOVO. DE UITGESTELDE OORLOG, translated from Dutch by: Mirela Shuteriqi, Tirana, 2004, pg. 143.[3] Visnja STARESINA: VJEZBE U LABORATORIJU BALLKAN, Neklada Ljevak d.o.o., Zagreb, 2004, pg.49.

Since 2000 there has been a significant development in the number of applications based on XML and Data Warehouses. As these types of applications need to interact with different technologies and other applications, interoperability is an important factor. In parallel, in the same period there has been an evolution of the economic data needed by companies and financial institutions, increasing the number of entities that need more information, but also requiring this information to be reliable and on time. That economic or financial information is reliable does not refer to encoding or transmission errors, since there were already enough reliable procedures for this in 2000, but that these reports have to be semantically correct. It is in this decade that the need for economists and accountants to obtain their reports with semantic content has been observed. For this reason some specifications for the transmission of economic information have arisen, such as the eXtensible Business Reporting Language (XBRL) and the Statistical Data and Metadata eXchange (SDMX). The reports of both specifications have semantic content and are dedicated to sending and processing financial and / or statistical information. However, both specifications were created by expert economists or statisticians, and their only purpose was to solve their problems without formalizing their definitions and conceptual rules, because there is a Conceptual Model and the Logical Model created is very close to the Physical Model, that is to say, to its implementation. The aim of this thesis is to formalize the specification of economic financial reports using the XBRL specification, analysing and auditing that specification. In addition, the design of these reports is studied in depth by making use of the methodology of the Model Driven Architecture (MDA), with the ultimate goal of analysing its interoperability. Finally, some proofs of concept are shown, with different validations that are the proposal of the thesis. The thesis begins by analysing the necessity of this specification (XBRL), its historical origin, and the general state of the art that has led to the use of it as a de facto standard. In addition, this research work studies its evolution and utilization, both historically, as it is today, and its expected future. Once the state of the art of economic financial semantic reports has been analysed, the next step is to analyse the XBRL specification. After giving an overview of the XBRL language or specification, the thesis begins to detail it and finally shows the set of meta-metadata used in XBRL, using UML. This thesis proposes designing both the metadata of the reports and the reports themselves. This research work also proposes to study the different implementations of these reports and their design in totality. MDA provides a good consolidated framework for automatic code generation in the life cycle of software development, in addition to solving the problems of heterogeneity and interoperability between systems with different platforms. One of the main challenges of this research is the formalization of the specification in the conceptual model. Different types of design are also discussed, including those already making intensive use of dimensions (European design) and making less use of dimensions (mainly US and Canadian design). This work is mainly based on the reports of the European Supervision - Regulation, thus making intensive use of dimensions. This is due to the fact that the author of this thesis belongs to various groups that deal with harmonised European supervision reports and is a civil servant of the Bank of Spain, and this institution is part of the European System of Central Banks (ESCB), and this in turn through the European Central Bank (ECB) and the European National Central Banks (NCBs) participates in the Eurosystem (monetary Authority in the Eurozone (Eurosystems)). Therefore the conceptual model proposed in this research is the Multidimensional Data Model (MDM). The proposal is based on reports defined for the European Supervision/Regulation. These reports are the data requested of financial institutions or supervised companies, being the Universe of the Discourse (UD), also called the Computation Independent Model (CIM), using the methodology of the MDA. Once the definitions are fulfilled the next step is analysing the processes of validation of this proposal, showing algorithms for the MDM and the process of generating assertions, or formulas in the XBRL Data Model (XBRLDM) data. In addition, its implementation is displayed in the logical and physical models. The entire proposal is supported by different Proofs of Concept (POCs) submitted in specialized forums of the European financial and economic supervision. These tests are based on three European taxonomies: Financial Report 2008 (FINREP), 2012 and Solvency II (Eurofiling 2015). FINREP taxonomy is sponsored by the European Banking Authority (EBA). Solvency II codifies and harmonizes the regulation of insurance in the European Union (EU) and is sponsored by the European Insurance and Occupational Pensions Authority (EIOPA). In these POCs all the proposals of this thesis are shown and analysed. In addition, tables show the different tests that show the validation of this proposal at the various levels of the MDA methodology. In addition, the interoperability of economic financial reports, and their need for mapping XBRL, spreadsheets, Access, Database Management System (DBMS), XML and others are analysed. Finally, research work that has to be done in the immediate future as a result of this thesis is proposed. ; Programa Oficial de Doctorado en Ciencia y Tecnología Informática ; Presidente: Yago Sáez Achaerandio.- Secretario: José María Cavero Barca.- Vocal: Carsten Felden

For the passed half a century active development of biotechnologies changed the relation of the person to natural resources, in particular to flora and fauna. The modern methods of molecular biology made 'simulated evolutionary jump', having pushed aside traditional methods of selection and natural selection on a background. Nevertheless, so precipitant distribution of the alive changed organisms (ACO) within the planet as uniform ecosystem, forced the international community to develop the uniform mechanism of legal regulation in the new sphere of economic activity.Difficult legal and biological nature of genetically modified organism have been served as a ground for their regulation as an object not alone international public law, but civil law of Ukraine. Definition and status of genetically modified organisms were defined in a number of the international protocols. Ratification by Ukraine the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety will entitle the implementation of the civil liability for damage caused to biological diversity in the civil law. Analyzing realization of international protocols in a domestic law of the Ukraine, tacking in account existential risks, researches in area of genetically modified organisms, let in risks for human health, it is noted that that activity in a production, processing, treatment, transfer, use, storage, transboundary transfer of genetically modified organisms and their parts belong to the ultra-hazardous source. In the article are noticed the measures of reacting and civil liability of persons, who operate with them.As the Cartagena Protocol is applied to transboundary transfer, transit, processing and use of all ACO/GMO, capable to make an adverse effect on preservation and steady use of biological diversity, also taking into account the risk for health of the person (Art. 4), a subject of liability by the rules of Art. 1187 of Civil Code of Ukraine is the owner of object with which activity creates the ultra-hazardous. This statement concerns also the subjects utilizing GMO in Ukraine.For the solution of a question of involvement of this or that person to liability on the Art. 1187 of Civil Code of Ukraine it is necessary to define two main signs: legal and material (actual). The legal sign means that the owner only that person who owns object with which activity creates the ultra-hazardous, on the corresponding legal ground: an ownership right, other proprietary interest, the lease contract (including – a longtime consession of land), contract of agency, contract of work and labour, etc. The material sign of the owner of the ultra-hazardous source means that the person has to carry out actual possession (operation, use, storage, maintenance) of the dangerous objects.It is remarkable that activity with ACO/GMO is not especially a prerogative of the state; the natural or legal entity which is carrying out such activity is under its jurisdiction (the Art. 3.d. of the Cartagena Protocol). There is open a question in the Ukrainian legislation on insurance of civil liability of these persons. This mechanism of compensation is worked already out by the largest corporations which are carrying out activity in this sphere. However, in case of insufficiency of insurance payment (insurance compensation) for a full recovery of the harm done to them, the legal or natural person is obliged to pay to party injured a difference between the actual extent of harm and insurance payment (insurance compensation) (Art. 1194 of Civil Code of Ukraine), however, if do not prove that harm was done owing to force majeure (item 5 of Art. 1187 of Civil Code of Ukraine).In view of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, the Vienna Convention on the Right of International Treaties, the Convention on Biological Diversity, the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety, Nagoya-Kyala- Lumpur Supplementary protocol on liability and redress to Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety, the Constitution of Ukraine, the Law of Ukraine 'About Сonsumer Protection', and also scientific information on existential risks and researches in the field of ACO/GMO and the fact that activities for production, processing, processing, transfer, use, storage, transboundary transfer of ACO/GMO and their parts / components belonging to activity, connected with the objects of the ultra-hazardous the author considers that this activity demands the special status and has to be regulated, including also the Law of Ukraine 'About the Ultra-hazardous Objects'. ; Статья посвящена проблеме гражданско-правовой ответственности за наненесение ущерба биологическому разнообразию.Анализируя имплементацию международных протоколов во внутригосударственное право Украины, принимая во внимание экзистенциальные риски, исследования в области генетически модифицированных организмов, в том числе риски для здоровья человека, отмечается, что деятельность по производству, переработке, обработке, передаче, использованию, хранению, трансграничному перемещению генетически модифицированных организмов и их частей/компонентов относится к источникам повышенной опасности. В статье обозначены меры реагирования и гражданско-правовая ответственность лиц, осуществляющих данную деятельность. ; Складна правова і біологічна природа генетично модифікованих організмів стала підставою для регулювання їх в якості об'єктів не лише міжнародного публічного права, а й цивільного права України. Визначення й статус генетично модифікованих організмів закріплені низкою міжнародних протоколів. Ратифікація Україною Картагенського протоколу з біобезпеки стане підставою того, що в цивільне право буде введена цивільно-правова відповідальність за завдання шкоди біологічному розмаїттю. Аналізуючи імплементацію міжнародних протоколів у внутрішньодержавне право України, беручи до уваги екзистенціальні ризики, дослідження в галузі генетично модифікованих організмів, в тому числі ризики для здоров'я людини, зазначається, що діяльність з виробництва, перероблення, оброблення, передачі, використання, зберігання генетично модифікованих організмів та їх часток/компонентів належить до джерел підвищеної небезпеки. У статті визначені заходи реагування та цивільно-правова відповідальність осіб, які здійснюють цю діяльність.

