Suchergebnisse

Рассматривается фрейм «учитель ученик», используемый для описания проводимой Россией внутренней и внешней политики в ряде западных периодических изданий. В условиях современных международных, политических и экономических шоков, а также охлаждения отношений между Западом и Россией мы можем наблюдать усиление информационного противостояния почти на всех важнейших информационных и дипломатических площадках. Обе стороны стремятся легитимизировать проводимую политику, прибегая к тем или иным информационным и порой пропагандистским стратегиям. Данное исследование рассматривает природу фрейма, его использование в процессе конструирования медиатекста, а также выгоды и причины использования фрейма «учитель ученик». ; Scale and intensity of an information confrontation between western countries (the USA and the EU countries) and Russia is so high that it reminds the information conflict of the Cold War. Nowadays, Russia finds itself in a difficult political and economic situation and has to respond to serious internal and international economic and political shocks. Along with these one can see the ever-increasing mediatization of political relations, in this condition Russia has to defend its right to an independent international policy in the unfriendly western media landscape. Nowadays, one of the most effective media strategies is mediaframing. The reason of its effectiveness is based on a fact that it creates cognitive perception frames within which an individual interprets a media message. Metaphors, links, hints, and others means allow connecting new information with existing social experience, which helps the individual understand the main idea of mediatexts. Thus, a journalist or a person who creates a media text can enclose a significant amount of information into a short text and make it emotional. That is why such texts are able to avoid critical perception. Going back to the frame "Teacher-Student", the author underlines that it has a long history. In different periods, Russia was considered as a diligent student, or an arrogant student who does everything wrong. Since the late 1990s Russia was becoming a poor, stubborn, grumpy and lazy student who did not pay attention to the study of democracy and was about to receive F for its homework. These changes can be explained by Russia's desire to build an independent foreign and internal policy. What is more interesting, this frame is used in articles devoted to other topics, such as relations Russia-Ukraine-USA and Russia-Ukraine-EU, and some other topics related to political issues of Eastern European countries. In these articles, Russia is used as an example of a wrong way of development, as a country which does not want to take experience of western countries, and sometimes Russia serves as a boogeyman for the civilized countries. In these circumstances, one cannot say about equality in international relations since Russia is considered as a student who cannot have an equal dialog with a teacher. Thus, mediaframing is an effective instrument of events and images mediation in the conditions of the ever-increasing virtualization of social relations. Nowadays, this strategy is used by a number of western countries in order to legitimize their policy towards Russia. Positioning of relations between the West and Russia as relations of a teacher and a student undoubtedly reduces the effectiveness of the Russian international policy, lowering its status in the eyes of the general public.

На основе лингвоаксиологического анализа текста программной статьи губернатора Свердловской области Евгения Куйвашева «Мобилизация на успех: год 2016» отмечены формы реализации стратегии партнерства с целевой аудиторией читателями многотиражной «Областной газеты». Описаны средства диалогизации: автор обращается к читателям от первого лица, активно использует речевые формулы совместности, адресные вопросы, призывы к конструктивному обмену мнениями. В ходе анализа выявлена опирающаяся на национальную идентичность аксиологическая доминанта текста идея гражданской общности, предполагающая спланированную созидательную деятельность с установкой на успех, координацию государственной власти и самоуправления. Показано, как при поддержке разветвленной внутритекстовой парадигмы слов, в значении которых закреплена сема общности, и парадигмы номинаций базовых духовно-нравственных ценностей формируется содержание взаимосвязанных идеологем единой власти и государственности. Содержание идеологемы «партия» развивается в составе неравноценного сопоставления «"Единая Россия" разные партии». Исследовано лежащее в основе политической платформы губернатора непротиворечивое сочетание социоцентризма и персонализма, проявляющееся в соотношении ценностных понятий коллективного созидательного труда и лидерства. Особое внимание уделено региональной специфике программной статьи: выявлена аксиологическая маркированность использованных в тексте топонимов средств создания целостного образа уральского пространства, одновременно транслирующих актуальные социокультурные смыслы; описаны языковые единицы, способствующие манифестации опорных понятий, составляющих фундамент предложенной губернатором концепции регионально значимой промышленной политики. Обобщаются социоцентрические аксиологические мотивы, содержащиеся в личных и коллективных откликах на статью Евгения Куйвашева. ; On the basis of the axiological approach to the linguistic text analysis of the program article of the Sverdlovsk region Governor Evgeny Kuyvashev "Mobilization on success: year 2016" the forms of introduction of the strategy of partnership with target audience the readers of the large-circulation "The regional newspaper" are noted. The means of dialogization are described: the author uses the first person sing. and pl. to address the readers, he actively uses speech formulas of compatibility, address questions, appeals to the efficient exchange of opinions. During the analysis, the axiological dominant of the text relying on national identity the idea of a civil community which assumes the planned creative activity with the purpose of success, coordination of the government and self-government is revealed. It is shown how with the help of the intra text paradigm of words, in the meaning of which the sema of community is included, as well as the paradigms of the nominations of the basic spiritual and moral values, the meaning of the interconnected ideologems of the unified power and statehood is formed. The content of the ideologem "party" develops as a part of unequal comparison "«United Russia»" different parties". The consistent combination of sociocentrism and personalism, which is the cornerstone of the political platform of the Governor shown in the ratio valuable concepts of a collective constructive labor and leadership is investigated. Special attention is paid to the regional specifics of the program article: the axiological markedness of the toponyms used in the text, which can be treated as the tools for creating a complete image of the Ural space, at the same time broadcasting important sociocultural meanings; the language units promoting demonstration of the basic concepts making the base of the regional significant industrial policy concept offered by the Governor. The sociocentric axiological motives found in personal and collective responses to Evgeny Kuyvashev's article are generalized.

