Suchergebnisse

During few last years in many European Union countries the growing interest in land use monitoring of the level of details corresponding to the Urban Atlas or CORINE Land Cover level 6 (1 : 10 000 scale) was observed. This kind of information is very useful for detailed spatial analyses of multifunctional urbanized and/or industrialized areas i.e. for spatial planning. The advent of new, very high resolution satellite data, lidar and UAV multispectral data together with new possibilities of analyses allow to achieve rich, up-to-date spatial information on Existing Land Use (ELU). This kind of information is of great economic significance for public administration of local, regional and central level, as a basis for land use/land cover monitoring and analyses concerning Planned Land Use (PLU). It should be emphasized that public administration in Poland can employ the topographic database (BDOT10k) of level of details corresponding to the 1 : 10 000 scale map for part of these analyses. However, it should be stressed that thematic scope of spatial information needed by public administration is in significant part more detailed or different of this, which is available in the case of topographic database (i.e. information on health and sanitary state of the forests, more in-depth classification of meadows and pastures, areas of natural succession). This way the public administration needs both detailed topographic database and detailed existing land use map, which should be wholly interoperable. The ELU map should also be harmonized with Hierarchical INSPIRE Land Use Classification System (HILUCS). Till now the Polish public administration has access to CORINE Land Cover level 3 data of 1990, 2000, 2006, 2012, 2018 (for the whole territory), 1975 and 1884/1885 CORINE database of Odra river basin, CORINE Land Cover level 4 experimental database of 1995 (for fragments of south-west and south part of Poland), Soil Sealing and HRL databases (for the whole area), Urban Atlas for big cities, as well as Land Use Map of Poland of 1935–1939 (published in 1969), Land Use Map of Poland of 1977–1978 and many detailed, but local land use maps of 1916–2015 period. This data doesn't meet the recent needs of public administration. To meet the formulated requirements it was necessary to propose the CORINE Land Cover level 6 & 5 nomenclature (harmonized in thematic scope with BDOT10k topographic database and HILUCS nomenclature), to elaborate and test the method of building and updating the databases (employing the remote sensing and in-situ data) and to formulate the guidelines. It was also necessary to analyse and to synthesise the possibilities and limitations of use an information from Polish old land use and city maps containing detailed land use information, which should be useful for detection of long-term land use / land cover changes for areas of complex functions and relatively fragile ecosystems. In the research reported here, the author proposed the CORINE Land Cover level 6 & 5 nomenclature of Poland in conformity with public administration requirements, and in accordance with CORINE Land Cover level 4 'Smolenice' legend (Feranec, Ot'ahel', 1998; European Landscape Dynamics: CORINE Land Cover Data, 2016). The classes of proposed nomenclature were harmonized with types of objects of national topographic database of Poland (BDOT10k) and HILUCS nomenclature. The author analysed, tested and synthesised the possibilities of building the CORINE Land Cover level 4, 5 & 6 databases, employing the Copernicus project Sentinel-2 and commercial WorldView-3 & 4 satellite data, as well as reclassified BDOT10k database data. The results of carried tests have demonstrated that Sentinel-2 data (together with BDOT10k data) can be used for mapping of 94,3 % territory of Poland (294 856 km2), while for 5,7 % (17 823 km2) the satellite data of better spatial resolution and BDOT10k data are necessary. The tests have revealed that in the case of CORINE Land Cover level 4 about 12 % of classes can be classified automatically, 16 % – semi-automatically and 72 % – visually (on screen). In the case of CLC level 5 only 8 % of classes can be classified automatically, 5 % – semi-automatically, but 89 % – visually. Almost 97 % of CLC level 6 classes can be classified visually, 2 % – automatically and only 1 % – semi-automatically. These statistics have demonstrated the need to apply two methods of building of ELU maps of Poland – 'from general to detailed information' (1) and 'from detailed to general information' (2). The first method is applicable when building the CLC level 4 and level 5 database, while second – in the case of CLC level 6 database. In the case of first method the main source is remote sensing data from Sentinel-2, WorldView-3 & 4, and auxiliary data is BDOT10k. The first stage is verification of most recent CLC level 3 database. The second stage is an automatic classification of selected classes of CLC level 4. The resulting masks, together with aggregated BDOT10k types of objects are employed to reclassify CLC level 3 database into the CLC level 4 database. The similar solution is applied in the case of building of CLC level 5 database. In the case of CLC level 6 database the considerable number of classes is similar to the BDOT10k types of objects and/or groups of objects. This way the first stage of second method is BDOT10k types of objects aggregation. The resulting CLC level 6 classes polygons are compared (and adjusted if necessary) with related CLC level 5 and Urban Atlas polygons. Then, employing the Sentinel-2 and WorldView-3 & 4 data, as well as available in-situ thematic databases the others CLC level 5 polygons are reclassified (or geometrically adjusted) into the CLC level 6 polygons database. Due to the need of updating of the ELU map in 4–year cycle it was necessary to propose the procedure of land use / land cover changes detection, employing NDVI, SAVI and TSAVI indexes. To facilitate the multitemporal analyses and detection of long-term land use / land cover changes, it was necessary to carry out an analysis of possibilities and limitations of use an information from Polish old land use and city maps containing detailed land use information, as well as from topographic maps of 1606–1939 period (Dukaczewski, Bielecka, 2017). The result of analysis of 2010 maps was the metadata database, including an information on number of land use / land cover classes, corresponding to the CLC level 4, 5, 6, Urban Atlas, HILUCS and types of objects of BDOT10k, respecting the Data Specification on Land Cover - Technical Guidelines (2013) schema. Proposed metadata database as well as metadata query tool are adapted for usage of Polish CLC level 5 and 6, as well as national topographic database codes, but it should be stressed that it is possible to take also into the consideration the codes employed in other CLC 5 and 6 national nomenclature and other national topographic databases. This can allow to use the proposed conception of metadata database and metadata query tool also in other countries.