La presente tesis doctoral tiene como objetivo fundamental ser un profundo estudio sobre la figura del escritor Eliodoro Puche Felices. Para ello he estructurado tal documento en seis bloques, los cuales corresponden a objetivos específicos. El primero está centrado en su biografía, desde su nacimiento hasta su defunción, tratando con especial énfasis determinados episodios como: su etapa bohemia en Madrid; su papel como segundo procurador síndico (concejal) en su tierra natal, Lorca (Murcia); así como su dura experiencia carcelaria en los presidios de Lorca, Murcia y Totana. El segundo, por el contrario, se compone de un listado acerca de sus obras completas en verso (poemarios, poesía en prensa y revistas, manuscritos e inserciones en obras de otros autores), prosa (microcuentos, artículos de crítica literaria, estampas y sueltos periodísticos) y también sus traducciones de autores franceses (Paul Verlaine, Charles Baudelaire, Alfred de Musset, Jeanne de Coulomb, Vicente Huidobro, Max Jacob, André Salmon y Françoise Villon) además de rusos (Antón Chejov, Leonid Andréyev) y de la danesa Sigrid Undset. En cuanto al tercero, constituye un estado de la cuestión, donde figuran todos los estudios que se han hecho sobre su persona. El cuarto es un aparato crítico, en el cual se ofrece una visión global sobre su poética, su narrativa y, en general, su estética como escritor. El quinto es un conjunto de testimonios de personas que lo conocieron al final de su vida. Y la última sección recoge los materiales que he utilizado para la elaboración de este estudio. La metodología empleada ha requerido de cuatro fases. El preanálisis (primera fase) constituye una aproximación y preparación del proyecto de investigación, además de un desarrollo de conocimientos previos. El análisis (segunda fase) incluye trabajo de campo, intervención didáctica, aplicación de modelos y metacognición del proceso de investigación. La interpretación (tercera fase) corresponde a la elaboración de resultados y conclusiones, mientras que la comunicación (cuarta fase) está centrada en la elaboración del informe y su prospectiva investigadora. En total he requerido 52 meses para la conclusión de este trabajo. A modo de conclusión, Eliodoro Puche fue un sujeto destacado en las letras españolas del primer tercio del siglo XX. Por su obra, ha quedado vinculado con un modernismo epigónico, de corte simbolista, habiendo participado fugazmente en las vanguardias, principalmente en el creacionismo y el ultraísmo. Participó en las tertulias madrileñas, destacando las de El Colonial, con Rafael Cansinos Asséns, y las de Pombo, presididas por Ramón Gómez de la Serna. Todo ello, unido a su trabajo como traductor de autores extranjeros en varios géneros literarios, su destacado desarrollo poético durante la represión del primer franquismo (1939-1945) y su cargo político local durante la República, lo convierten en un autor destacado e interesante en las letras, no solamente regionales, sino también nacionales, cuya figura pretende ser recordada y reivindicada en esta presente tesis doctoral. The main objective of this thesis is to create a thorough study of the figure and writer, Eliodoro Puche Felices. For this reason, I structured this document in six blocks, which correspond to specific goals. So, the first block is a recount of his biography, from his birth to his death, giving special emphasis to certain episodes of his bohemian live in Madrid; his role as a counselor in his homeland, Lorca (Murcia); and his hard prison experience in jails from Lorca to Murcia and Totana. The second block, by contrast, consists of a list of his complete works in verse (poems, poetry in newspapers and magazines, inserts manuscripts into works of other authors), prose (microstories, literary criticism, literal prints and news in newspapers), and his translations of French authors (Paul Verlaine, Charles Baudelaire, Alfred de Musset, Jeanne de Coulomb, Vicente Huidobro, Max Jacob, André Salmon and Françoise Villon) in addition to Russians (Anton Chekhov, Leonid Andreyev) and Danes like Sigrid Undset. As for the third, it is a state of affairs where you can see all of the studies that have been made about his person. The fourth is a critical study in which an overview of his poetry, narrative, and in general, aesthetics as a writer is offered. The fifth is a collection of testimonies from people who knew the end of his life. And the final section gathers the materials used for the preparation of this study. The methodology required four phases. The lookahead (first phase) is an approach and preparation of the research project, and a development of prior knowledge. The analysis (second phase) includes fieldwork, educational intervention, application of models and metacognition of the research process. The interpretation (third phase) corresponds to the production of results and conclusions, while communication (fourth phase) is centered on the preparation of the report and its prospective researcher. In total, it required 52 months for completion of this work. In conclusion, Eliodoro Puche was prominent in the Spanish letters of the first third of the twentieth century subject. For his work, he was linked to an epiphanic modernism, symbolist court, having participated briefly in the vanguard (especially in creationism and ultraism). He participated in the gatherings in Madrid, highlighting the El Colonial, with Rafael Cansino Asséns, and Pombo, chaired by Ramón Gómez de la Serna. All these things, combined with his work as a translator of foreign authors within various genres, his outstanding poetic development during the suppression of the first "Franquism" (1939-1945), and his local political office in the Republic, make him a prominent author and interesting correspondent, in not only regional but also national affairs, whose figure is remembered and petitioned by this thesis.

В статье исследуется институциональные изменение парадигмы как теоретической основы экономической безопасности через призму восприятия роли и значения социальных, политических, экономических, военных или религиозных институтов. Сопоставляется традиционный и новый, консенсусный подходы к экономической безопасности в контексте перехода от накопления силы, как инструмента достижения безопасного сосуществования стран, народов, предприятий и граждан, к решению проблем защиты собственных хозяйственных интересов с помощью переговорных институтов. Доводится, что экономическая безопасность, это образ мышления и действия, основанный на способности формулировать и устранять причины использования средств силы, а на их место должны прийти политические и моральные ресурсы. Делается попытка обосновать тезис, что в мире конкуренции и соперничества возможно избежать насилия. Автор исходит из позиции о том, что внутри некоторых обществ и в международных отношениях, где живут разные национальности, разделенные границами и среди народов, где живут в одном государстве разные национальности, преобладает насилие потому, что отсутствуют или бездействуют институты морали и нравоучения. Проанализированы научные истоки становления парадигмы новой институциональной экономики и требований к ней, поскольку, очевидно, она должна быть принята на основе консенсуса большинства исследователей и не должна ставиться под сомнение, поскольку эта система взглядов считается само собой разумеющейся и не противоречит существующим исследованиям. На основе использования методологии институциональной экономической теории анализируются концепции научных исследовательских программ, в структуре которых выделяется «твердое ядро», и «защитный пояс». Сделан вывод, что концепция новой парадигмы неоинституциональной экономики можно считать равнодействующей всех существующих взглядов современных представителей различных школ институционализма, а по отношению к обществу безопасность означает удовлетворение потребностей существования, выживания, уверенности, стабильности, целостности личности, независимости, сохранения уровня и качества жизни в рамках определенных социальных. Определена экономическая безопасность как процесс, который означает непрерывную деятельность отдельных лиц, предприятий, общин, государств и международных организаций для создания нужного хозяйственного состояния безопасности. ; W artykule przedstawiono badania nad zmianami paradygmatu instytucjonalnego jako teoretycznej podstawy bezpieczeństwa ekonomicznego w kontekście roli i znaczenia instytucji społecznych, politycznych, gospodarczych, wojskowych czy religijnych. Zestawione zostały tradycyjne i nowe, konsensualne podejścia do bezpieczeństwa gospodarczego w kontekście transformacji od modelu kumulacji sił jako narzędzia dla osiągnięcia bezpiecznego współistnienia państw, narodów, przedsiębiorstw i obywateli, w kierunku wyzwań ochrony własnych interesów gospodarczych za pośrednictwem instytucji zbiorowych. Dowodzi się, że bezpieczeństwo ekonomiczne stanowi odzwierciedlenie sposobu myślenia i działania, opartego o zdolność do określenia i odniesienia się do przyczyn stosowania środków przymusu, których miejsce powinny zająć zasoby polityczne i moralne. Podejmuje się próbę uzasadnienia tezy, że w świecie konkurencji i rywalizacji możliwe jest uniknięcie przemocy. Autor prezentuje stanowisko, zgodnie z którym w ramach niektórych społeczeństw i w stosunkach międzynarodowych, zachodzących pomiędzy różnymi narodowościami rozdzielonymi przez