Рассматриваются вопросы формирования электронной демократии на территории Российской Федерации через призму влияния на этот процесс гражданской инициативы. Авторы излагают теоретическую основу исследуемого явления раскрываются понятие и суть электронной демократии. В качестве главной гипотезы используется предположение, что с помощью электронной демократии можно создать большие возможности доступа граждан к демократическим процедурам, расширению гражданского участия в принятии решений. В связи с чем утверждается, что гражданская инициатива представляет собой самостоятельное действие, которое направлено на реализацию своих законных прав и свобод, осуществляемое гражданином или группой граждан с помощью применения информационно-коммуникационных технологий в рамках действующего законодательства. При этом, главным инструментом гражданского влияния и контроля за деятельностью органов власти, в рамках проявления электронной демократии, являются оценочные процедуры (например, онлайн-обсуждения, онлайн-контроль). Проводится краткий анализ интернет-сайтов (порталов) («Демократор», «Активный гражданин», «Российская общественная инициатива» и др.), которые способствуют выполнению конкретных функций демократии с целью определения роли гражданской инициативы в развитии электронной демократии. В результате проведенных исследований подтверждается, что, развивая электронную демократию посредством информационно-коммуникационных технологий, государственная власть выстраивает свои правила на интернет-ресурсах, которые направлены на повышение собственной легитимности и ограждению себя от политического цугцванга. В свою очередь, для граждан эти интернет-ресурсы являются неким инструментом, дающим право на реализацию взаимопомощи и защиту своих интересов от ущемляющих их решений властей в политической и экономической областях. В заключение выдвигается предположение, что в будущем развитие электронной демократии имеет возможность произвести постепенную замену классической представительной демократии на прямую демократию ; The article deals with e-democracy formation in Russia through a prism effect influence on the process of civil initiative. The author describes the theoretical basis of the phenomenon under investigation; reveals the concept and essence of e-democracy. The assumption, that with the help of e-democracy one can create great opportunities of citizens' access to democratic procedures, expanding citizen participation in decision-making, is used. Due to the above mentioned, it is stated that civil initiative is an independent action, which is aimed at the realization of its legitimate rights and liberty, carried out by a citizen or a group of citizens through the use of information and communication technologies in the framework of the current legislation. At the same time, the main instrument of civilian influence and control over the activities of the authorities, in the framework of e-democracy manifestations, are evaluation procedures (for example, online discussion, online monitoring). A brief analysis of the Internet sites (portals) («Democrat», «active citizen», «Russian public initiative» and others) that contribute to the implementation of democracy specific functions, in order to determine the role of civil initiative in the development of e-democracy is carried out. As a result of the authors' study, it is confirmed that by developing e-democracy, through information and communication technologies, the government constructs its own rules on the Internet resources, which are aimed at increasing their own legitimacy and guarded themselves from the political «zugzwang» (decision making). In turn, these online resources are a kind of tool for the citizens, giving a right for implementation of mutual assistance and protection of interests from infringing their making power in the political and economic fields. In conclusion it is suggested that the future development of e-democracy has an ability to make a gradual replacement of classical representative democracy to direct democracy

В статье рассматриваются проблемы политики невмешательства в Гражданскую войну в Испании (19361939 гг.) в контексте германо-советских отношений накануне Второй мировой войны. Научная новизна исследования обусловлена значительным числом источников: вместе с опубликованными внешнеполитическими документами ведущих европейских стран привлечен комплекс материалов Архива внешней политики Российской Федерации. Соглашение о невмешательстве в дела Испании, подписанное европейскими странами в августе 1936 г., а также созданный Комитет по его соблюдению стали ареной острой дипломатической борьбы между СССР и фашистскими странами. В то же время автор выявил определенное сходство в тактике германской и советской дипломатии: отрицание фактов своего участия в испанском конфликте, обвинение противоположной стороны в грубых нарушениях Соглашения о невмешательстве. Деятельность в реализации политики невмешательства германской и советской дипломатии строилась на сочетании необходимости расширения сотрудничества с западными державами с обязательствами по отстаиванию в Комитете интересов националистов (Германия) и республиканцев (СССР). При этом в ряде случаев большую тактическую гибкость проявляла немецкая дипломатия. Советская политика в испанском вопросе отсрочила поражение Республики, но от обструкционизма СССР, существенно сдерживающего работу Комитета, выигрывали, прежде всего, фашистские страны, лишенные необходимости тормозить выработку эффективных форм контроля соблюдения Соглашения о невмешательстве. Бескомпромиссность Советского Союза препятствовала сотрудничеству СССР с западными странами и способствовала углублению и расширению политической изоляции СССР. Практика отстранения СССР от решения испанских вопросов была перенесена и в сферу решения и урегулирования общеевропейских проблем. ; The article deals with the problem of Non-intervention Policy in the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) in the context of German-Soviet relations on the eve of the Second World War. Scientific novelty of the study is due to a significant number of sources. There are many published foreign documents of the leading European countries and the materials from the Archive of Russian foreign policy are involved too. The agreement on Non-interference in the affairs of Spain was signed by European countries in August 1936 and also the Committee on its compliance was established. They have become an arena of acute diplomatic struggle between the USSR and the fascist countries. At the same time, the author reveals a certain similarity in the tactics of the German and Soviet diplomacy: the denial of the facts of their participation in the Spanish conflict, the accusation of the opposite side in the facts of violation of the Non-intervention agreement. Activities in the implementation of the German and Soviet diplomacy in Non-intervention Policy was based on a combination of the need for cooperation with the Western powers and the obligations to uphold the interests of the nationalists in the Committee (Germany) and Republicans (USSR). At the same time, in some cases, greater tactical flexibility was shown by German diplomacy. Soviet policy delayed the defeat of the Republic in the Spanish Civil War, but the obstructionism of the USSR was significantly constrained the work of the Committee, that's why the first of all the fascist countries won, but they didn't have the need to slow down the development of effective forms of monitoring compliance with the agreement on non-interference. Uncompromising Soviet Union prevented the cooperation of the USSR with the Western countries and contributed to deepening and widening the political isolation of the Soviet Union. The practice of exclusion of the USSR from the decision of the Spanish question was transferred to the sphere of solutions and resolve issues of pan-European problems.