Problem setting. The legal framework for regulating the ethnic and national sphere determines the influence of state authorities on the current ethnic and national model of interaction between the titular Ukrainian ethnic group and national minorities. An objective factor in the ethnic and national modeling of Ukraine's development is the Ukrainian political nation, whose potential readiness for state-national self-determination is determined by the level of national and regional identity, whose research is extremely in demand in modern science, which begins with the state and determines how it affects poly-ethnic society.Recent research and publications analysis. In the context of the topic under study, the fundamental works of domestic and foreign scholars were used to substantiate the idea of the ethnic core of the nation (A.D. Smith), which constitutes the "foundation" of any ethnic and national model of the state; such ethno-national models are defined: "parallel segmentation" (J. Rothschild), "clan democracy" (O. Kucherenko, O. Lisnichuk), "crossed grid", which is transformed into "mosaic concept" (S.P. Huntington), "universal democracy" (A. Lijphart), the "cosmopolitan" model of democracy (D. Held), "racial democracy"(P. Mancini), as well as the works of P. Van den Berg, O. Kartunov, O. Kryukov, O. Kucherenko, O. Mayborody, Y. Rimarenko, L. Shklyar and others. In the scientific works of A. Andreev, A. Royce, Y. Bromley, M. Weber, G. Nodi, K. Popper, A. Smith, E. Jan, and others. main stages of ethnic and national development of states are analyzed.Paper objective.The author of the article considers the European experience on protecting national minorities' rights and possibility of its application in the Ukrainian legislation and sees it as a basis for the ethnic and national modeling of Ukraine development.Paper main body.Author emphasizes that the European Legislation does not ensure the right to self-determination to ethnic and national minorities. Therefore, effective Constitutional and legal security for the national minorities is provided only in case of their getting the citizenship of the country they live in. Besides, their rights do not exceed the range of rights enjoying by all the citizens of the country they reside and the peculiarities of certain ethnic groups (their needs to preserve national identity, traditions, language, cultural heritage etc.) are not reflected in the legislation of the country of their residence.As a subject of the International Law and the equal participant of international communication, Ukraine ratified the majority of conventions and agreements in the field of human rights protection.The crucial issue of Ukrainian society in the legislative adjustment of ethnic and national sphere is its endeavor to respond to the European legal standards. To use the terms "ethnic groups" would be more adequate for both the genuine Ukrainians and the untitled ethnic groups. Application of the terms "native people" or "autochthonal people" could be disputable as for Tatars or Caraims, who are in fact the "pieces" of some other large communities lived in the past. The same situation is in the issue of language functioning. The EU countries' language policy is carried out in the conditions, which differ from the Ukrainian ones: non-dominant languages in the EU community enjoy protection rights. On the contrary, in Ukraine the language of the titled nation needs every possible support. In this respect, nowadays every attempt to approach the issue of peculiarity of language policy in Ukraine can be criticized by the EU community, which may cause Ukrainian language discrimination.Therefore, just imitating both EU experience and EU legislation in the national issue is not acceptable for development of ethnic and national policy in Ukraine, where there are certain peculiarities.Objective reality of polyethnizm existence in Ukraine as well as some specific national conditions require critical and constructive application of various approaches to interethnic relationships regulation in which EU countries have already been a success. And in Particular, we mean consultative and authority bodies, where national minorities are represented, especially in education, cultural and religious organizations; legislative and executive bodies (formed in the result of free and equal elections); self-government of national minorities as for their authenticity in conditions when territorial autonomy is not provided; bi-lateral and multi-lateral agreements regarding national minorities; ensuring the right of national minorities representatives to be educated on different educational levels in their native language; to create state research centers to improve legislation and spreading information as for their non-discrimination; creation of permanent boards to be in touch with the appropriate border-line areas. Application of all-round approaches mentioned above in conjunction with the peculiarities of ethnic and national modeling of state development must favor harmonization of relationships between the Ukrainian title ethnos and national minorities.Conclusions of the research.The research on regulatory and juridical principles of the valid ethnic and national state building model (title ethnos and national minorities) gives grounds to conclude that all the citizens of Ukraine are equally protected by the state. As for the assuring the human rights of national minorities representatives, the state bases on the fact that this law is an integral part of the generally acknowledged Law on human rights.For the Constitution of Ukraine stipulations' realization and establishing the procedures of implementation of the abovementioned regulatory Acts, the author proposes to adopt the set of laws, which would regulate not only the status of national minorities, but also the status of the Ukrainian nation as a title nation. In particular, we mean preambles to the Articles 10, 11, 12 of the Constitution of Ukraine, which are fragmentarily accomplished now in the legislative Acts. In order to achieve it, we need to systematize and make codification of the Ukrainian legislation. ; Рассматривается европейский опыт защиты прав национальных меньшинств и его воплощение в украинском законодательстве как основание для этнонационального моделирования развития Украины. Подчеркивается, что европейское право отказывает этническим, национальным меньшинствам в праве на самоопределение; эффективное правовое обеспечение прав национальных меньшинств возможно лишь при условии, что их статус предоставляется только гражданам государства, в котором они проживают; специфические права национальных меньшинств (то есть права, отличные от прав большинства других граждан) ‑ это их права в тех сферах, где они проявляют себя как особая этническая группа (сохранение идентичности, традиций, языка, культурного наследия). ; Розглядається європейський досвід захисту прав національних меншин та його втілення в українському законодавстві як підставу для етнонаціонального моделювання розвитку України. Підкреслюється, що європейське право відмовляє етнічним, національним меншинам у праві на самовизначення; ефективне правове забезпечення прав національних меншин можливе лише за умови, коли їх статус надається лише громадянам держави, в якій вони проживають; специфічні права національних меншин (тобто права, відмінні від прав більшості інших громадян) – це їх права у тих сферах, де вони проявляють себе як особлива етнічна група (збереження ідентичності, традицій, мови, культурної спадщини).

The author of the article notes that modern Ukraine is in a state of systemic transformation, the essence of which is to choose between conservative and modernization projects of the formation of Ukrainian statehood. This choice is compounded by the state of the socio-political crisis, military aggression and the weakness of its own geopolitical strategy. The leading factor in overcoming the modern challenges and the formation of a sovereign democratic state is the identification of citizens in public life, their consolidation around a common system of values.The processes of consolidation of Ukrainian society are clearly reflected in the dynamics of geopolitical priorities, as they serve as a unique marker of the citizens' position in all the most important issues of political development. Together with their cultural and civilization choice, Ukrainians choose between democracy and authoritarianism, legal protection and corruption, equal cooperation in the international arena and the status of «younger brother». It is Ukraine's role in the geopolitical environment that is crucial for its foreign policy aimed at forming strategic partnerships and effective protection of sovereignty in the international arena. At the same time, the main function of foreign policy is to compensate for internal problems and create favorable conditions for the realization and protection of national interests.The study of empirical indexes on the geopolitical orientation of Ukrainians made it possible to determine the main tendencies and peculiarities of the processes of foreign policy identification in modern Ukraine. It is noted that there is a rather active formation of a civil consensus around the Euro-Atlantic civilization's choice. This is evidenced by an increase in the support of this choice in the national dimension and a marked convergence of regional positions on this issue. The conclusion is drawn about the formation of a stable tendency to strengthen the European integration orientations of Ukrainians. The continuation of military, political and cultural-information aggression of Russia makes the greatest influence on this tendency. The main motives of the European choice of Ukrainians are the desire for material well-being, legal protection and adherence to democratic values.In most cases, rapprochement with NATO is justified by the aspirations of the country's security, reliable protection against aggressive actions, first of all, of Russia. In addition, the objective is to modernize the army in accordance with international standards and to increase the international prestige of Ukraine. The idea of Eurasian integration is noticeably losing its popularity, especially in the regions directly confronted with the military aggression of Russia (East and West). The idea of a kind of neutrality, that is, non-alignment with any unions, preserves the considerable support, mainly due to the passage of votes from the camp of opponents of rapprochement with the EU and NATO.The identified trends in the dynamics of the geopolitical priorities of Ukrainians are largely due to external factors and are still hardly supported by the domestic reforms of the country, as negative things such as corruption, low level of trust in power, slow pace of modernization of socio-economic sphere and low welfare of citizens persist. Under such conditions, the Ukrainian political elite should focus on the creation and implementation of effective strategies for integration and identification of citizens at the expense of real modernization of the economy and raising the standard of living. ; The author of the article notes that modern Ukraine is in a state of systemic transformation, the essence of which is to choose between conservative and modernization projects of the formation of Ukrainian statehood. This choice is compounded by the state of the socio-political crisis, military aggression and the weakness of its own geopolitical strategy. The leading factor in overcoming the modern challenges and the formation of a sovereign democratic state is the identification of citizens in public life, their consolidation around a common system of values.The processes of consolidation of Ukrainian society are clearly reflected in the dynamics of geopolitical priorities, as they serve as a unique marker of the citizens' position in all the most important issues of political development. Together with their cultural and civilization choice, Ukrainians choose between democracy and authoritarianism, legal protection and corruption, equal cooperation in the international arena and the status of «younger brother». It is Ukraine's role in the geopolitical environment that is crucial for its foreign policy aimed at forming strategic partnerships and effective protection of sovereignty in the international arena. At the same time, the main function of foreign policy is to compensate for internal problems and create favorable conditions for the realization and protection of national interests.The study of empirical indexes on the geopolitical orientation of Ukrainians made it possible to determine the main tendencies and peculiarities of the processes of foreign policy identification in modern Ukraine. It is noted that there is a rather active formation of a civil consensus around the Euro-Atlantic civilization's choice. This is evidenced by an increase in the support of this choice in the national dimension and a marked convergence of regional positions on this issue. The conclusion is drawn about the formation of a stable tendency to strengthen the European integration orientations of Ukrainians. The continuation of military, political and cultural-information aggression of Russia makes the greatest influence on this tendency. The main motives of the European choice of Ukrainians are the desire for material well-being, legal protection and adherence to democratic values.In most cases, rapprochement with NATO is justified by the aspirations of the country's security, reliable protection against aggressive actions, first of all, of Russia. In addition, the objective is to modernize the army in accordance with international standards and to increase the international prestige of Ukraine. The idea of Eurasian integration is noticeably losing its popularity, especially in the regions directly confronted with the military aggression of Russia (East and West). The idea of a kind of neutrality, that is, non-alignment with any unions, preserves the considerable support, mainly due to the passage of votes from the camp of opponents of rapprochement with the EU and NATO.The identified trends in the dynamics of the geopolitical priorities of Ukrainians are largely due to external factors and are still hardly supported by the domestic reforms of the country, as negative things such as corruption, low level of trust in power, slow pace of modernization of socio-economic sphere and low welfare of citizens persist. Under such conditions, the Ukrainian political elite should focus on the creation and implementation of effective strategies for integration and identification of citizens at the expense of real modernization of the economy and raising the standard of living.