granice, jak i wśród społeczeństw krajów o zróżnicowanej narodowości, przemoc dominuje ze względu na braki lub nieaktywność instytucji moralności i obyczajów. Przeanalizowano naukowe pochodzenie i wymagania paradygmatu nowej ekonomii instytucjonalnej, który powinien być przyjęty w drodze konsensusu większości badaczy i nie powinien być kwestionowany, ponieważ ten system przekonań okazuje się być oczywisty i nie staje w opozycji do istniejących badań. W oparciu o metodologię ekonomii instytucjonalnej analizuje się koncepcje programów badań naukowych, w których strukturze wyróżnia się "twardy rdzeń" oraz "strefy buforowe". We wnioskach stwierdzono, że koncepcja nowego paradygmatu ekonomii neoinstytucjonalnej może zostać uznana za wynik wszystkich istniejących poglądów współczesnych przedstawicieli licznych szkół instytucjonalizmu, a w odniesieniu do bezpieczeństwa społeczeństwa oznacza zaspokojenie potrzeb istnienia, przetrwania, zaufania, stabilności, integralności tożsamości, niepodległości, zachowania poziomu i jakości życia w ramach danego społeczeństwa. Bezpieczeństwo ekonomiczne jest definiowane jako proces, który oznacza nieprzerwaną działalność osób indywidualnych, firm, wspólnot, państw i organizacji międzynarodowych dla osiągnięcia pożądanego bezpieczeństwa ekonomicznego państwa. ; The article explores the institutional paradigm shift as the theoretical basis of economic security through the prism of perception of the role and importance of social, political, economic, military or religious institutions. There were presented traditional and new consensual approaches to economic security in the context of the transition from the accumulation of forces as a tool for achieving secure coexistence of countries, peoples, businesses and citizens, to address the challenges of protecting their own economic interests through bargaining institutions. It is discussed that economic security is a way of thinking and acting, based on the ability to formulate and address the causes of the use of means of force, and in their place have come political and moral resources. Attempts were made to substantiate the thesis that in the world of competition and rivalry it is possible to avoid violence. The author proceeds from the position that within some societies and in international relations, where different nationalities divided by borders and among peoples, where they live in the same state of different nationalities, dominated by violence because there is no idle or institutions of morality and morals. There were reviewed the scientific origins of the formation of the paradigm of the new institutional economics and its requirements, because, obviously, it must be accepted by consensus of most researchers and should not be questioned, since this belief system is taken for granted and is not contrary to existing research. Through the use of the methodology of institutional economic theory analyzes the concept of scientific research programs, the structure of which is allocated a "hard core" and "protective belt". There were made the conclusion that the concept of the new paradigm of the new institutional economics can be considered as the result of all the existing views of the contemporary representatives of different schools of institutionalism, and in relation to society security is about meeting the needs of existence, survival, confidence, stability, integrity, independence, preservation of level and quality of life within certain society. Economic security is defined as a process that requires the continuous activity of individuals, businesses, communities, states and international organizations for the economic state security.

[spa] En este trabajo se examina el concepto de autoridad desde el pensamiento de Hannah Arendt. El objetivo consiste en repensar y reivindicar la importancia de esta categoría política central que ha sido insuficientemente estudiada por la tradición del pensamiento político y cuyo olvido debe ser reparado para comprender adecuadamente la crisis política del presente. Abordar de nuevo la autoridad supone disociarla del poder y también del autoritarismo, nociones con las que habitualmente se la confunde, y rescatar su dimensión específica. En este sentido, se hace hincapié en este trabajo en que la autoridad es incompatible con una concepción del poder como la que está encarnada en la noción de soberanía. Frente a ésta, lo que se expone es que la autoridad comporta una forma de obediencia que no se sustenta sobre la imposición, la coerción o la violencia, sino sobre otros factores como el reconocimiento y que por ello se define inevitablemente por poseer un carácter frágil. La autoridad es lo que implícitamente declara la incompletitud del poder y lo que desvela que éste requiere una instancia exterior que le sirva como fuente de legitimidad. Para acometer este examen de la autoridad, se ha realizado un estudio exhaustivo de la obra de Arendt desde la perspectiva de este concepto y se muestra que éste no ocupa un rol secundario ni aislado en el conjunto de su pensamiento. La autoridad enlaza con una cuestión central en esta autora como es la del mundo y se relaciona de manera íntima con otras de sus preocupaciones principales. La autoridad se sitúa asimismo en el centro de otras cuestiones de primer orden en Arendt como son el poder, la violencia, la soberanía, la ley, la fundación, la memoria, la revolución, el juicio, el sentido común, la república de consejos o sobre todo el mundo, al mismo tiempo que dialoga con otras como son el totalitarismo, la desobediencia civil, el perdón, la promesa o las actividades del trabajo y la acción. En Arendt, la autoridad se define por rasgos como su dimensión relacional, su carácter dinámico o por aparecer como una suerte de contrapeso a la dimensión imprevisible y desbordante de la acción que sin embargo no conduce a la negación de ésta. Por otro lado, la autoridad también provee un horizonte de permanencia que no se encuentra presente en la categoría arendtiana de poder y que resulta fundamental para la posibilidad y viabilidad de una fundación política. Como extensión de estas consideraciones, en las páginas siguientes se desarrollará lo que hemos llamado un poder de recepción y se hará una reconsideración del concepto de autor desde las reflexiones de esta pensadora. Finalmente, este trabajo pretende encarar el que para Arendt consistía en uno de los problemas fundamentales del pensamiento político: cómo reconciliar no la libertad y la igualdad, sino ésta y la autoridad. ; [eng] This work will examine the concept of authority, taking Hannah Arendt's political thinking as a cue. My aim is to rethink and vindicate the importance of this political category, which has been insufficiently examined by the tradition of political thought. In my opinion, its specific dimension needs to be further studied so that we can better understand the current political crisis. In order to fulfil this new approach, we need to dissociate or disentangle the notion of authority from those of power and authoritarianism, concepts with which it has usually been confused. In this regard, this work highlights the fact that authority is incompatible with a conception of power that is embodied in the notion of sovereignty. Contrary to this conception, authority implies a form of obedience which does not stand on imposition, coercion or violence, but on other factors, such as recognition, and consequently it is inevitably defined by its fragile character. Implicitly, authority reveals the incompleteness of power and thus discloses that power needs an exterior instance as a source of legitimacy. In order to complete this task, this research rests upon a deep and exhaustive examination of the works of Hannah Arendt from the perspective of authority and argues that this concept does not play a secondary or isolated role in her thinking. Authority is linked with one of the central problems for this thinker, that of the question of the world. Furthermore, authority is located at the very heart of other major issues, such as the concepts of power, violence, sovereignty, law, foundation, memory, revolution, judgment, common sense or, above all, the world. At the same time the concept of authority plays an important role in the understanding of Arendt's position in regard to the council system and it is useful to delve more deeply into other phenomena such as totalitarianism, civil disobedience, forgiveness, promise or both the activities of work and action. In Arendt, authority is defined by characteristics such as its relational dimension and its dynamic character. In addition, authority is seen as a kind of resource which can counterbalance the unpredictable character inherent to action that at the same time does not negate its freedom or its spontaneity. On the other hand, authority provides a horizon of permanence that is not present in the Arendtian category of power and is crucial for the possibility or viability of the political foundation. As a result of this consideration, in the following pages I develop what I call a ―power of reception‖ and I will reconsider the concept of the author on the basis of Arendt's reflections. Finally, this work aims to tackle what the thinker considered as one of the major challenges for the current political thinking: the reconciliation of not freedom and equality but of equality and authority.