Związek pomiędzy partiami politycznymi a politykami publicznymi jest pozornie oczywisty: partie determinują kształt polityk. Niemniej jednak, jak zauważa Autor niniejszego artykułu, w literaturze wielokrotnie stwierdzono, że partie odgrywają coraz mniejszą rolę w tworzeniu polityk. Autor przywołuje tu m.in. teorię o końcu ideologii; o zacieraniu się różnic między programami poszczególnych partii; o pojawieniu się silnych przywódców, którzy mogą sobie pozwolić na uniezależnienie się od swojej partii; o wpływie biurokracji na cykl polityk publicznych i o czynnikach zewnętrznych mogących determinować treść polityk. Po krótkim omówieniu tych tez Autor wysuwa wobec nich swoje kontrargumenty. W opinii Autora partie wciąż pełnią ważną rolę, choć ich znaczenie uzależnione jest od struktury decyzyjnej i od konkretnych polityk. W niektórych przypadkach partie mogą mieć motywację do tego, aby ukryć swoją prawdziwą rolę, by wyborcy nie musieli winić ich za podjęcie niepopularnych decyzji. W dalszej części artykułu Autor analizuje casus Włoch, sugerując, że związek między partiami sprawującymi władzę a przyjmowanymi politykami był bardzo znaczący niemalże we wszystkich okresach Republiki Włoskiej. ; La connessione tra partiti e politiche pubbliche è apparentemente scontata: i primi determinano le seconde. Nondimeno, svariati autori hanno sostenuto che i partiti contino sempre di meno nei processi di policy. Tra queste tesi possiamo ricordare quella della fine delle ideologie, dell'indistinzione tra i programmi dei partiti, dell'affermarsi di leader forti che possono permettersi di sentirsi svincolati dal loro partito, la presa che le burocrazie mantengono sul ciclo di vita delle politiche pubbliche, i fattori esterni che di tali politiche dettano l'agenda e i contenuti. Dopo aver presentato tali tesi in estrema sintesi, nel testo vengono discussi i relativi controargomenti. L'opinione dell'autore è che i partiti continuino a contare, sebbene la loro rilevanza dipenda dalle caratteristiche della struttura decisionale e essi tendano a concentrarsi di più su certe politiche che su altre. In alcune occasioni, i partiti possono peraltro avere un incentivo a dissimulare il loro vero ruolo, così che gli elettori possano prendersela con qualcun altro quando occorrono scelte impopolari. Viene quindi esaminato il caso italiano. L'autore suggerisce che quasi in tutti i periodi della storia repubblicana si rilevi un legame significativo tra quali fossero i partiti in carica e quali politiche vennero prescelte. ; The connection between parties and public policies is apparently straightforward: the former are supposed to determine the latter. However, several authors have argued that parties matter less and less in policy-making processes. Among such theses we can mention the end of ideologies, the indistinction between party programs, the emergence of strong leaders who can disregard party constraints, the hold that bureaucracies maintain on the policy cycle, the external factors which dictate the agenda and the contents of public policies. After having sketchily illustrated such arguments, this paper discusses relevant counterarguments for each of the above assumptions. The author's opinion is that parties do matter, although their relevance is dependent on the features the decisional structure and they tend to concentrate on certain policies more than others. In some occasions, they may have an incentive to disguise their actual role, so that electors can blame somebody else for some unpopular choices. The Italian case is then examined. The author suggests that almost in each period in the history of the Italian Republic, a significant connection between which parties were in office and which relevant policies were adopted can be detected.