Вивчення історії Криму як комплексного поняття, що має географічний, етнічний та політичний аспекти, у ХІХ ст. в Російській імперії мало свою специфіку. Остання потребує на спеціальне дослідження, особливо з погляду поступової зміни пріоритетів у підходах істориків. Серед головних напрямків цієї зміни слід згадати перехід від розгляду історії Криму як історії політичної та полі-етнічної в діахронії до історії моноетнічної та співіснування останньої з історією політичною. Головними зовнішніми чинниками цього процесу стали як приєднання Криму до Російської імперії й втрата державності, що призводило до певного інтересу до державницької традиції на території півострову, так і різке зменшення кримсько-татарського населення на півострові як наслідок подій Східної війни та масової еміграції. Останнє, в умовах зростання уваги до ідеї народності, актуалізувало сприйняття історії Криму як історії етнічної, й призвело до появи історії змішаного етно-політичного типу, яка формально характеризувалася як історія народна – кримських татар. У статті ці зміни історичних парадигм розглядаються головним чином на прикладах загальних праць Станіслава Сестренцевича Богуша «История царства Херсонеса Таврийского» («История о Таврии») та Феоктиста Хартахая «Исторические судьбы крымских татар». Станіслав Сестренцевич Богуш простежує історію Криму від давньої історії до 1783 р., вважаючи її в цей період самобутнім процесом. Він звертає увагу на зв'язок історії півострова зі світовою, як західною, так і східною. Історія Кримського ханства розглядається ним як частина історії імперії Моголів. Однак з 1783 р., на його думку, історія Криму вже має розглядатися як частина історії Російської імперії. Дальшому розвитку історіографії історії Криму сприяла увага дослідників до історії Новоросійського краю та публікація історичних джерел. Це стало науковим підґрунтям для появи праці Феоктиста Хартахая, в якій автор поставив за мету простежити долю кримських татар. Він піднімає низку важливих питань, такі, як час заснування Кримського ханства, становище християн в цій державі, еволюція кримсько-татарського суспільства від агресивного військового в цивільному напрямку та інші. Приділяючи увагу внутрішній історії, автор показує кримських татар як народ, що створив своєрідну культуру, згадує окремих правителів, які розуміли необхідність внутрішніх реформ. Водночас іноді історик, у дусі народницької історіографії, використовує протиставлення народу державі. ; Изучение истории Крыма как комплексного понятия, которое объединяет географический, этнический и политический аспекты, в ХІХ в. имело в Российской империи свою специфику. Последняя нуждается в специальном исследовании, особенно с учетом постепенного изменения приоритетов в подходах историков. Среди главных направлений этих изменений следует упомянуть переход от рассмотрения истории Крыма как истории политической и полиэтнической в диахронии к истории моноэтнической и сосуществование последней с историей политической. Главными внешними факторами этого процесса стали как присоединение Крыма к Российской империи и утрата государственности, так и резкое сокращение численности крымско-татарского населения на полуострове вследствие событий Восточной войны (1853-1856) и массовой эмиграции. Последнее, в условиях увеличения внимания к идее народности, актуализировало восприятие истории Крыма как истории этнической, и привело к появлению истории смешанного этно-политического типа, которая формально характеризовалась как история народная – крымских татар. В статье эти изменния исторических парадигм рассамтриваются главным образом на примерах общих работ Станислава Сестренцевича Богуша «История царства Херсонеса Таврического» («История о Таврии») и Феоктиста Хартахая «Исторические судьбы крымских татар». Станислав Сестренцевич Богуш прослеживает историю Крыма с древности до 1783 года, рассматривая ее в этот период как самобытный процесс. Он обращает внимание на связь истории полуострова с всеобщей историей как Запада, так и Востока. История Крымского ханства рассматривается ним как последняя часть истории империи Моголов. Однако с 1783 года, по его мнению, история Крыма должна рассматриваться как часть истории Российской империи. Дальнейшему развитию историографии истории Крыма способствовало внимание исследователей к истории Новороссийского края и публикация исторических источников. Это стало научной основой для появления работы Феоктиста Хартахая, в которой автор поставил цель проследить судьбу крымских татар. Он касается ряда важных вопросов, таких, как время основания Крымского ханства, положения христиан н в этом государстве, эволюция крымско-татарского общества от агрессивного военного в направлении гражданского и другие. Уделяя внимание внутренней истории, автор изображает крымских татар как народ, который создал своеобразную культуру, упоминает отдельных правителей, которые понимали необходимость внутренних реформ. В то же время историк иногда, в духе народнической историографии, противопоставляет народ государству. ; The studying of Crimea history as complex definition with geography, ethnic and political aspects, has its own specific in Russian empire in XIX c. This specific needs in particular investigation, especially because of gradual changing of priorities in historians' approaches. Among the main trends of the transformation we should name the transition from interpretation of Crimea history as political and poly-ethnic one to the mono-ethnic history and their co-existing with political history. The main external factors of that process became as connection of Crimea with Russian empire and the lost of the state, what inspire some interest to the state tradition on peninsula, as a radical dimension of Crimean Tatars population on peninsula followed the Eastern War 1853-1856 caused their mass emigration to Ottoman empire. This fact in connection with growing of interest towards idea of people (before all as ethnic and also as social phenomena), made influence to accepting the history of Crimea as ethnic history. As the result, the history of melted ethnic-political type appeared, wich was presented formally as history of ethnic or people – of Crimean Tatars. In the article this changing of investigation patterns is studied in the whole on examples of the works of Stanislav Sestrentsevich Bogush's «The history on reign of Khersones of Tauria»(«The history of Tauria») and of Pheoktist Khartakhaj «The historian fate of the Crimean Tatar». Stanislav Sestrentsevich Bogush studies the Crimea history from ancient time until 1783, he accepts this period of history as specific one. Stanislav Sestrentsevich Bogush pays his attention to connection between historical process on peninsula and world one, both of West and East. The history of Crimean Khanat appears as the last part of Mogol's empire. But, on his opinion, after 1783 the history of Crimea should be studied as the part of the Russia empire history. He following development of historiography of Crimea history was grounded on growing of investigation of the Southern Ukraine history and on the publishing of new historical sources. This created the scientific base for appearance of Pheoktist Khartakhaj's work devoted to the historian fate of the Crimean Tatar. The author studies many different problems such as foundation of Crimean Khanat, the attitude towards Christians in this state, the evolution of Crimean Tatar society from aggressive military to civil one. The author studies internal history and shows the Crimean Tatar as a people which created particular culture, he mentions some rulers who understood the need in internal reforms. Simultaniously the historian according to people historiography sometimes put in contrary the people and the state.