The Wave (or, alternatively, the Four Waves) theory authored by Professor David Rapoport is among most widely cited theories giving «whys» and «hows» on complex problem of the root causes and transformation of terrorism. According to this theory, since the 1880s «modern terrorism» has moved through four consequent stages (waves) all of them being of global scale and each one being informed by the influence of a certain political and/or ideological impulse: anarchist wave; anti-colonial wave; «New Left» wave; and religious wave. All waves, Rapoport argues, last approximately forty years; all of them display internal homogeneity of political or ideological principles, strategy and tactics. According to Rapoport, even those terrorist organizations that emerge in the context alien to a dominating impulse are at least partially transformed by it (e. g., turning to tactical methods that appear with the arrival of a new wave of terrorist violence).Rapoport's theory may seem to be thorough and well-grounded theoretical construction, and it is understandable why it has gained wide recognition in academic circles. However, as one discovers after a critical in-depth analysis, this initial favorable impression is mistaken for the most part. To start with, highly objectionable is the very idea of universal political impulses (by definition external to the absolute majority of local political conflicts) being capable of somehow «overriding» solid inner logic and dynamics even of those local conflicts that do not belong to a current wave. Introducing the idea of a wave-forming world impulse and ignoring the key role of local political factors in the genesis and/or transformation of terrorist organizations Rapoport, one might say, lapses into something that can be called «political mysticism». Rapoport also does not give any convincing evidence of direct connection between particular political (ideological) impulses and specific terrorist tactics which further undermines his assertions of terrorist violence taking form of clear-cut uniform waves.The author has already published an article (from which some of aforementioned positions were borrowed) containing general critical observations on basic tenets of the Four Waves theory. The goal of the present article is to «narrow the focus» and test the Rapoportean theory against the particular case of so called homegrown jihadism (i. e. Islamic terrorism perpetrated mostly on the European soil by those Muslims who either were born in Europe or have been living there for a long time). Rapoport proposed his theory early in the 2000s, before European jihadism became clearly visible and highly dangerous phenomenon, and homegrown jihadists are never mentioned in Rapoportean writings. While it leaves the door open for the doubts about prognostic potential of the Four Waves theory, it is not this author's main intention to criticize Rapoport for his failing to see a new danger coming. As it is demonstrated in the article, testing Rapoport's suggestions against the case of homegrown jihadism first of all points at the already established fundamental weakness of the Four Waves theory. This weakness is in its inability to convincingly explain why and how different historic types of terrorism emerge and what forces behind particular cases of terrorist violence are. Even if Rapoport's theory included European jihadists, it still would be impossible to trace the genealogical link (except the trivial everything-is-connected-to-everything domino effect) between homegrown jihad (which by definition falls within the framework of the fourth, or religious, wave of terrorism) and those events Rapoport cites as the impulse driving this wave. In other words, it is one more example of «political mysticism» to argue that extremist ideas and terrorist actions of the 21st century Muslim youths in Britain or Netherlands could be sufficiently explained by connecting them to the events of the Iranian revolution or the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan (both dating back to1979). What else, except such «mysticism», could explain how that 1979 impulse retained its power to inform somebody's actions after 35 years and completely outside the original historical and geographical context? Yet, if we were to accept Rapoport's arguments, we should have favor these very explanations while ignoring such factors as political marginalization of the significant share of European Muslims and the growth of xenophobia on the part of non-Muslim Europeans, cultural alienation of young European Muslims and – to name some foreign impulses – not chronologically and psychologically distant events of the late 1970s but the U. S. invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq in the early 2000s, the Arab Spring and the Syrian civil war. ; На материале т. н. европейского «доморощенного джихадизма» в статье подвергается критике известная волновая теория трансформации терроризма, выдвинутая Д. Рапопортом. Автор исходит из того, что в том случае, если волновая теория работает, она должна убедительно объяснять феномен европейского джихадизма, представляющего собой, согласно логике Рапопорта, часть четвертой – религиозной – волны терроризма (последнего на данный момент всплеска террористического насилия). Однако проведенный анализ показывает, что волновая теория не способна этого сделать, что она лишена методологической глубины и является в лучшем случае схематичным – причем нередко искаженным – описанием сложных процессов генезиса и трансформации терроризма. ; На матеріалі т. зв. європейського «доморощеного джихадизму» у статті критикується відома хвильова теорія трансформації тероризму, висунута Д. Рапопортом. Автор виходить із того, що в тому разі, якщо хвильова теорія працює, вона повинна переконливо пояснювати феномен європейського джихадизму, який являє собою, згідно з логікою Рапопорта, частину четвертої – релігійної – хвилі тероризму (наразі останнього сплеску терористичного насильства). Однак проведений аналіз показує, що вона не здатна цього зробити, що їй бракує методологічної глибини і що вона в кращому випадку є схематичним – до того ж нерідко спотвореним – описом складних процесів ґенези та трансформації тероризму.

Includes bibliography (p. 241-265). ; Number of sources in the bibliography: 366 ; Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Cyprus, Faculty of Letters, Department of History and Archaeology, 2015 ; The University of Cyprus Library holds the printed form of the thesis. ; Η παρούσα διατριβή εξετάζει το κήρυγμα των σταυροφοριών στην Ανατολή, καθώς επίσης τα διασωθέντα κείμενα των σταυροφορικών ομιλιών από το πρώτο μισό του δεκάτου τέταρτου αιώνα. Συγκεκριμένα καλύπτει την περίοδο από την εκλογή του Πάπα Κλήμεντος Ε΄, το 1305, μέχρι το θάνατο του Πάπα Κλήμεντος ΣΤ΄, το 1352. Mέσω της μελέτης των παπικών εγγράφων, των προπαγανδιστικών κειμένων για τις σταυροφορίες, και των στοιχείων στις αφηγηματικές πηγές το ενδιαφέρον επικεντρώθηκε σε τέσσερα βασικά πεδία: κατά πρώτον, στις παπικές προσπάθειες για την οργάνωση και διεξαγωγή των κηρυγματικών εκστρατειών και ο ρόλος που είχε σε αυτές ο κοσμικός κλήρος και τα μέλη των μοναστικών και επαιτικών ταγμάτων ως σταυροφορικοί προπαγανδιστές. κατά δεύτερον, στα λειτουργικά μέτρα που συμπλήρωναν το σταυροφορικό κήρυγμα για τη μεγαλύτερη δυνατή συγκέντρωση οικονομικών πόρων για τη σταυροφορία. κατά τρίτον, στην λαϊκή αντίδραση στο σταυροφορικό κήρυγμα και την λειτουργική. εν τέλει, στις σταυροφορικές ιδεές των θεολόγων του Παρισιού, κατά το πρώτο μισό του δεκάτου τετάρτου αιώνα, όπως αυτές διαφαίνονται στα διασωθέντα κείμενα των σταυροφορικών τους ομιλιών. Αυτή η μελέτη καταδεικνύει τον καταλυτικό ρόλο που είχε το κήρυγμα για την προώθηση της σταυροφορίας στους Αγίους Τόπους. Η επιτυχία του σταυροφορικού κηρύγματος ήταν άρρηκτα συνδεδεμένη με την προθυμία και ικανότητα τόσο των επαιτών αδελφών όσο και του υπόλοιπου κλήρου στις κατά τόπους επισκοπές να ανταποκριθεί στις παπικές εντολές που στέλλονταν σε αυτούς. το χαμηλό επίπεδο μόρφωσης του ενοριακού κλήρου, οι άλλες υποχρεώσεις πέρα από το κήρυγμα του ανώτερου κλήρου στις επισκοπές, και η ανάδυση, στον δέκατο τέταρτο αιώνα, ισχυρών μοναρχών στη Δύση που αντιστέκονταν στην παπική εξουσία και ασκούσαν περισσότερο έλεγχο στους κληρικούς-υπηκόους τους συχνά έβλαπταν την αποτελεσματικότητα του σταυροφορικού κηρύγματος. Ωστόσο, όπως η μελέτη καταδεικνύει, το εντατικό κήρυγμα σε συνδυασμό με τα λειτουργικά μέτρα για τη σταυροφορία είχαν τεράστια επίδραση στο λαϊκό συναίσθημα υπέρ της σταυροφορίας. Ο συνδυασμός τέτοιων μέτρων είχε ως αποτέλεσμα τη μαζική λαϊκή αντίδραση στο κήρυγμα της σταυροφορίας των Ιπποτών του Αγίου Ιωάννη στη Ρόδο το 1309, στη σταυροφορία του Λουδοβίκου της Κλερμόν το 1320, καθώς επίσης και στη σταυροφορία στη Σμύρνη το 1345. Τέλος, η μελέτη των διασωθέντων κειμένων από τις ομιλίες των θεολόγων του Παρισιού κατά την εποχή των πρώτων τεσσάρων παπών της Αβινιόν (1305-1342) καταδεικνύει ότι η ρητορική σε αυτές εξυπηρετούσε σκοπούς πέρα από την στρατολόγηση σταυροφόρων – αυτά τα κείμενα αντικατοπτρίζουν τη στάση του γαλλικού στέμματος για τη σταυροφορία και επικρίνουν τα ηθικά και κοινωνικά κακά τα οποία καθυστερούν την πραγματοποίηση της σταυροφορίας και αντιβαίνουν το σκοπό της. Η προσωπικότητα, το εκπαιδευτικό υπόβαθρο και η προσωπική αντίληψη σε δογματικά θέματα της πίστης από τον κάθε ένα συγγραφέα επηρέασαν τις σταυροφορικές ομιλίες της περιόδου. ; This thesis examines the preaching of the crusades to the East as well as the preserved crusade sermons from the first half of the fourteenth century. In particular it covers the period from the election of Pope Clement V, in 1305, to the death of Pope Clement VI, in 1352. Through an examination of papal documents, narrative sources, and the propagandistic texts of the crusade sermonists the focus of the thesis is placed on four principal areas: first, papal efforts for the organisation and conduct of the preaching campaigns and the role played by the secular and regular clergy as crusade propagandists; second, the liturgical measures that supplemented the crusade preaching to generate revenue for the crusade; third, the popular reaction to the crusading propaganda and liturgy; and lastly, the crusading ideas of early fourteenth-century Parisian theologians as shown in the preserved crusade sermons. This study shows the catalytic role of preaching in the promotion of the crusade to the Holy Land. The success of crusade preaching campaigns depended entirely upon the willingness and capacity of the diocesan and regular clergy to meet the papal directions, sent to them in various crusading bulls. The illiteracy of the parochial clergy, the duties other than preaching of the diocesan prelates, and the emergence, in the fourteenth century, of western monarchs who steadily increased their strength, resisting papal authority and exerting more control over their clerk-subjects, often hindered the effectiveness of crusade preaching. Nevertheless, as the study demonstrates, the intensive crusade preaching, in combination with the liturgical measures, had a tremendous impact on pro-crusade sentiment. The combination of such measures resulted in massive popular reaction during the preaching for the Hospitallers' crusade to Rhodes in 1309, for the passagium of Louis of Clermont in 1320 and for the Smyrna Crusade in 1345. Finally, the study of the surviving crusade sermon texts of the Parisian theologians during the reign of the first four Avignon popes (1305-1352) demonstrates that their rhetoric was crafted for purposes other than recruitment – these texts mirror the attitude of the French Crown to the crusade and railed against the moral and social ills that slowed the implementation of the crusade or contravened its purpose. The personality, educational background and tenets of faith held by each author affected the crusade model sermons of this period, and their value should be measured as tools for missions pastoral and political, rather than as presentations of original crusading ideas.