Данная статья выявляет манипуляции со статистикой погибших в сирийском конфликте, которые осуществлялись США и их союзниками для достижения узкоконъюнктурных задач, связанных с попытками обосновать необходимость свержения законного главы Сирии Б. Асада. В условиях однополярного характера системы международных отношений, возникшей после распада СССР, США воспользовались своей гегемонией в мировых делах для того, чтобы переформатировать систему мирового взаимодействия и поставить ее на службу своим интересам. «Вакуум» политического влияния, возникший в результате исчезновения главного геополитического конкурента, был при содействии Вашингтона заполнен многочисленными неправительственными организациями (НПО) и фондами, созданными и профинансированными США. Также было налажено их плотное взаимодействие с ООН с целью задать работе мировой организации нужный идеологический вектор. В случае с сирийским кризисом эта работа дала результат. Материалы статьи показывают, что, заявив цель смещение президента Сирии, США и их союзники в полной мере использовали свою мощную кадровую представленность в ООН, а также подконтрольную сеть правозащитно-гуманитарных НПО для сбора информации о погибших, которая передавалась Управлению Верховного комиссара ООН по правам человека (УВКПЧ) и после выдавалась международному сообществу как «данные ООН». Между тем соответствующая статистика подбиралась явно в пользу противостоящих официальному Дамаску сил. Такие действия преследовали цель дискредитировать руководство Сирийской Арабской Республики (САР) и при помощи ООН объявить ее «вне закона», а также изолировать государства, выступившие против линии США и их союзников на свержение очередного «неугодного» режима, Россию и Китай. Автор статьи считает, что с укреплением полицентричного характера системы международных отношений возможности использования ООН для проведения в жизнь недобросовестных политических схем будут уменьшаться. Уже сейчас Россия активно привлекает внимание к недопустимости политизации правозащитного и гуманитарного «срезов» работы ООН для реализации эгоистических внешнеполитических установок. ; The article describes the manipulation of the Syrian conflict death toll by the US and its allies to achieve egoistic political goals. It shows how the US used its unabated hegemony in world affairs after the collapse of the Soviet Union to reformat global interaction and put it at the service of its interests. Further, the paper dwells on human rights and humanitarian non-governmental organizations (NGOs) which were created and financed by Washington, firstly, to fill the vacuum produced by the disappearance of the US key geopolitical rival and, secondly, to establish their close cooperation with the United Nations on order to keep the UN's work in the "right ideological direction". In the Syrian case, these efforts have yielded tangible results. In an attempt to overthrow the Bashar al-Assad regime, the US, together with its allies, used their wide representation in the UN Secretariat as well as a US-controlled NGO network to gather information on the number of casualties which was then handed over to the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and later presented as the "UN data". This statistics, compiled in favour of the anti-government forces, was used to create an impression that the majority of Syrian casualties were caused by the regime. The aim was to discredit the Syrian leadership and to declare al-Assad illegitimate as well as to isolate Russia and China, opposing this US policy. The author believes that increasing multipolarity of international relations will reduce the chances of the UN being used in dishonest political schemes. Russia, in its turn, has consistently been stressing the inadmissibility of politicizing UN human rights and humanitarian activities to achieve one's selfish foreign-policy goals.

Целью данной статьи является анализ специфики развития регионального рынка кондитерских изделий, а также проблем функционирования каналов сбыта и реализации кондитерской продукции региональных кондитерских предприятий. Методологическую основу исследования составил комплексный подход к разработке теоретических и практических маркетинговых мероприятий и рекомендаций по совершенствованию инструментария управления и развитием системы сбыта и реализации кондитерских изделий на региональном и муниципальном уровне. Методика проведения исследования в работе предусматривала: личные и телефонные опросы экспертов рынка кондитерских изделий; авторский мониторинг оптового и розничного рынка проводимые исследователем; анализ информационных материалов, предоставленных производителями кондитерской продукции, розничными операторами рынка пищевой продукции; анализ статистической информации, включая Росстат, Тамбовстат, союзы и отраслевые ассоциации производителей кондитерской продукции (в частности, холдинга ООО Объединенные кондитеры). Методы описательной статистики позволили сформировать количественные данные по заявленным проблемам и представить их в таблицах, диаграммах. Проведенный мониторинг регионального рынка кондитерских изделий позволил сформировать статистические данные по различным количественным и финансовым параметрам и представить их в таблицах в данном исследовании. В качестве выводов автор предлагает, цели и задачи, а также маркетинговые мероприятия по совершенствованию развития филиала прямых продаж ФПП Тамбов, которые позволят своевременно и адаптивно проводить модернизацию каналов сбыта и реализации кондитерской продукции. Проведенный мониторинг, анализ и выводы могут быть использованы региональными и муниципальными органами власти при составлении программ регионального развития и совершенствования функционирования организационных структур в системе регионального и муниципального управления производством и реализацией пищевой продукции. Отдельные положения статьи и некоторые выводы применимы при формировании текущей маркетинговой политики организаций и предприятий рынка кондитерских изделий. ; The purpose of this article is to analyze the specifics of the development of the regional market of confectionery products, as well as the problems of functioning marketing channels and implement confectionery products of regional companies. The methodological basis of the study was an integrated approach to the development of theoretical and practical marketing activities and recommendations to improve the management tools and the development of distribution systems and the implementation of confectionery products at regional and municipal level. The methodology of the research included: personal and telephone interviews with the confectionery market experts; author's monitoring a wholesale and retail market conducted by researcher; analysis of the information materials provided by confectionery manufacturers, retail food market operators; analysis statistical information including the Federal State Statistics Service, Tambovstat, unions and industry associations confectionery manufactures(in particular the holding OOO United Confectioners). Methods of descriptive statistic allowed generating quantitative data on the staed issues and presenting them in tables, charts. The monitoring of regional confectionery market has allowed generating statistical data on various quantitative and financial parameters and submitting them to the tables in this study. For the conclusions, the author suggests, aims and objectives, as well as marketing activities to improve the development of a direct sales branch of FPP Tambov, which will allow timely and adaptively to modernize of marketing and sale of confectionery products channels. This monitoring, analysis and conclusions can be used by regional and municipal governments in the preparation of regional development programs and to improve the functioning of organizational structures in the system of regional and municipal management of the production and sale of food products. Certain provisions of the article and some conclusions are useful in the information of the current marketing policy organizations and confectioner market enterprises.