The group of five articles forming this special section of Brill Open Law is a selection of the papers presented at the Workshop on "Global Public Goods, Global Commons, Fundamental Values: the Responses of International Economic Law," organized by the Interest Group (ig) on International Economic Law (iel) of the European Society of International Law (esil) in Naples on September 6th, 2017. The mission of the esil iel ig is to promote research in the field of International Economic Law, endorsing exchange of views among young and experienced scholars, as well as supporting debate and discussion with practitioners, lawyers and officials from international organizations and national administrations working in the fields of international trade and investments and International Financial Law. The articles appearing in this Section are all devoted to International Investment Law, the first work being the opening speech to the Naples Workshop by Professor Pavel Šturma on "Public Goods and International Investment Law: Do the New Generation of iias Better Protect Human Rights?", while the subsequent four essays are all dedicated to the recent case-law developed in international arbitration proceedings dealing with the right to water and the right to human health. Professor Šturma provides a synthetic effective reconstruction of the way in which International Investment Law now interacts with International Human Rights Law. Starting from the description of the situation in the first generation of Bilateral Investment Treaties (bits), establishing the rights of investors and the obligations of States, the author then goes on exposing the differences with human rights treaties, and analyzes the significant developments in relation to the new generation of investment treaties. The relevant clauses concerning the exceptions to investment protection, or the right to regulate of the host State, expressed by the new generation of International Investment Agreements (iias), such as the eu-Canada Comprehensive Economic Trade Agreement (ceta), the now-abandoned Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (ttip), or the bit models of Norway, Canada, Austria, or the Czech Republic, are therefore considered, stressing their relevance to guide interpreters and arbitrators when having to combine investment protection with human rights. Due attention is then given to the role of private parties with reference to human rights, underlining the introduction of the concept of Corporate Social Responsibility (csr) in the new iias encouraging economic operators to conduct their business in compliance with the relevant international soft law codes inspired by the principle of sustainable development – requiring that economic development be constantly combined with environmental protection and social progress. The article also emphasizes the role that the principle of systemic integration in treaty interpretation, as codified in Article 31, para. 3(c) of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, may play when arbitrators have to combine human rights, environmental protection and bits, illustrating the relevance of the case-law of international investment disputes in order to strike a fair balance between non-economic considerations and investors' rights. The analysis by Pavel Šturma opens the door to the subsequent four articles. Professor Ursula Kriebaum, in her work on "The Right to Water Before Investment Tribunals," provides a complete overview of the case-law developed in international investment arbitration proceedings with reference to the right to water. She presents the constantly rising relevance that the human right to water has been given by the Arbitral Tribunals while discussing the respect of the investors' prerogatives enshrined in the various bits invoked by the claimants. Professor Kriebaum thus emphasizes that the Arbitrators never denied that they have an obligation to take into consideration human rights while interpreting bits. On the contrary, international awards concluded that national measures introduced in order to protect the environment against the pollution of water resources, and the termination of concessions as a consequence of inadequate performance of an investment contract on the part of the investor involved in water distribution services cannot be automatically considered as infringements of bits by the States benefitting from the foreign investments. Furthermore, Ursula Kriebaum stressed the highly relevant developments reached by the Arbitral Tribunal in the Urbaser case, where it was held in an obiter that investors have to abstain from acts which may violate the human right to water by endangering access to water. The Urbaser case is at the center of the analysis by Dr Edward Guntrip and Dr Patrick Abel. In his work on "Private Actors, Public Goods and Responsibility for the Right to Water in International Investment Law: An Analysis of Urbaser v. Argentina," Dr Guntrip considers how the Arbitral Tribunal allocated responsibility for compliance with the right to water between the host State and the foreign investor while being asked to settle the dispute over privatized water services in Greater Buenos Aires. The author underlined that the Arbitrators chose to follow the scheme defined by the un Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (cescr). Pursuant to that, human rights obligations in relation to economic, social and cultural rights, which include the right to water, have to be broken down into obligations to respect, protect and fulfil. Edward Guntrip criticizes the Tribunal's decision to limit the duties of the investor to the obligation to respect only, i.e. not to interfere with the enjoyment of the right to water. In fact, such a limitation makes the human right to water vulnerable for the right holders trying to hold a foreign investor responsible. Dr Patrick Abel manifests further perplexities on the counterclaim raised by Argentina in relation to the existence of an international investor obligation under the human right to water, for the first time accepted as possible in international investment arbitration proceedings. While stressing the importance of the novelty of the Urbaser award -i.e. the possibility of holding investors accountable for a breach of an international human rights obligation- Patrick Abel highlights the flaws in the legal reasoning of the Tribunal, which he considers unclear in the way it perceives the integration of human rights obligations as a source of international law external to the relevant bit invoked in the investment arbitration. Last but not least, Professor Pei-Kan Yang, in his article on "The Margin of Appreciation Debate over Novel Cigarette Packaging Regulations in Philipp Morris v. Uruguay," explores the legal reasoning of the Arbitrators in the case brought by the famous tobacco multinational company against the Latin-American State. The majority of the Tribunal, applying the "margin of appreciation" doctrine as originally developed by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), found that Uruguay's tobacco legislation did not violate the Switzerland – Uruguay bit as the Latin-American State enjoyed a substantial degree of discretion in choosing the regulatory means to achieve its public health objectives among various options of effective measures. Pei-Kan Yang analyzes both the majority conclusions and the dissenting opinion by Gary Born, and identifies lacunae in each of the two approaches, suggesting an adjustment of the concept of the margin of appreciation in order to better accommodate the right to regulate of the host State for public health purposes and balance it against the investor's private rights. We do hope that the proposed set of articles may represent a welcome perspective of analysis of some recent developments concerning treaties and case-law in the field of International Investment Law. Enjoy the reading!