This article is the text read at the presentation of the book Le Biblioteche di Luigi Crocetti, saggi, recensioni, paperoles (The Libraries of Luigi Crocetti, essays, reviews, paperoles), AIB, 2014, edited by Laura Desideri and Alberto Petrucciani.Luigi Crocetti (died in 2007) was one of the most eminent personalities in the Italian library world of the last fifty years. Some of the most significant milestones of his career are: Director of the Laboratory of Restoration at The National Central Library in Florence, after the flood of the Arno river in 1966; Director of the Library and Archives Department of the Tuscany regional government; President of the Italian Library Association (AIB), Director of the Gabinetto G.P. Vieusseux. Crocetti was also leader of, or influential partner in, the major projects and programs developed in Italy during his professional life, including: the DDC 20 Italian Edition, the project SBN (the Italian Library Network), Editor of the journal Biblioteche Oggi , as well as collaborator in various journals and publishing activities. The numerous writings of Luigi Crocetti, published throughout his professional life, register punctually the evolution of libraries and librarian profession in times of major technological, cultural and social changes. Nevertheless Crocetti's writings are not only an historical record of a perceptive (and committed) observer; they also constitute a collection of profound reflections and inspiring input for further discussion on the role of libraries and of culture in the society. Gifted with uncommon erudition, Crocetti shows an extraordinary ability to interpret the current reality and for see the future with a remarkable farsightedness. His writings touch on all aspects of the profession, from book preservation and restoration to public libraries, from cataloguing and indexing to library cooperation and networking, from national libraries, archives and museums, to user services. It is quite evident that Crocetti is aiming to an audience far beyond librarians, to include policy makers, managers, intellectuals and all those who have contact with libraries; in a final analysis he addresses to all citizens, being convinced that "culture is for everyone" and that "libraries must by their nature be deeply immersed in the overall cultural flow". Innovation and renovation of the professional mentality are recurrent themes in the writings of Crocetti. The Author - fully aware of the international debate and attentive to technological change - identified in the progressive loss of contact between libraries and cultural tradition one of the weak points of the Italian librarianship. According to his view, this situation emphasized the 'bureaucratization' of libraries and librarians, which is a major cause of the erosion of their intellectual function. "The Italian librarianship - notes bitterly Crocetti - is rich in the past and poor in tradition". It is a controversial issue, like many others (too often passed over by the professional debate) highlighted by Crocetti in his writing with clarity and equilibrium, like the true intellectual he was, able to rise above the interests of their own sector, but also capable of representing the aspiration to renew the librarian profession in the global dimension of our times. ; Il testo di questo articolo è stato letto dall'autore in occasione della presentazione del libro "Le Biblioteche di Luigi Crocetti, saggi, recensioni, paperoles". 2014. A cura di Laura Desideri e Alberto Petrucciani. Roma: Associazione Italiana Biblioteche.Luigi Crocetti (scomparso nel 2007) è stata una delle personalità più eminenti della biblioteconomia italiana negli ultimi cinquant'anni, durante i quali ha ricoperto importanti cariche quali: direttore del lavoratorio di restauro della Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze, dopo l'alluvione dell'Arno nel 1966; direttore del Dipartimento Archivi e Biblioteche della Regione Toscana; presidente dell'Associazioene Italiana Biblioteche, direttore del Gabinetto G.P. Viesseux.Crocetti è stato inoltre coinvolto in progetti ed iniziative sviluppatisi in Italia nel corso della sua carriera professionale: l'edizione italiana della CDD 20, il progetto SBN, la rivista Biblioteche Oggi, di cui fu editor, e altre collaborazioni editoriali. I numerosi scritti di Luigi Crocetti, pubblicati nel corso della sua vita professionale, registrano puntualmente l'evoluzione delle biblioteche e della professione bibliotecaria in un periodo di cambiamenti tecnologici, culturali e sociali. Ciò nondimeno, gli scritti di Crocetti non sono solo la registrazione storica di un osservatore perspicace e impegnato; essi costituiscono anche una raccolta di riflessioni profonde e di suggerimenti per incoraggiare la discussione sul ruolo delle biblioteche e della cultura nella società. Dotato di erudizione non comune, Crocetti mostra una capacità straordinaria di interpretare la realtà attuale e di guardare al futuro con lungimiranza. I suoi scritti toccano tutti gli aspetti della professione, dalla conservazione e restauro del materiale librario alle biblioteche pubbliche, dalla catalogazione e indicizzazione alla cooperazione bibliotecaria, dalle biblioteche nazionali agli archivi, ai musei, fino ai servizi all'utente. E' chiaro che Crocetti si rivolge a un pubblico ampio, non limitato ai bibliotecari, ma aperto invece a politici, manager, intellettuali e chiunque abbia un interesse nelle biblioteche; in un'analisi conclusiva si rivolge a tutti i cittadini, nella convinzione che "la cultura è per tutti" e che "le biblioteche, per loro natura, devono essere immerse nel ciclo culturale". Innovazione e rinnovamento della mentalità professionale sono temi ricorrenti negli scritti di Crocetti. L'autore - consapevole del dibattito internazionale e attento alle innovazioni tecnologiche - identifica uno dei punti deboli della biblioteconomia italiana nella progressiva perdita di contatto tra le biblioteche e la tradizione culturale. "La biblioteconomia italiana - fa notare amaramente Crocetti - è ricca nei fasti passati e povera in tradizione". Il tema è controverso, come molti altri (troppo spesso ignorati dal dibattito professionale) sottolineati da Crocetti nei sui scritti con chiarezza ed equilibrio, da intellettuale quale egli era, capace di essere superiore al mero interesse di settore, e capace allo stesso tempo di rappresentare l'aspirazione al rinnovamento della professione bibliotecaria nella dimensione globale dei nostri tempi.