Este artículo analiza, a partir de documentación original y en parte inédita, las fuentes y el proceso de formación del Bosquejo geográfico de la provincia de Zaragoza, que sería la base cartográfica para diseñar el Plan General de Caminos Vecinales que la Diputación Provincial de Zaragoza aprobó en 1900. Su autor fue el diputado provincial Dionisio Casañal, reputado topógrafo que había realizado excelentes trabajos topográficos y cartográficos. Con muy escasos medios económicos, pero con un gran conocimiento de la provincia y de los materiales cartográficos preexistentes, Casañal consiguió elaborar, con mínimos trabajos de campo, un documento que fue aceptado unánimemente por la Diputación. Además, su autor también fue el impulsor del citado plan de caminos vecinales, cuyo objetivo era sacar del aislamiento a numerosos pueblos que tenían serias dificultades para poder comercializar adecuadamente sus productos agrícolas. ; L'article analitza, a partir de documentació original i en part inèdita, les fonts i el procés de formació del Bosquejo geográfico de la provincia de Zaragoza, que seria la base cartogràfica per dissenyar el Pla General de Camins Veïnals que la Diputació Provincial de Saragossa va aprovar l'any 1900. L'autor en va ser el diputat provincial Dionisio Casañal, reputat topògraf que havia realitzat excel·lents treballs topogràfics i cartogràfics. Amb uns mitjans econòmics insignificants, però amb un gran coneixement de la província i dels materials cartogràfics preexistents, Casañal va aconseguir elaborar, amb ben pocs treballs de camp, un document que va ser acceptat unànimement per la Diputació. A més, el seu autor també fou l'impulsor de l'esmentat pla de camins veïnals, l'objectiu del qual era treure de l'aïllament nombrosos pobles que patien serioses dificultats per poder comercialitzar adequadament els seus productes agrícoles. ; Using original and in part unpublished documents, this paper discusses the sources and the process to develop the Bosquejo geográfico de la provincia de Zaragoza; the cartographic base for the Local Roads Plan approved by the Provincial Council of Saragossa in 1900. The author of the plan was the provincial legislator Dionisio Casañal, a highly reputed surveyor who had performed excellent survey and cartographic works. With very little economic resources, but a vast knowledge of the province and pre-existing cartographic works, Casañal created a map that was accepted unanimously by the provincial council. In addition, he was also the promoter of the Local Roads Plan to bring out of isolation many villages that faced enormous difficulties to trade their agricultural products. ; L'article analyse, à partir d'une documentation originale et en partie inédite, les sources et le processus de formation du Bosquejo geográfico de la provincia de Zaragoza; la base cartographique utilisée pour préparer le Plan général de chemins vicinaux, approuvé par la Diputación Provincial de Zaragoza en 1900. Son auteur a été le député provincial Dionisio Casañal, topographe célèbre qui avait réalisé d'excellents travaux topographiques et cartographiques. Disposant de peu moyens économiques, mais avec une grande connaissance de la province et des matériels préexistants, Casañal a formé un document que la Diputación a accepté à l'unanimité. En outre, son auteur a aussi été le promoteur du ledit plan de chemins vicinaux. Son objectif était de sortir de l'isolement de nombreux villages qui rencontraient de sérieuses difficultés pour pouvoir commercialiser leurs produits agricoles de façon convenable.

This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. ; Background Building or maintaining institutional trust is of central importance in democratic societies since negative experiences (potentially leading to mistrust) with government or other institutions may have a much more profound effect than positive experiences (potentially maintaining trust). Healthy democracy relies on more than simply trusting the national government of the time, and is mediated through other symbols of institutional power, such as the legal system, banks, the media and religious organisations. This paper focuses on institutional trust–the level and predictors of trust in some of the major institutions in society, namely politics, the media, banks, the legal system and religious organisations. We present analyses from a consolidated dataset containing data from six countries in the Asia Pacific region–Australia, Hong Kong, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and Thailand. Methods Cross-sectional surveys were undertaken in each country in 2009–10, with an overall sample of 6331. Analyses of differences in overall levels of institutional trust between countries were undertaken using Chi square analyses. Multivariate binomial logistic regression analysis was undertaken to identify socio-demographic predictors of trust in each country. Results Religious institutions, banks and the judicial system had the highest overall trust across all countries (70%, 70% and 67% respectively), followed by newspapers and TV (59% and 58%) and then political leaders (43%). The range of levels of higher trust between countries differed from 43% for banks (range 49% in Australia to 92% in Thailand) to 59% for newspapers (28% in Australia to 87% in Japan). Across all countries, except for Australia, trust in political leaders had the lowest scores, particularly in Japan and South Korea (25% in both countries). In Thailand, people expressed the most trust in religious organisations (94%), banks (92%) and in their judicial/legal system (89%). In Hong Kong, people expressed the highest level of trust in their judicial/legal system (89%), followed by religious organisations (75%) and banks (77%). Australian respondents reported the least amount of trust in TV/media (24%) and press/newspapers (28%). South Korea put the least trust in their political leaders (25%), their legal system (43%) and religious organisations (45%). The key predictors of lower trust in institutions across all countries were males, people under 44 years and people unsatisfied with the health and standard of living. Conclusion We interpreted our data using Fukuyama's theory of 'high/low trust' societies. The levels of institutional trust in each society did not conform to our hypothesis, with Thailand exhibiting the highest trust (predicted to be medium level), Hong Kong and Japan exhibiting medium trust (predicted to be low and high respectively) and Australia and South Korea exhibiting low trust (predicted to be high and medium respectively). Taiwan was the only country where the actual and predicted trust was the same, namely low trust. Given the fact that these predictors crossed national boundaries and institutional types, further research and policy should focus specifically on improving trust within these groups in order that they can be empowered to play a more central role in democratic vitality.