The author of the article notes that modern Ukraine is in a state of systemic transformation, the essence of which is to choose between conservative and modernization projects of the formation of Ukrainian statehood. This choice is compounded by the state of the socio-political crisis, military aggression and the weakness of its own geopolitical strategy. The leading factor in overcoming the modern challenges and the formation of a sovereign democratic state is the identification of citizens in public life, their consolidation around a common system of values.The processes of consolidation of Ukrainian society are clearly reflected in the dynamics of geopolitical priorities, as they serve as a unique marker of the citizens' position in all the most important issues of political development. Together with their cultural and civilization choice, Ukrainians choose between democracy and authoritarianism, legal protection and corruption, equal cooperation in the international arena and the status of «younger brother». It is Ukraine's role in the geopolitical environment that is crucial for its foreign policy aimed at forming strategic partnerships and effective protection of sovereignty in the international arena. At the same time, the main function of foreign policy is to compensate for internal problems and create favorable conditions for the realization and protection of national interests.The study of empirical indexes on the geopolitical orientation of Ukrainians made it possible to determine the main tendencies and peculiarities of the processes of foreign policy identification in modern Ukraine. It is noted that there is a rather active formation of a civil consensus around the Euro-Atlantic civilization's choice. This is evidenced by an increase in the support of this choice in the national dimension and a marked convergence of regional positions on this issue. The conclusion is drawn about the formation of a stable tendency to strengthen the European integration orientations of Ukrainians. The continuation of military, political and cultural-information aggression of Russia makes the greatest influence on this tendency. The main motives of the European choice of Ukrainians are the desire for material well-being, legal protection and adherence to democratic values.In most cases, rapprochement with NATO is justified by the aspirations of the country's security, reliable protection against aggressive actions, first of all, of Russia. In addition, the objective is to modernize the army in accordance with international standards and to increase the international prestige of Ukraine. The idea of Eurasian integration is noticeably losing its popularity, especially in the regions directly confronted with the military aggression of Russia (East and West). The idea of a kind of neutrality, that is, non-alignment with any unions, preserves the considerable support, mainly due to the passage of votes from the camp of opponents of rapprochement with the EU and NATO.The identified trends in the dynamics of the geopolitical priorities of Ukrainians are largely due to external factors and are still hardly supported by the domestic reforms of the country, as negative things such as corruption, low level of trust in power, slow pace of modernization of socio-economic sphere and low welfare of citizens persist. Under such conditions, the Ukrainian political elite should focus on the creation and implementation of effective strategies for integration and identification of citizens at the expense of real modernization of the economy and raising the standard of living. ; The author of the article notes that modern Ukraine is in a state of systemic transformation, the essence of which is to choose between conservative and modernization projects of the formation of Ukrainian statehood. This choice is compounded by the state of the socio-political crisis, military aggression and the weakness of its own geopolitical strategy. The leading factor in overcoming the modern challenges and the formation of a sovereign democratic state is the identification of citizens in public life, their consolidation around a common system of values.The processes of consolidation of Ukrainian society are clearly reflected in the dynamics of geopolitical priorities, as they serve as a unique marker of the citizens' position in all the most important issues of political development. Together with their cultural and civilization choice, Ukrainians choose between democracy and authoritarianism, legal protection and corruption, equal cooperation in the international arena and the status of «younger brother». It is Ukraine's role in the geopolitical environment that is crucial for its foreign policy aimed at forming strategic partnerships and effective protection of sovereignty in the international arena. At the same time, the main function of foreign policy is to compensate for internal problems and create favorable conditions for the realization and protection of national interests.The study of empirical indexes on the geopolitical orientation of Ukrainians made it possible to determine the main tendencies and peculiarities of the processes of foreign policy identification in modern Ukraine. It is noted that there is a rather active formation of a civil consensus around the Euro-Atlantic civilization's choice. This is evidenced by an increase in the support of this choice in the national dimension and a marked convergence of regional positions on this issue. The conclusion is drawn about the formation of a stable tendency to strengthen the European integration orientations of Ukrainians. The continuation of military, political and cultural-information aggression of Russia makes the greatest influence on this tendency. The main motives of the European choice of Ukrainians are the desire for material well-being, legal protection and adherence to democratic values.In most cases, rapprochement with NATO is justified by the aspirations of the country's security, reliable protection against aggressive actions, first of all, of Russia. In addition, the objective is to modernize the army in accordance with international standards and to increase the international prestige of Ukraine. The idea of Eurasian integration is noticeably losing its popularity, especially in the regions directly confronted with the military aggression of Russia (East and West). The idea of a kind of neutrality, that is, non-alignment with any unions, preserves the considerable support, mainly due to the passage of votes from the camp of opponents of rapprochement with the EU and NATO.The identified trends in the dynamics of the geopolitical priorities of Ukrainians are largely due to external factors and are still hardly supported by the domestic reforms of the country, as negative things such as corruption, low level of trust in power, slow pace of modernization of socio-economic sphere and low welfare of citizens persist. Under such conditions, the Ukrainian political elite should focus on the creation and implementation of effective strategies for integration and identification of citizens at the expense of real modernization of the economy and raising the standard of living.

Вивчення історії Криму як комплексного поняття, що має географічний, етнічний та політичний аспекти, у ХІХ ст. в Російській імперії мало свою специфіку. Остання потребує на спеціальне дослідження, особливо з погляду поступової зміни пріоритетів у підходах істориків. Серед головних напрямків цієї зміни слід згадати перехід від розгляду історії Криму як історії політичної та полі-етнічної в діахронії до історії моноетнічної та співіснування останньої з історією політичною. Головними зовнішніми чинниками цього процесу стали як приєднання Криму до Російської імперії й втрата державності, що призводило до певного інтересу до державницької традиції на території півострову, так і різке зменшення кримсько-татарського населення на півострові як наслідок подій Східної війни та масової еміграції. Останнє, в умовах зростання уваги до ідеї народності, актуалізувало сприйняття історії Криму як історії етнічної, й призвело до появи історії змішаного етно-політичного типу, яка формально характеризувалася як історія народна – кримських татар. У статті ці зміни історичних парадигм розглядаються головним чином на прикладах загальних праць Станіслава Сестренцевича Богуша «История царства Херсонеса Таврийского» («История о Таврии») та Феоктиста Хартахая «Исторические судьбы крымских татар». Станіслав Сестренцевич Богуш простежує історію Криму від давньої історії до 1783 р., вважаючи її в цей період самобутнім процесом. Він звертає увагу на зв'язок історії півострова зі світовою, як західною, так і східною. Історія Кримського ханства розглядається ним як частина історії імперії Моголів. Однак з 1783 р., на його думку, історія Криму вже має розглядатися як частина історії Російської імперії. Дальшому розвитку історіографії історії Криму сприяла увага дослідників до історії Новоросійського краю та публікація історичних джерел. Це стало науковим підґрунтям для появи праці Феоктиста Хартахая, в якій автор поставив за мету простежити долю кримських татар. Він піднімає низку важливих питань, такі, як час заснування Кримського ханства, становище християн в цій державі, еволюція кримсько-татарського суспільства від агресивного військового в цивільному напрямку та інші. Приділяючи увагу внутрішній історії, автор показує кримських татар як народ, що створив своєрідну культуру, згадує окремих правителів, які розуміли необхідність внутрішніх реформ. Водночас іноді історик, у дусі народницької історіографії, використовує протиставлення народу державі. ; Изучение истории Крыма как комплексного понятия, которое объединяет географический, этнический и политический аспекты, в ХІХ в. имело в Российской империи свою специфику. Последняя нуждается в специальном исследовании, особенно с учетом постепенного изменения приоритетов в подходах историков. Среди главных направлений этих изменений следует упомянуть переход от рассмотрения истории Крыма как истории политической и полиэтнической в диахронии к истории моноэтнической и сосуществование последней с историей политической. Главными внешними факторами этого процесса стали как присоединение Крыма к Российской империи и утрата государственности, так и резкое сокращение численности крымско-татарского населения на полуострове вследствие событий Восточной войны (1853-1856) и массовой эмиграции. Последнее, в условиях увеличения внимания к идее народности, актуализировало восприятие истории Крыма как истории этнической, и привело к появлению истории смешанного этно-политического типа, которая формально характеризовалась как история народная – крымских татар. В статье эти изменния исторических парадигм рассамтриваются главным образом на примерах общих работ Станислава Сестренцевича Богуша «История царства Херсонеса Таврического» («История о Таврии») и Феоктиста Хартахая «Исторические судьбы крымских татар». Станислав Сестренцевич Богуш прослеживает историю Крыма с древности до 1783 года, рассматривая ее в этот период как самобытный процесс. Он обращает внимание на связь истории полуострова с всеобщей историей как Запада, так и Востока. История Крымского ханства рассматривается ним как