Актуальность и цели. Вопросы осуществления правосудия в нашей стране всегда актуальны, особенно в эпоху непрекращающихся перемен, в том числе и в сфере судебного правоприменения. От качества правосудия во многом зависит и качество жизни общества в целом и отдельных граждан. Качество правосудия складывается из качества целой системы явлений, обусловливающих и обеспечивающих этот процесс. Среди элементов данной системы не последнее место занимает и качество понятийно-категориального аппарата, и качество обеспечения взаимодействия правосудия и системы социального регулирования в современной России. Цель работы установить взаимосвязь понятия «правосудие» с системой социальных норм в процессе судебного правоприменения. Материалы и методы. Реализация исследовательских задач была достигнута на основе анализа реализации правосознания в интерпретационном плане термина «правосудие», а также отражения данного термина в действующем законодательстве. На основе проведенного анализа синтезирована модель взаимодействия правосудия и системы социального регулирования. Методологический потенциал, кроме анализа и синтеза, включает методы диалектического сравнительно-правового и логико-гносеологического исследования, которые позволяют сопоставить содержание и значение различных явлений для эффективного и качественного правосудия. Результаты. На сегодняшний день в России нормативное и доктринальное понимание правосудия основывается на том факте, что правосудие это один из видов правоприменительной деятельности, который выражается в деятельности по реализации законов и подзаконных актов. Отсюда, основываясь на систематическом и юридико-техническом методе толкования термина «правосудие», получается буквальный объем его толкования: суд, судья выносит решения, исключительно основываясь на праве. Вместе с тем, как изложено выше, и в теории, и на практике это не всегда так (об этом свидетельствует огромная масса жалоб на решения мировых судов и судов первой инстанции). Кроме того, следует отметить тот факт, что правовые нормы при регулировании общественных отношений иногда «уступают» иным социальным регуляторам. Эта ситуация чаще всего происходит через закрепление в текстах нормативных правовых актов различного рода упоминаний и ссылок на иные социальные (неправовые) регуляторы общественных отношений. Выводы. Проведенное исследование позволяет заключить, что, во-первых, правосудие это комплекс действий и решений, предпринимаемых от имени государства и направленных на реализацию одной из его функций. Во-вторых, правосудие это деятельность специально уполномоченных государством органов и должностных и иных лиц, которые наделяются соответствующими полномочиями. В-третьих, правосудие это особая разновидность правоприменения, и все общие признаки правоприменения являются признаками правосудия (государственно-властная деятельность по конкретизации и персонификации правовых предписаний, юридическая квалификация, издание правоприменительного акта и т.д.). В-четвертых, с помощью правосудия управляются наиболее важные общественные отношения, урегулированные правовыми нормами многих отраслей права (конституционного, уголовного, гражданского, арбитражного и т.д.) в порядке соответствующего судопроизводства. В-пятых, правосудие на сегодняшний день осуществляется не только на юридических нормах, но на основе связанных с ними иных социальных предписаний. ; Background. Questions on implementation of justice in our country are always relevant, especially in the age of incessant change, including the field of judicial enforcement. The quality of justice largely depends on the quality of life of the society in general and of individual citizens. The quality of justice consists of the quality of the whole system of phenomena contributing to and ensuring the process. Among the elements of the system an importance place is taken both by the quality of the conceptual-categorical apparatus and the quality of interaction between justice and the social regulation regulation in modern Russia. The objective is to establish the relationship of the concept "justice" with the system of social norms in the process of law enforcement. Materials and methods. Realization of the research tasks was achieved on the basis of the analysis of implementation of the sense of justice in the interpretive mea­ning of the term "justice", as well as the reflection of this term in the legislation. On the basis of the analysis the author synthesized a model of interaction between justice and the system of social regulation. The methodological base, in addition to the analysis and synthesis, included dialectical methods of comparative legal, logical and epistemological studies that compare the content and importance of different phenomena for efficient and high-quality justice. Results. Nowadays in Russia the normative and doctrinal understanding of justice is based on the fact that justice is one of the types of enforcement activities, which is reflected in implementation of laws and regulations. Hence, based on the systematic and technical legal method of interpretation of the term "justice", one may obtain the literal scope of its interpretation: the court, the judge makes decisions based solely on the law. However, as outlined above, both in theory and in practice this is not always the case (evidenced by large mass of complaints against decisions of magistrate's courts, and courts of first instance). In addition, it should be noted that the legal norms in the regulation of social relations sometimes "inferior" to other social regulators. This situation most often occurs through consolidation in the texts of normative legal acts of various kinds of references and links to other social (not legal) regulators of social relations. Conclusions. This study allows to conclude that justice is a set of actions and decisions taken on behalf of the state and aimed at implementation of one of its functions. Secondly, justice is the activity of specially authorized state bodies and officials and other persons who are endowed with appropriate powers. Thirdly, justice is a special kind of law enforcement, and all the traits of law enforcement are the signs of justice (Federal government activities for customization and personalization of legal orders, legal qualifications, publication of a law enforcement act, etc.). Fourthly, justice manages the most important social relations regulated by legal norms of many branches of law (constitutional, criminal, civil, arbitration, etc.) in the relevant proceedings. Fifthly, modern justice is executed not only through legal norms, but also on the basis of social regulations, associated with those norms.

El presente artículo tiene como propósito inicial realizar una reflexión acerca de las potencialidades analíticas y conceptuales de la teoría espacial de Doreen Massey y David Harvey, en el análisis de la formación para la ciudadanía y la construcción de subjetividades desde la escuela. Para ello, se revisan los conceptos de espacio y espacialidad que los autores han propuesto en dos de sus trabajos más representativos: La condición de la posmodernidad (Harvey, 2003) y Ciudad mundial (Massey, 2008). Se comentan, a modo de introducción y antecedentes, algunas de las propuestas conceptuales del filósofo francés Henri Lefebvre, quien ha realizado un interesante acercamiento fenomenológico al concepto de espacio, sus representaciones y las experiencias vividas por los sujetos. Esta propuesta, de una u otra forma, se puede rastrear en autores como Milton Santos o Edward Soja. De este modo, se toma como punto de partida una premisa que sirve a la vez de eje articulador y de idea central del presente artículo: es relevante para el análisis socioespacial el uso social del territorio, y no el territorio per se. Esta idea está presente tanto en Milton Santos, como en Henri Lefebvre, Edward Soja y en los autores de los que nos ocupamos.En seguida, se exponen de manera muy sucinta algunas observaciones y registros tomados de la práctica pedagógica del autor del artículo con estudiantes de diversos grados del Centro Educativo Rural Olarte de la localidad de Usme en Bogotá. Estos registros hacen parte de las representaciones y concepciones sobre el espacio vivido por parte de los estudiantes. La información que se presenta no pretende seguir un método particular de análisis, sino que se vincula en la reflexión para ilustrar la aplicación de los conceptos de los dos autores estudiados en escenarios escolares. De este modo, se podrán abordar los dos contextos conceptuales, escuela-espacio, y así comprender las posibilidades de un ejercicio político escolar dinámico, constructor de subjetividades y de respeto por la diferencia y la diversidad. ; As its initial goal, the present article aims to reflect on the analytical and conceptual potentialities of the spatial theory of Doreen Massey and David Harvey with regard toan analysis of citizenship education and the construction of subjectivities in schools. For this purpose, this article reviews the concepts of space and spatiality that the authors proposein two of their most representative works: The Condition of Postmodernity (Harvey, 2003) and World City (Massey, 2008). In the manner of an introduction and background, we comment on some of the conceptual suggestions of the French philosopher HenriLefebvre, who takes an interesting phenomenological approach to the concept of space, its representations, and the experiences lived by subjects. This approach, in one way or another, can be perceived in authors such as Milton Santos and Edward Soja. Thus, asour point of departure, we adopt a premise that can serve as both the articulating axis and the central idea of the present article; we find the social use of territory, and not territory per se, relevant for socio-spatial analysis. This idea is present in Milton Santos, in addition to Henri Lefebvre, Edward Soja, and the other authors whom we address. Next, we succinctly present some observations and records taken from the pedagogical practice of the author of the article with students from various levels attending theOlarte Rural Educational Center in the neighborhood of Usme in Bogotá. These records are part of the students' representations and conceptions regarding lived space. The information presented does not intend to follow a particular method of analysis but is linked toreflection to illustrate the application of the concepts of the two authors studied in school contexts. In this manner, we can approach the two conceptual contexts, school-space, and thus understand the possibilities of a dynamic political exercise in the school, constructing subjectivities and respect for difference and diversity. ; O presente artigo tem como propósito inicial realizar uma reflexão sobre as potencialidades analíticas e conceituais da teoria espacial de Doreen Massey e David Harvey, na análise da formação para a cidadania e a construção de subjetividades a partir da escola.Para isso, são revisados os conceitos de espaço e espacialidade que os autores propõem em dois de seus trabalhos mais representativos: A condição pós-moderna (Harvey, 2003)e World City (Massey, 2008). Comentam-se, como introdução e antecedentes, algumas das propostas conceituais do filósofo francês Henri Lefebvre, que realizou uma relevante aproximação fenomenológica ao conceito de espaço, suas representações e as experiências vividas pelos sujeitos. Essa proposta, de uma ou outra forma, pode ser percebida em autores como Milton Santos ou Edward Soja. Desse modo, tomamos como ponto departida uma premissa que serve ao mesmo tempo de eixo articulador e de ideia central do presente artigo: encontramos relevante para a análise socioespacial o uso social doterritório e não o território por si. Essa ideia está presente tanto em Milton Santos quanto em Henri Lefebvre, Edward Soja e nos autores com os quais trabalhamos. Em seguida, expõem-se, de maneira sucinta, algumas observações e registros, tomados da prática pedagógica do autor do artigo com estudantes de diversas séries doCentro Educativo Rural Olarte da localidade de Usme em Bogotá. Esses registros fazem parte das representações e concepções sobre o espaço vivido por parte dos estudantes. A informação apresentada não pretende seguir um método particular de análise, mas simse vincula na reflexão para ilustrar a aplicação dos conceitos dos autores estudados em cenários escolares. Desse modo, poderão ser abordados os dois contextos conceituais, escola-espaço, e assim compreender as possibilidades de um exercício político escolardinâmico, construtor de subjetividades e de respeito pela diferença e pela diversidade.