Введение: статья посвящена обзору и анализу существующих в теории права и гражданском праве подходов и позиций по вопросу о содержании и соотношении понятий «ограничения», «пределы», «обременения». Указанные правовые категории имеют различное функциональное значение, что очевидно как при анализе их содержания, так и реализации субъективного права собственности. В связи с этим понимание анализируемых категорий приобретает особое значение. Цель: сформировать представление о существующих различных воззрениях на содержание категорий «ограничения», «пределы», «обременения» и обозначить собственную авторскую позицию. Методы: совокупность методов научного познания, среди которых ведущее место занимают диалектический метод; эмпирические методы описания, сравнения; методы аналогии, абстракции, структурно-функциональный метод. Результаты: пределы и ограничения имманентно присущи праву собственности. Пределы права собственности представляются автору общими, законодательно очерченными рамками, за которые управомо-ченное лицо не вправе выходить, чтобы не причинить вред интересам других лиц. Под ограничениями понимаются изъятия из содержания права собственности, связанные с наложением на собственника запретов, формулируемых, как правило, через императивные нормы. Выводы: пределы (вне зависимости от отнесения их к категории общих или частных) представляют собой объективированную, сравнительно более статичную категорию, а природа, характер и содержание обременений и ограничений вполне способны варьировать с изменением и развитием как самих общественных отношений, так и условий, а также предпосылок для осуществления субъективного права собственности. Предлагается установление законодателем принципов пределов и ограничений как субъективного права собственности, так и права собственности на землю. ; Introduction: the article reviews and analyzes the existing legal theory and civil law approaches and positions on the content and relationships of the concepts of "restriction", "limit", "encumbrance". These legal categories have different functional importance, which is evident from both analysis of their content and implementation of the subjective property right. Therefore, understanding the categories under consideration is of particular importance. Purpose: to form the idea of the existing different views on the content of the categories of "restriction", "limit", "encumbrance " and to present our own position on the issue. Methods: methodological. framework of the research is based on a set of methods of scientific cognition, among which the dialectical method is the leading one; also, empirical methods of descriptions, comparison, as well as methods of analogy, abstraction, and the structural-functional method have been used. Results: limits and restrictions are inherent to the right of ownership. According to the author, limits of the right of ownership appear to be general _ frameworks determined by law, and the authorized person cannot go beyond them in order not to harm interests of other persons. Restrictions are understood as exemptions from the content of the property right associated with the imposition of restrictions on the owner, those being as a rule formulated through mandatory rules. Conclusions: limits (regardless of whether they belong to public or private ones) appear to be an objectified and relatively more static category, while the nature and content of encumbrances and restrictions can vary in the course of changes and development of both public relations themselves and conditions, as well as prerequisites ^ for the implementation of the property right. It is proposed that the legislator should establish the principles of limits and restrictions for both subjective property rights and the title to land.

The paper reveals aspects of state regulation of higher education system, the main problems and challenges of higher education development at national and regional level. Not close and strong relations between institutions and economy and social sphere resulted in the fact that education doesn't correspond to the real needs of the region; it caused the lag of education from effective transformations in economy, social sphere and administrative area. The current situation requires strengthening of Novosibirsk authorities' influence on higher involvement of institutions into solving tasks of social and economic development, and into competitiveness of Novosibirsk institutions in Russia. The public-private partnership mechanism is considered to be a mechanism aimed at increasing of higher education competitiveness and efficiency of higher education in innovative development. Taking into account limits in regional authorities' power in respect to the state institutions regulation, the mechanism of public-private partnership can solve a lot of questions appeared when distributing authorities at national and regional level. The author suggests applying and involving higher institutions into implementation of regional projects targeted at dissemination best practical results related to qualified educational activity; this method is determined as one of the most efficient to motivate professional advancement and new progress. Applying of public-private partnership principles in higher education allows getting the following results: 1) High competitiveness of higher institutions; 2) Economic and social requirements in high-qualified staff; 3) Efficient involvement of higher institutions in solving tasks and problems of social and economic development of the country and region; 4) Diversified revenues of higher institutions' budget by means of high commercial projects, scientific activity and for-profit education. ; В статье рассмотрены вопросы государственного регулирования системы высшего образования, основные проблемы и задачи развития высшей школы как на федеральном, так и на региональном уровне. Ослабление связей вузов с экономикой и социальной сферой привело к несоответствию содержания образовательной деятельности реальным потребностям региона, что обусловило отставание образовательной деятельности от актуальных задач качественных преобразований в экономике, социальной и управленческой сферах. Сложившаяся ситуация требует усиления влияния государственных органов власти Новосибирской области в направлении большей вовлеченности высшей школы в решение задач социально-экономического развития, а также в повышении конкурентоспособности новосибирских вузов в системе высшего образования России. Одним из механизмов повышения конкурентоспособности высшей школы, а также эффективности вклада системы высшего образования в инновационное развитие определен механизм государственно-частного партнерства. Учитывая ограниченность полномочий регионов в отношении регулирования федеральных вузов, механизм государственно-частного партнерства может решить многие вопросы, возникающие при распределении полномочий между федеральным центром и субъектами РФ. В качестве одного из наиболее эффективных средств мотивации к профессиональному росту и высоким достижениям должно использоваться вовлечение вузов в реализацию масштабных региональных проектов по формированию и распространению лучшей практики в важнейших направлениях, связанных с обеспечением высокого качества работы образовательных учреждений. Реализация принципов государственно-частного партнерства в системе высшего образования позволит достичь следующих результатов: 1) обеспечение высокого уровня конкурентоспособности высшей школы; 2) обеспечение потребности экономики и социальной сферы в кадрах высокой квалификации; 3) обеспечение эффективной включенности вузов в решение задач социально-экономического развития страны и региона; 4) диверсифицированная доходная часть бюджета вузов за счет увеличения доли хоздоговорных работ, научной деятельности и оказания платных образовательных услуг.