последняя часть истории империи Моголов. Однако с 1783 года, по его мнению, история Крыма должна рассматриваться как часть истории Российской империи. Дальнейшему развитию историографии истории Крыма способствовало внимание исследователей к истории Новороссийского края и публикация исторических источников. Это стало научной основой для появления работы Феоктиста Хартахая, в которой автор поставил цель проследить судьбу крымских татар. Он касается ряда важных вопросов, таких, как время основания Крымского ханства, положения христиан н в этом государстве, эволюция крымско-татарского общества от агрессивного военного в направлении гражданского и другие. Уделяя внимание внутренней истории, автор изображает крымских татар как народ, который создал своеобразную культуру, упоминает отдельных правителей, которые понимали необходимость внутренних реформ. В то же время историк иногда, в духе народнической историографии, противопоставляет народ государству. ; The studying of Crimea history as complex definition with geography, ethnic and political aspects, has its own specific in Russian empire in XIX c. This specific needs in particular investigation, especially because of gradual changing of priorities in historians' approaches. Among the main trends of the transformation we should name the transition from interpretation of Crimea history as political and poly-ethnic one to the mono-ethnic history and their co-existing with political history. The main external factors of that process became as connection of Crimea with Russian empire and the lost of the state, what inspire some interest to the state tradition on peninsula, as a radical dimension of Crimean Tatars population on peninsula followed the Eastern War 1853-1856 caused their mass emigration to Ottoman empire. This fact in connection with growing of interest towards idea of people (before all as ethnic and also as social phenomena), made influence to accepting the history of Crimea as ethnic history. As the result, the history of melted ethnic-political type appeared, wich was presented formally as history of ethnic or people – of Crimean Tatars. In the article this changing of investigation patterns is studied in the whole on examples of the works of Stanislav Sestrentsevich Bogush's «The history on reign of Khersones of Tauria»(«The history of Tauria») and of Pheoktist Khartakhaj «The historian fate of the Crimean Tatar». Stanislav Sestrentsevich Bogush studies the Crimea history from ancient time until 1783, he accepts this period of history as specific one. Stanislav Sestrentsevich Bogush pays his attention to connection between historical process on peninsula and world one, both of West and East. The history of Crimean Khanat appears as the last part of Mogol's empire. But, on his opinion, after 1783 the history of Crimea should be studied as the part of the Russia empire history. He following development of historiography of Crimea history was grounded on growing of investigation of the Southern Ukraine history and on the publishing of new historical sources. This created the scientific base for appearance of Pheoktist Khartakhaj's work devoted to the historian fate of the Crimean Tatar. The author studies many different problems such as foundation of Crimean Khanat, the attitude towards Christians in this state, the evolution of Crimean Tatar society from aggressive military to civil one. The author studies internal history and shows the Crimean Tatar as a people which created particular culture, he mentions some rulers who understood the need in internal reforms. Simultaniously the historian according to people historiography sometimes put in contrary the people and the state.

In 2013, Ukraine's geopolitical choice was in the centre of attention of the whole world, began to take a significant part of the information space. For the authorities of the neighbouring states, it is important to know what is happening in Ukraine and, if possible, influence on situation. After the Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of the Crimea by the Russian Federation and the initiation armed conflict in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, Ukrainian society must understand the political stance of Russia towards Ukraine. Also no less important is the position of the Republic of Poland regarding Ukraine, since it was this state until recently was considered the main advocate of Ukraine in the European Union.Information component of the foreign policy of the states in the XXI century has a decisive influence on the formation of public opinion, the position of international institutions, international relations, the image of society and the state in the world. The purpose of this article is to find out the goals of the information policy of the presidents of Russia and Poland concerning Ukraine in the period 2014–2017. The article shows: the essence of the concept of «information policy»; the existing characteristics of the information policy of Russia and Poland concerning Ukraine; the positions of the presidents of Russia and Poland concerning Ukraine, which were published on their official sites; similarities and differences in the positions of the Russian and Polish presidents toward to Ukraine.Having analyzed the public statements of the presidents of Russia and Poland concerning Ukraine in 2014–2017, the author finds some similarities and differences. For example, the Russian president, as a rule, tell about Ukraine and Russia's role in issues related to Ukraine, while Polish presidents usually speak about Poland and Ukraine, focusing on Polish-Ukrainian relations. The Russian authorities, in the person of its president, divide Ukraine into power and people (the power is bad, the people need help). For the Polish authorities, at least until recently, in the official speeches of the presidents it was about Ukraine as a single whole (the people and the power that this people elected). In addition to the geopolitical interest of Russia and Poland to Ukraine, Russian authorities often tell about their economic interests in Ukraine; Poland authorities – about security issues (the dependence of the security of Poland and Europe as a whole on the situation in Ukraine). Russian authorities call the Ukrainian nationalists guilty of worsening Russian-Ukrainian relations. The Polish authorities also lately actualized the discussion of the activities of Ukrainian nationalists in the first half of the twentieth century. This issue has recently been the basis of modern PolishUkrainian relations.The comparison of the theoretical definitions of the concept of «information policy», which was presented at the beginning of the report and the practical aspects elucidated in the process of analyzing the public statements of the presidents of the two states in 2014–2017, gives possibility to formulate another conclusion. The information policy of the Polish president is more in line with the definition – the promulgation of the official position of the president of the state, informing the society of the goals and plans of activity, and attempts to obtain public support. Instead, the information policy of the Russian president, or rather the information geopolitics, is more oriented towards the use of technologies of information and psychological influence on the individual and mass consciousness in order to form the necessary public opinion, behaviours that will meet the goals defined by the authorities. ; In 2013, Ukraine's geopolitical choice was in the centre of attention of the whole world, began to take a significant part of the information space. For the authorities of the neighbouring states, it is important to know what is happening in Ukraine and, if possible, influence on situation. After the Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of the Crimea by the Russian Federation and the initiation armed conflict in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, Ukrainian society must understand the political stance of Russia towards Ukraine. Also no less important is the position of the Republic of Poland regarding Ukraine, since it was this state until recently was considered the main advocate of Ukraine in the European Union.Information component of the foreign policy of the states in the XXI century has a decisive influence on the formation of public opinion, the position of international institutions, international relations, the image of society and the state in the world. The purpose of this article is to find out the goals of the information policy of the presidents of Russia and Poland concerning Ukraine in the period 2014–2017. The article shows: the essence of the concept of «information policy»; the existing characteristics of the information policy of Russia and Poland concerning Ukraine; the positions of the presidents of Russia and Poland concerning Ukraine, which were published on their official sites; similarities and differences in the positions of the Russian and Polish presidents toward to Ukraine.Having analyzed the public statements of the presidents of Russia and Poland concerning Ukraine in 2014–2017, the author finds some similarities and differences. For example, the Russian president, as a rule, tell about Ukraine and Russia's role in issues related to Ukraine, while Polish presidents usually speak about Poland and Ukraine, focusing on Polish-Ukrainian relations. The Russian authorities, in the person of its president, divide Ukraine into power and people (the power is bad, the people need help). For the Polish authorities, at least until recently, in the official speeches of the presidents it was about Ukraine as a single whole (the people and the power that this people elected). In addition to the geopolitical interest of Russia and Poland to Ukraine, Russian authorities often tell about their economic interests in Ukraine; Poland authorities – about security issues (the dependence of the security of Poland and Europe as a whole on the situation in Ukraine). Russian authorities call the Ukrainian nationalists guilty of worsening Russian-Ukrainian relations. The Polish authorities also lately actualized the discussion of the activities of Ukrainian nationalists in the first half of the twentieth century. This issue has recently been the basis of modern PolishUkrainian relations.The comparison of the theoretical definitions of the concept of «information policy», which was presented at the beginning of the report and the practical aspects elucidated in the process of analyzing the public statements of the presidents of the two states in 2014–2017, gives possibility to formulate another conclusion. The information policy of the Polish president is more in line with the definition – the promulgation of the official position of the president of the state, informing the society of the goals and plans of activity, and attempts to obtain public support. Instead, the information policy of the Russian president, or rather the information geopolitics, is more oriented towards the use of technologies of information and psychological influence on the individual and mass consciousness in order to form the necessary public opinion, behaviours that will meet the goals defined by the authorities.