The article deals with the development of legal grounds of the European Union common defence policy in a draft Constitution for Europe. In order to identify trends in the legal regulation of the EU common defence policy, the author compares respective provisions of the draft European Constitution and the Treaty on European Union. The key Art. I-40 of the draft Constitution establishing specific provisions for implementing the common security and defence policy provides for significant changes, in comparison with the respective Art. 17 of the Treaty on European Union. Apart from that, the specific provisions of Art. I-40 of the European Constitution are developed by the more detailed provisions on the common security and defence policy which are contained in Section 2, Chapter II, Title V of Part III of the Constitution (from Art. III-210 to Art. III-214 thereof). Most of these provisions are new. However, they are based on the same principles, as stated in Art. 17(1) of the Treaty on European Union and Art. I-11(4), I-15(1) and I-40(1, 2) of the draft Constitution. Namely, under the Constitution, the common defence policy will remain an integral part of the common foreign and security policy and will continue to provide operational capabilities for the Union's external actions in a specific situation when diplomatic and economic actions will be insufficient in order to achieve the common foreign and security policy goals. As previously, the main aim of the common defence policy will be to increase civilian and military capabilities assigned for the implementation of the so-called Petersberg tasks (humanitarian and rescue, peacekeeping, crisis management and peacemaking operations). The draft Constitution also preserves sufficient legal guarantees to ensure compatibility with the activities of the NATO and corresponding legal obligations of a number of Member States. On the other hand, some new provisions of the Constitution can be assessed as the reflection of efforts of some EU countries to make the common defence policy more autonomous with respect to the NATO and the USA. Some of them may even raise a danger of duplication of the NATO's activities. With regard to implementation of the Petersberg tasks, the provisions of the Constitution remains generally unchanged in comparison with those of the Treaty on European Union, except a few provisions updating the Petersberg tasks and strengthening the institutional framework of the common defence policy. The new missions, such as joint disarmament operations, military advice and assistance tasks, conflict prevention and post-conflict stabilisation, were added to the range of Petersberg missions, in order to respond properly to the emerging new threats to the European security. In line with that, the solidarity clause is added by Art. I-42 which obliges the Member States to mobilise all instruments at their disposal in order to prevent terrorist threats and assist each other in case of disasters. The next novelty is that, in addition to the existent institutions of the common defence policy, the draft Constitution provides for the establishment of the European Armaments, Research and Military Capabilities Agency that will be subordinate to the Council of Ministers. Apart from the cooperation in the field of armaments, the Agency will also be responsible for supervision of the implementation by the Member States of their military capability commitments. On the one hand, that could significantly improve the fulfilment of the Union's defence policy objectives. On the other hand, there is a danger that the Agency can serve as one of the means for domination of certain Member States and, as a consequence, it can become a catalyst of different-speed and divided Europe in the field of defence policy. The subsequent novelty provided for in the draft Constitution is the possibility of the structured defence and military cooperation between certain Member States, which might be treated as a specific kind of enhanced cooperation. Despite of possible advantages of increase of the Union's military capability, this kind of cooperation could also result in a deeper division of Member States rather than a desired unity on the defence policy matters. ; Straipsnyje analizuojamos Sutarties dėl Konstitucijos Europai nuostatos, skirtos Europos Sąjungos bendrajai gynybos politikai. Šios nuostatos lyginamos su bendrąją gynybos politiką reglamentuojančiomis galiojančios Europos Sąjungos steigimo sutarties nuostatomis, įtvirtintomis Nicos sutartimi. Išryškinamos pagrindinės Europos Sąjungos bendrosios gynybos politikos teisinio reglamentavimo tendencijos Europos Konstitucijos projekte. Savo išvadoms pagrįsti, be lyginamojo, autorius taip pat taiko sisteminį, istorinį, teleologinį, loginį ir kitus tyrimo metodus. Pagrindinė autoriaus daroma išvada yra ta, kad Europos Konstitucijos projektas numato toliau stiprinti Europos Sąjungos bendrąją gynybos politiką jos autonomiškumo santykiuose su NATO didinimo linkme, nors ir iš esmės nekeičia šios politikos principų. Tokią išvadą lemia naujos, lyginant su galiojančia Europos Sąjungos steigimo sutartimi, Europos Konstitucijos projekto nuostatos, atspindinčios Europos Sąjungos bendrosios gynybos politikos institucijų stiprinimo bei struktūrinio karinio bendradarbiavimo plėtros tendencijas ir nustatančios galimybę valstybėms narėms prisiimti bendros gynybos įsipareigojimus. Pagal Europos Konstitucijos projektą taip pat sudaromos sąlygos Europos Sąjungai perimti visas Vakarų Europos Sąjungos funkcijas ir formaliai likviduoti šią organizaciją. Vis dėlto Europos Konstitucijos projekte išlieka pakankamos teisinės garantijos, kad Europos Sąjungos bendroji gynybos politika nepakeis NATO veiklos ir nepažeis valstybių, NATO narių, įsipareigojimų pagal Šiaurės Atlanto sutartį. Be to, dauguma naujų Europos Sąjungos bendrosios gynybos politikos nuostatų buvo suformuluotos siekiant veiksmingai reaguoti į naujus iššūkius tarptautinei taikai ir saugumui. Straipsnyje trumpai apžvelgiami ir Lietuvos dalyvavimo Europos Sąjungos bendrojoje gynybos politikoje pagrindai pagal nacionalinę teisę. Daroma išvada, kad Lietuvos nacionalinės teisės normos numato pakankamas sąlygas šaliai dalyvauti visose Europos Sąjungos ben-drosios gynybos politikos formose. Kita vertus, Lietuvai politiniu požiūriu gali būti netikslinga palaikyti visas galimas šios politikos raidos tendencijas.