Residents are one of conditions for state existance, therefore analysis of demographic characteristics is iportant not only in theoretical, but also practical aspect. Population density is one of the most important demographic characteristics which contains and also reflects economic, social, political and sometimes cultural meaning of region. Mapping of population density has dual objectives: on the one hand, representing quantity and distribution of residents in the analyzed area, on the other hand – after qualitative evaluation of the data the received results can be used for furhter research and for creating population distribution models. Often for certain reasons like data collection and recalculation methods or chosen cartographic methods cartographic production of the covered mapped area becomes measure which creates not entirely truthful impression about the portrayed phenomenon. Objective of this paper is to evaluate communication pecularities and efficiency of Lithuanian population density maps which were created using different cartographic methods. In order to reach the objective, literary sources, statistical data from 2011 general residents and accomodation census and results of carried out cartographic experimental research were used. Various research methods were applied: analysis of literary sources and statistical data, cartographic method, descriptive, comparative and logical methods, GIS analysis, cartographic experimental research and geostatistic methods. First part of the paper analyzes the most common methods used for population mapping, important works of foreign authors about cartographic methods of population density and Lithuanian researches of population density mapping and population density cartographic methodics. Second part of the paper presents methodics of preparing this paper: population density mapping is discussed, trial experimental research is prepared and analysis of two aspects (data presented by maps and map communication) is described. Third part of the paper consists of four subsections. Population density maps created using choropleth mapping, dasimetric and kernel density methods are presented, advantages and disadvantages of such maps are discussed in the first subsection. Deflections of village population density maps created using choropleth mapping and kernel density methods are examined by comparing the said maps with data from 2011 general residents and accomodation census presented in 1 x 1 km grids are analyzed in the second subsection. Results of trial cartographic experimental research are presented in the third subsection. Recommendations for population density mapping and cartographic experimental research are presented in the fourth subsection. The research showed that not enough attention is paid to creating correct cartographic population density models in Lithuania, while foreign countries keep improving dasimetric cartographic method which is not used in Lithuania. Also territorial patterns and scatter of deflections in populatin density maps created using different methods was observed. It was determined that the least deflections of village population density is inherent in maps which were creadet using kernel density method with impact distance parameter of 1 kilometer. In order to create more precise population density maps, generalization in level of administrative units should be refused and other cartographic methods should be used. The results of the research are important for perfecting population density cartographic methodics in Lithuania. Author of the paper observed that problem of the population density cartographic method is much more complicated than it is commonly thought, therefore main directions were distinguished and recommendations for further research of understanding of information provided in population density maps and comparison of methods by carrying out experiments with users.

Residents are one of conditions for state existance, therefore analysis of demographic characteristics is iportant not only in theoretical, but also practical aspect. Population density is one of the most important demographic characteristics which contains and also reflects economic, social, political and sometimes cultural meaning of region. Mapping of population density has dual objectives: on the one hand, representing quantity and distribution of residents in the analyzed area, on the other hand – after qualitative evaluation of the data the received results can be used for furhter research and for creating population distribution models. Often for certain reasons like data collection and recalculation methods or chosen cartographic methods cartographic production of the covered mapped area becomes measure which creates not entirely truthful impression about the portrayed phenomenon. Objective of this paper is to evaluate communication pecularities and efficiency of Lithuanian population density maps which were created using different cartographic methods. In order to reach the objective, literary sources, statistical data from 2011 general residents and accomodation census and results of carried out cartographic experimental research were used. Various research methods were applied: analysis of literary sources and statistical data, cartographic method, descriptive, comparative and logical methods, GIS analysis, cartographic experimental research and geostatistic methods. First part of the paper analyzes the most common methods used for population mapping, important works of foreign authors about cartographic methods of population density and Lithuanian researches of population density mapping and population density cartographic methodics. Second part of the paper presents methodics of preparing this paper: population density mapping is discussed, trial experimental research is prepared and analysis of two aspects (data presented by maps and map communication) is described. Third part of the paper consists of four subsections. Population density maps created using choropleth mapping, dasimetric and kernel density methods are presented, advantages and disadvantages of such maps are discussed in the first subsection. Deflections of village population density maps created using choropleth mapping and kernel density methods are examined by comparing the said maps with data from 2011 general residents and accomodation census presented in 1 x 1 km grids are analyzed in the second subsection. Results of trial cartographic experimental research are presented in the third subsection. Recommendations for population density mapping and cartographic experimental research are presented in the fourth subsection. The research showed that not enough attention is paid to creating correct cartographic population density models in Lithuania, while foreign countries keep improving dasimetric cartographic method which is not used in Lithuania. Also territorial patterns and scatter of deflections in populatin density maps created using different methods was observed. It was determined that the least deflections of village population density is inherent in maps which were creadet using kernel density method with impact distance parameter of 1 kilometer. In order to create more precise population density maps, generalization in level of administrative units should be refused and other cartographic methods should be used. The results of the research are important for perfecting population density cartographic methodics in Lithuania. Author of the paper observed that problem of the population density cartographic method is much more complicated than it is commonly thought, therefore main directions were distinguished and recommendations for further research of understanding of information provided in population density maps and comparison of methods by carrying out experiments with users.