The article is devoted to the analysis of certain aspects of the functioning of the modern liberal democratic state, to the prospects, challenges and complexities of its development in the context of multiculturalism and globalization, to new levels of conflict of various nature, their identification, methodological consideration in connection with the understanding of the role of the conflict as such in a democracy, zones by the national / post-national state. The study emphasizes the interest in the subject «conflict – democracy», which, given the current social problems in different countries, the international environment, is considered in the context or already seriously taking into account the concepts of Chantal Mouffe, where the conflict itself is related to the action of «distinction» as the need for development, and its solution can only be always one-stage (about something, but not in general and forever), and Cornelius Kastoriadis, whose «magma» of life is full of creativity, including the conflict style. Emphasizes the problem that the victims of liberal powers are peoples or regional minorities, whose distinction in national aspirations towards national autonomy is suppressed by liberal order. The author here mentions the concept of a state recognizing the existence of substate nations and indigenous peoples. The second option is to try to create new forms of post-nationalism and thus to prevent accusations of liberal nationalism (or belong to the circle of the right-holders). Therefore refers to the means tool to overcome the liberal statehood, which, among other things, is proposed by some modern authors – the development of post-national type of citizenship and demo. Identity of displacement – national citizenship and national identities as the main locus of the political. It is argued that the readiness for a conflict in a democratic world is a recognition of readiness for the manifestations of dissent, readiness for the constructive consequences of the meeting with him, and the obligation to renew the government both in terms and institutional terms, by means of legal and political mediation. The very determination to recognize the openness and contradictory nature of democratic life, as an indicator of openness to development, to understand the possibilities of collision with the unknown, manifestations of chance, can not be denied or recognized as an element opposed - democracy must accept them as their driving force. Therefore, the task of studying the forms and degree of responsive ability to internal searches for transformations, not only in the political plane, but also in the field of normativity, seems to be of such significance. An attempt was made to use an interdisciplinary approach, involving certain developments of representatives of spheres of political, social and philosophical and legal thought regarding the manifestations of the conflict of the future and the ways of solving it through legal and political methods within the framework of democratic developmentKey words: liberal democracy, conflict, multiculturalism, interdisciplinary approach, normativity, post-national state, political and legal analysis. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу окремих аспектів функціювання сучасної ліберально-демократичної держави, перспективам, викликам і складнощам її розвитку за умов мультикультуралізму та глобалізації, новим рівням конфліктності різного характеру, їх виявленню, методологічному розгляду у зв'язку з розумінням ролі конфлікту як такого в умовах демократії, окресленню больових зон по лінії національна / постнаціональна держава. Здійснена спроба використання міждисциплінарного підходу, із залученням окремих розробок представників сфер політичної, соціально-філософської та юридичної думки відносно проявів конфліктності майбутнього та засобів її рішення посередництвом легально-політичних методів у рамках демократичного розвиткуКлючові слова: ліберальна демократія, конфлікт, мультикультуралізм, міждисциплінарний підхід, нормативність, постнаціональна держава, політико-правовий аналіз Статья посвящена анализу отдельных аспектов функционирования современного либерально-демократического государства, перспективам, вызовам и сложностям его развития в условиях мультикультурализма и глобализации, новым уровням конфликтности разного характера, их выявлению, методологическому рассмотрению в связи с пониманием роли конфликта как такового в условиях демократии, очерчиванию болевых зон по линии национальное / постнациональное государство. Осуществлена попытка использования междисциплинарного подхода, с привлечением отдельных разработок представителей сфер политической, социально-философской и юридической мысли относительно проявлений конфликтности будущего и способов ее решения посредством легально-политических методов в рамках демократического развитияКлючевые слова: либеральная демократия, конфликт, мультикультурализм, междисциплинарный подход, нормативность, постнациональное государство, политико-правовой анализ. The article is devoted to the analysis of certain aspects of the functioning of the modern liberal democratic state, to the prospects, challenges and complexities of its development in the context of multiculturalism and globalization, to new levels of conflict of various nature, their identification, methodological consideration in connection with the understanding of the role of the conflict as such in a democracy, zones by the national / post-national state. The study emphasizes the interest in the subject «conflict – democracy», which, given the current social problems in different countries, the international environment, is considered in the context or already seriously taking into account the concepts of Chantal Mouffe, where the conflict itself is related to the action of «distinction» as the need for development, and its solution can only be always one-stage (about something, but not in general and forever), and Cornelius Kastoriadis, whose «magma» of life is full of creativity, including the conflict style. Emphasizes the problem that the victims of liberal powers are peoples or regional minorities, whose distinction in national aspirations towards national autonomy is suppressed by liberal order. The author here mentions the concept of a state recognizing the existence of substate nations and indigenous peoples. The second option is to try to create new forms of post-nationalism and thus to prevent accusations of liberal nationalism (or belong to the circle of the right-holders). Therefore refers to the means tool to overcome the liberal statehood, which, among other things, is proposed by some modern authors – the development of post-national type of citizenship and demo. Identity of displacement – national citizenship and national identities as the main locus of the political. It is argued that the readiness for a conflict in a democratic world is a recognition of readiness for the manifestations of dissent, readiness for the constructive consequences of the meeting with him, and the obligation to renew the government both in terms and institutional terms, by means of legal and political mediation. The very determination to recognize the openness and contradictory nature of democratic life, as an indicator of openness to development, to understand the possibilities of collision with the unknown, manifestations of chance, can not be denied or recognized as an element opposed - democracy must accept them as their driving force. Therefore, the task of studying the forms and degree of responsive ability to internal searches for transformations, not only in the political plane, but also in the field of normativity, seems to be of such significance. An attempt was made to use an interdisciplinary approach, involving certain developments of representatives of spheres of political, social and philosophical and legal thought regarding the manifestations of the conflict of the future and the ways of solving it through legal and political methods within the framework of democratic developmentKey words: liberal democracy, conflict, multiculturalism, interdisciplinary approach, normativity, post-national state, political and legal analysis.