Анализ состояния региональных политических элит, особенно первых десятилетий существования советской власти, зачастую осложняется недостатком необходимых для этого данных. В подобной ситуации представляется перспективным применение просопографического метода исследования. Данный метод позволяет привести любую имеющуюся биографическую информацию, вне зависимости от ее объема, к систематизированному и однообразному виду. По существу, просопография предлагает систему, позволяющую организовать недостаточно полную информацию таким способом, что она приобретает дополнительное значение и способна дать основания для выведения закономерностей, соединяет более или менее большое число биографий в количественное и статистическое исследование, целиком объединяющее все эти биографии. При этом в основу такого исследования могут быть положены не только впервые вводимые в научный оборот источники, но и уже опубликованные данные. В рамках предлагаемой статьи просопографический метод стал основой изучения корпуса 12 председателей и ответственных секретарей Иркутского революционного, губернского (окружного) комитетов в 1920-е гг. Сопоставление полученных результатов с выведенными У. Е. Моссом, Ш. Фитцпатрик и Дж. М. Истером закономерностями, свойственными персональному составу региональных партийных руководителей 1920-30-х гг., позволяет сделать выводы о частичной их применимости к руководителям Иркутского региона. В целом год рождения большинства из них соответствует временным рамкам 1885-1895 гг., установленным в качестве наиболее характерного для рождения провинциальных руководителей данного периода. Социальное происхождение также подтверждает вывод о преобладании в среде региональных руководителей 1920-30-х гг. выходцев из мелкобуржуазных и «низших» слоев общества. По уровню образования иркутские партийные руководители 1920-х гг. не выбивались из общего тренда: более половины из них имели образование не выше среднего. Профессиональной партийной деятельностью до 1917 г. занимались лишь пять иркутских партийных руководителей. Ни один из иркутских партийных руководителей 1920-х гг. не был в эмиграции в дореволюционный период, не участвовал в событиях Февральской и Октябрьской революциях 1917 г. в Петрограде, что целиком соответствует установленной в качестве общероссийской закономерности. При этом в отношении Иркутского региона не подтверждается положение о том, что именно русские составляли примерно половину состава руководителей. Равным образом даты начала исчисления партийного стажа иркутских руководителей не укладываются в выведенную закономерность о двух«пиках» массового вступления в партию будущих региональных руководителей, приходящихся на 1905-1906 и 1912-1913 гг.: четверть из них вступили в партию до1905 г., а треть уже в 1917 г. и даже позже. Нет и вопреки заявлению о распространенности этой тенденции среди большинства региональных руководителей к концу 1920-х гг. среди иркутских руководителей ни одного члена ЦК ВКП(б). При этом имеющиеся данные позволили сделать вывод о ряде дополнительных аспектов, не анализируемых вышеназванными исследователями: место рождения, наличие репрессий в дои послереволюционный период и др. В совокупности все это позволяет создать коллективный портрет руководителя Иркутского губернского (окружного) комитета 1920-х гг. ; The analysis of the status of regional political elites, particularly during the first decades of Soviet power, is often complicated because of lack of necessary data. Thus application of prosopographical research method seems to be forward. Due to method it is possible to make any available biographical information, regardless of its quantity, systematic and uniform. Essentially, prosopographia is the method of arranging incomplete information in such a way that it acquires additional value and reveals regularities, combines not large number of biographies in a quantitative and statistical study comprising all these biographies. Moreover, using this research both firstly introduced into scientific use sources and already published data can be studied. As part of the article prosopographical method became the basis of a study of body of 12 Chairpersons and Executive secretaries of the Irkutsk revolutionary, provincial (district) committees in the 1920s. Comparing the results obtained with regularities deduced by M. E. Moss, W. Fitzpatrick and J. M. Easter of peculiar to regional party leaders in 1920-1930s, it is possible to draw conclusion about their partial applicability to the leaders of the Irkutsk region. In general, the year of birth of the majority of them corresponds to the timeframe 1885-1895, defined as the most representative for the birth of provincial leaders of the period. Social background also confirms the conclusion about prevalence of people coming from petty and the «lower» strata of society among regional leaders in 1920-30. The level of education of the Irkutsk party leaders of the 1920s followed general tendency: more than half of them had secondary education. Only five Irkutsk party leaders were engaged in professional party activity through to 1917. None of the Irkutsk party leaders of the 1920s was in emigration in the pre-revolutionary period, and involved in the events of February and October revolutions of 1917 in Petrograd, which is entirely consistent with Russia-wide pattern. However the fact that it is ethnic Russians that constituted about half of the leaders is not confirmed. Neither the starting date for the calculation of the party experience Irkutsk leaders fits into the displayed pattern of two «peaks» of mass joining the party of the would-be regional leaders coinciding with 1905-06 and 1912-13: a quarter of them had joined the party before 1905, and a third only in 1917 and even later. Contrary to the statement about the prevalence of this trend among the majority of regional leaders by the end of the 1920s, there were no members of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) among Irkutsk managers at all. The available data let the author come to conclusion that there are a number of aspects that are not analyzed by the above-mentioned researchers, they are place of birth, the repression in preand post-revolutionary period etc. Taken together it is possible to create a shared portrait of the head of the Irkutsk province (district) Committee in 1920s.

Анализ состояния региональных политических элит, особенно первых десятилетий существования советской власти, зачастую осложняется недостатком необходимых для этого данных. В подобной ситуации представляется перспективным применение просопографического метода исследования. Данный метод позволяет привести любую имеющуюся биографическую информацию, вне зависимости от ее объема, к систематизированному и однообразному виду. По существу, просопография предлагает систему, позволяющую организовать недостаточно полную информацию таким способом, что она приобретает дополнительное значение и способна дать основания для выведения закономерностей, соединяет более или менее большое число биографий в количественное и статистическое исследование, целиком объединяющее все эти биографии. При этом в основу такого исследования могут быть положены не только впервые вводимые в научный оборот источники, но и уже опубликованные данные. В рамках предлагаемой статьи просопографический метод стал основой изучения корпуса 12 председателей и ответственных секретарей Иркутского революционного, губернского (окружного) комитетов в 1920-е гг. Сопоставление полученных результатов с выведенными У. Е. Моссом, Ш. Фитцпатрик и Дж. М. Истером закономерностями, свойственными персональному составу региональных партийных руководителей 1920-30-х гг., позволяет сделать выводы о частичной их применимости к руководителям Иркутского региона. В целом год рождения большинства из них соответствует временным рамкам 1885-1895 гг., установленным в качестве наиболее характерного для рождения провинциальных руководителей данного периода. Социальное происхождение также подтверждает вывод о преобладании в среде региональных руководителей 1920-30-х гг. выходцев из мелкобуржуазных и «низших» слоев общества. По уровню образования иркутские партийные руководители 1920-х гг. не выбивались из общего тренда: более половины из них имели образование не выше среднего. Профессиональной партийной деятельностью до 1917 г. занимались лишь пятеро из них. Ни один из иркутских партийных руководителей 1920-х гг. не был в эмиграции в дореволюционный период, не участвовал в событиях Февральской и Октябрьской революциях 1917 г. в Петрограде, что целиком соответствует установленной в качестве общероссийской закономерности. При этом в отношении Иркутского региона не подтверждается положение о том, что именно русские составляли примерно половину состава руководителей. Равным образом даты начала исчисления партийного стажа иркутских руководителей не укладываются в выведенную закономерность о двух «пиках» массового вступления в партию будущих региональных руководителей, приходящихся на 19051906 и 1912-1913 гг.: четверть из них вступили в партию до 1905 г., а треть уже в 1917 г. и даже позже. Нет и вопреки заявлению о распространенности этой тенденции среди большинства региональных руководителей к концу 1920-х гг. среди иркутских руководителей ни одного члена ЦК ВКП(б). При этом имеющиеся данные позволили сделать вывод о ряде дополнительных аспектов, не анализируемых вышеназванными исследователями: место рождения, наличие репрессий в дои послереволюционный период и др. В совокупности все это позволяет создать коллективный портрет руководителя Иркутского губернского (окружного) комитета 1920-х гг. ; The analysis of the status of regional political elites, particularly during the first decades of Soviet power, is often complicated because of lack of necessary data. Thus application of prosopographical research method seems to be forward. Due to method it is possible to make any available biographical information, regardless of its quantity, systematic and uniform. Essentially, prosopographia is the method of arranging incomplete information in such a way that it acquires additional value and reveals regularities, combines not large number of biographies in a quantitative and statistical study comprising all these biographies. Moreover, using this research both firstly introduced into scientific use sources and already published data can be studied. As part of the article prosopographical method became the basis of a study of body of 12 Chairpersons and Executive secretaries of the Irkutsk revolutionary, provincial (district) committees in the 1920s. Comparing the results obtained with regularities deduced by M. E. Moss, W. Fitzpatrick and J. M. Easter of peculiar to regional party leaders in 1920-1930s, it is possible to draw conclusion about their partial applicability to the leaders of the Irkutsk region. In general, the year of birth of the majority of them corresponds to the timeframe 1885-1895, defined as the most representative for the birth of provincial leaders of the period. Social background also confirms the conclusion about prevalence of people coming from petty and the «lower» strata of society among regional leaders in 1920-30. The level of education of the Irkutsk party leaders of the 1920s followed general tendency: more than half of them had secondary education. Only five Irkutsk party leaders were engaged in professional party activity through to 1917. None of the Irkutsk party leaders of the 1920s was in emigration in the pre-revolutionary period, and involved in the events of February and October revolutions of 1917 in Petrograd, which is entirely consistent with Russia-wide pattern. However the fact that it is ethnic Russians that constituted about half of the leaders is not confirmed. Neither the starting date for the calculation of the party experience Irkutsk leaders fits into the displayed pattern of two «peaks» of mass joining the party of the would-be regional leaders coinciding with 1905-06 and 1912-13: a quarter of them had joined the party before 1905, and a third only in 1917 and even later. Contrary to the statement about the prevalence of this trend among the majority of regional leaders by the end of the 1920s, there were no members of the Central Committee of the CPSU(b) among Irkutsk managers at all. The available data let the author come to conclusion that there are a number of aspects that are not analyzed by the above-mentioned researchers, they are place of birth, the repression in pre and post-revolutionary period etc. Taken together it is possible to create a shared portrait of the head of the Irkutsk province (district) Committee in 1920s.