The article deals with the classification of causes of corruption in the justice system and special attention is paid to legal reasons. By its content the main causes of corruption are divided into political, economic, financial, material, organizational, institutional, legal, ethical and psychological ones.The inadequate legislation is the legal factor of corruption. The level of corruption is affected also by the discrepancy between economic development and legislation formation.One of the weaknesses of the legal regulation is the presence of the immunity of judge. It means that the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine has the right to allow to bring the judge to justice, and that judges can be notified of the suspicion of a criminal offense only by the Attorney General or his deputy. These procedural requirements complicate and delay the process of investigation of corruption offenses and this is used to evade responsibility in practice.The problem of establishing criminal liability for bribery provocation has been investigated. It was offered to suspend the respective rules for 10 years, which would allow law enforcement agencies more effectively fight against corruption among judges. Provocation of bribery are particularly relevant in the modern conditions in Ukraine. Because rule-making, law, social and political activities against corruption in the justice system has been increased.Also among the material weaknesses the imperfections of the procedure concerning the appointment and election of judges were highlighted. One that threatens judicial independence is the rule, establishing a test period of 5 years for judges. The establishment of the five-year term of office does not aim at testing their knowledge and skills to administer justice, but the need to curry favor with MPs who ultimately will decide whether to elect him to the position permanently.The author came to the conclusion that there is a lot of both objective and subjective causes of corruption in the justice system. But they all are connected and it is often difficult to isolate one particular situation. For example, the deteriorating of the economic situation in the country causes the decreasing of the financial and material conditions of judges, which in turn leads to increasing of the corruption. So, firstly, all causes of corruption should be considered together, and, secondly, in reforming of the judiciary it is necessary to take into account the aforementioned gaps in the current legislation and adopt regulations that will meet the rule of law and ensure an adequate level of independence of the judges. ; Розглянуто організаційно-правові чинники корупції в системі правосуддя, особливу увагу приділено організаційно-правовим чинникам. За своїм змістом основні чинники корупції поділяються на політичні, економічні, фінансово-матеріальні, організаційно-інсти­туційні, правові, морально-етичні, психологічні.До правових чинників корупції віднесено нерозвиненість і недосконалість законо­давства, зокрема суттєво на рівень корупції в системі правосуддя впливає невідповідність розвитку права динаміці економічного розвитку.Серед недоліків правового регулювання, які суттєво позначаються на рівні корупції в системі правосуддя, виділено наявність недоторканості судді, що полягає в отриманні правоохоронними органами згоди Верховної Ради України на притягнення його до відповідальності, а також те, що судді може бути повідомлено про підозру у вчиненні кримі­нального правопорушення лише Генеральним прокурором або його заступником. Також запропоновано скасувати норму про встановлення випробувального строку, оскільки вона має політичний аспект та знижує рівень незалежності суддів від політичної еліти держави.

In January 1661 the Polish King Jan Kazimierz signed a diploma granting Lviv Jesuit College «dignity Academy and the title of the University».Two faculties – the philosophical and theological – were established. University in Lviv stopped activity with the loss of Poland's independence (XVIII cent.); resumed it in 1784 within 4 faculties other than the previous two – even medical and legal. Then at the faculty of law were established 5 departments, including Department of history of Roman, German and Austrian law. Study at the faculty lasted 4 years.Department at various times headed by prof. K. Liske, prof. F. Zrodlovskyy and others. In the 1887 by decision of the administration and the Senate of the Universitywasestablished also department of Polish law. Its head was well-known at that time professor O. Baltser. He was, moreover, a member of the examination committee judges of Lviv judicial district, a member of the Senate of the University, twice elected dean of faculty,once– Rector of the University, was a member of several European Academies of Sciences.With the restoration of an independent Polish state (1918) chair was renamed the department of history and law Poland. Its then headed by prof. O. Baltser. In 1920 the also was established department of Western European law. It was led by prof. A. Halban. In 1933 both departments were joined in the department of history of order and law. It was led by prof. P. Dombkovskyy– also known in Poland and abroad scholar, author of several books and monographs, academic and several foreign Polish Academy of Sciences, Dean of the Faculty twice. The department consisted of 5 lecturers.During the Second World War the University did not work, briefly resumed activity in October 1939, when the Red Army occupied Galicia. Then began the German-Soviet war. With the expulsion of Nazi troops from Ukraine in August 1944 the University resumed its activity, which even in 1940 was named after Ivan Franko.Formations, among others, the department of general history of state and law (headed by P. Dombkovskyy) and the department of history of state and law of the USSR (it was headed by prof. K. Koranyy). Subject general history of law covered 86 hours lecture and 40 hours seminars, the department also was teach Roman law (80 and 40 hours). In late 1944, both departments joined into a single department of history of law. Soon (in 1950) it is connected also the department of theory of law. After the death of prof. Dombkovskyy (1950) consistently led the department known and respected scientists – professorsP. Nedbaylo, V. Kalynovych, V.Sokurenko. Now the department of history of state, law and political-legal doctrines (the name its received in 2008, after the formation of the department of theory and philosophy of law) is headby prof. B. Tyshchyk. The department has 10 lecturers, 3 technicians, read the 5 basic items and some special courses. At the department operates postgraduate, processed actual scientific theme, organized themed scientific conferences. During 1944–2014 lecturers published about 50 monographs, 120 other books and materials. The department has trained more than 50 candidates, 7 – doctors. ; Розглянуто історію створення кафедри, її розвиток, предмети, які читалися і читаються на кафедрі, її завідувачів (з поданням основних моментів біографії) та викладачів. Описано навчально-методичну діяльність кафедри, наукові публікації, керівництво студентською науковою роботою, підготовку аспірантів, участь викладачів у наукових конференціях, симпозіумах, правотворчій роботі та ін.