In different countries, the basic principles and tools for the formation of effective information protection of the national space have been developed. By applying various means, the countries-leaders are effectively implementing the national information security policy. Ukraine needs to study and adequately apply the successful foreign experience of countries that effectively protect their information space from harmful external influences, transforming it in accordance with the national specificity and the unique role of the state in modern geopolitics. In our country there is a number of complex issues in the field of information security that require urgent and radical solutions. At the same time, their solution involves not only theoretical, methodological, philosophical and political comprehension of information security of issues, but also the creation of such a national legislation that would set the legal basis for the activities of various subjects of the information space, experiencing a crisis stage of its development. Indeed, the successful development of a democratic state and civil society is only possible if the information resources are properly used and the implementation of such a state policy that would ensure a high level of national information security. The author draws attention to Ukrainian specialists who can perceive individual technological experience and material resources, and legislators should study the ways of normative maintenance of information policy of the state that have proven themselves in the USA as universal and quite effective in order to ensure national and public information security. The emphasis is on codification of national legislation in the field of information security, which can solve the problem of systematization of this sphere of state and social life. It is important only that such codification takes place on the basis of well-developed and structurally constructed theoretical and methodological foundations of the research of the information security segment of the activity of the Ukrainian state and civil society.Key notions: person, politics, information, culture, information space, information security, information security policy. ; В різних державах розроблені основні принципи та інструментальні засоби формування ефективного інформаційного захисту національного простору. Застосовуючи різні засоби, країни-лідери достатньо ефективно здійснюють національну політику інформаційної безпеки. Україні необхідно вивчити й адекватно застосувати при цьому успішний закордонний досвід країн, що ефективно захищають свій інформаційний простір від шкідливих зовнішніх впливів, трансформуючи його відповідно до національної специфіки й унікальної ролі держави в сучасній геополітиці. В нашій країні наявна низка складних проблем в сфері інформаційної безпеки, що потребують нагального і кардинального вирішення. Водночас їх розв'язання передбачає не тільки теоретико-методологічне та філософсько-політологічне осягнення питань інформаційної безпеки, але й створення такого національного законодавства, яке підводило б нормативно-правове підґрунтя під діяльність різних суб'єктів інформаційного простору, що переживає кризовий етап свого розвитку. Адже успішний розвиток демократично-правової держави та громадянського суспільства можливий лише за умови належного використання інформаційних ресурсів та реалізації такої державної політики, яка б забезпечувала високий рівень національної інформаційної безпеки. Автор звертає увагу на українських спеціалістів, які можуть сприйняти окремий технологічний досвід та матеріальні ресурси, а законодавці мають вивчати способи нормативного забезпечення інформаційної політики держави, що зарекомендували себе в США як універсальні та доволі ефективні з метою забезпечення національної та громадської інформаційної безпеки. Акцентується увага на кодифікації національного законодавства в галузі інформаційної безпеки, яка може вирішити проблему систематизації даної сфери державної та суспільної життєдіяльності. Важливо лише, щоб така кодифікація відбувалася на основі чітко розроблених та структурно вибудуваних теоретико-методологічних засад дослідження інформаційно-безпекового сегменту діяльності української держави і громадянського суспільства.Ключові поняття: людина, політика, інформація, культура, інформаційний простір, інформаційна безпека, політика інформаційної безпеки.В разных государствах разработаны основные принципы и инструментальные средства формирования эффективного информационного защиты национального пространства. Применяя различные средства, страны-лидеры достаточно эффективно осуществляют национальную политику информационной безопасности. Украине необходимо изучить и адекватно применить при этом успешный зарубежный опыт стран, эффективно защищают свое информационное пространство от вредных внешних воздействий, трансформируя его в соответствии с национальной специфики и уникальной роли государства в современной геополитике. В нашей стране есть ряд сложных проблем в сфере информационной безопасности, требующих неотложного и кардинального решения. В то же время их решение предполагает не только теоретико-методологическое и философско-политологическое постижения вопросам информационной безопасности, но и создание такого национального законодательства, подводило бы нормативно-правовую основу под деятельность различных субъектов информационного пространства, переживает кризисный этап своего развития. Ведь развитие демократически правового государства и гражданского общества возможно лишь при условии надлежащего использования информационных ресурсов и реализации такой государственной политики, которая бы обеспечивала высокий уровень национальной информационной безопасности. Автор обращает внимание на украинских специалистов, которые могут принять отдельный технологический опыт и материальные ресурсы, а законодатели должны изучать способы нормативного обеспечения информационной политики государства, зарекомендовавших себя в США как универсальные и довольно эффективные с целью обеспечения национальной и общественной информационной безопасности. Акцентируется внимание на кодификации национального законодательства в области информационной безопасности, которая может решить проблему систематизации данной сферы государственной и общественной жизнедеятельности. Важно только, чтобы такая кодификация происходила на основе четко разработанных и структурно выстроенных теоретико-методологических основ исследования информационно-безопасности сегмента деятельности украинского государства и гражданского общества.Ключевые понятия: человек, политика, информация, культура, информационное пространство, информационная безопасность, политика информационной безопасности. In different countries, the basic principles and tools for the formation of effective information protection of the national space have been developed. By applying various means, the countries-leaders are effectively implementing the national information security policy. Ukraine needs to study and adequately apply the successful foreign experience of countries that effectively protect their information space from harmful external influences, transforming it in accordance with the national specificity and the unique role of the state in modern geopolitics. In our country there is a number of complex issues in the field of information security that require urgent and radical solutions. At the same time, their solution involves not only theoretical, methodological, philosophical and political comprehension of information security of issues, but also the creation of such a national legislation that would set the legal basis for the activities of various subjects of the information space, experiencing a crisis stage of its development. Indeed, the successful development of a democratic state and civil society is only possible if the information resources are properly used and the implementation of such a state policy that would ensure a high level of national information security. The author draws attention to Ukrainian specialists who can perceive individual technological experience and material resources, and legislators should study the ways of normative maintenance of information policy of the state that have proven themselves in the USA as universal and quite effective in order to ensure national and public information security. The emphasis is on codification of national legislation in the field of information security, which can solve the problem of systematization of this sphere of state and social life. It is important only that such codification takes place on the basis of well-developed and structurally constructed theoretical and methodological foundations of the research of the information security segment of the activity of the Ukrainian state and civil society.Key notions: person, politics, information, culture, information space, information security, information security policy.

Product Name: Flat Belly Fix Author Name: Todd Lamb Bonus: Yes Official Website: CLICK HERE Flat Belly Fix is a unique online system that's designed to help you shed several pounds of unwanted belly fat in as little as 21 days… Without starving yourself or doing hours of intense cardio. And I know, you've heard it all before and may have even tried other online fitness programs, only to not see the results you were promised. I've been there. However, there's something different about the Flat Belly Fix that I think will change your mind about online fitness systems and the incredible weight loss results you can achieve from them. I know it changed mine. So, if you're wanting to discover ways to achieve sustainable weight loss and without forking over a ton of cash on equipment, working out in a sweaty gym with strangers and without eating nothing but lettuce, then keep reading. About the Flat Belly Fix Program Just when you think you've heard of them all, you discover the Flat Belly Fix. Let me start off by saying that this online fitness program isn't like anything you've seen before. For one, it isn't just about fitness. Yes, Flat Belly Fix is highly focused on military-style, muscle building, fat burning workouts but it also incorporates nutrition into their system which is definitely worth mentioning, since achieving sustainable weight loss is just as much about what you put in your body as it is what you do with your body. I'll get into the nutritional side of this unique system in just a moment. First, let's get into the details of the entire program. You receive three different manuals when you purchase the program, which are: The 21 Day System7-Minute Flat Belly ProtocolSmoothie Recipe Guide These 3 different guides provide you with all the knowledge you need to not only achieve weight loss with the program but also, to keep the weight loss off moving forward. You're also provided with detailed instructions on the specific exercises to do, all which come with photo instructions, as well as written instructions and the days to execute each. And then, of course, it's time for a hefty dose of deliciousness that comes in the form of smoothies. The 21 Day System also provides you with a lot of information about nutrition and even has detailed meal plan instructions on what to eat and when. So, there's a nice combination of both fitness and nutrition provided. Now, the really interesting thing is that the smoothie recipes coincide with everything you learn about weight loss and nutrition. So, not only are you provided with all the information you need to succeed but you're also provided with an action plan for both your fitness and diet. It's also worth mentioning that since the entire program is online, you have the freedom to do it whenever and wherever you are. You simply download the content onto your desktop, laptop, smartphone or tablet, and access it when you're ready to do some reading, workout or mix together a delicious smoothie. I really liked this because there are many times when I'm working out in a hotel or in my basement or in my backyard and then heading to the kitchen to make something to snack on. So, being able to take this program with you wherever life takes you is definitely a huge benefit. It also makes it easier to stick to the regime. Additionally, Flat Belly Fix comes with a 60 Day Money Back Guarantee. So, if you decide that working out isn't for you and that you'd rather sit around waiting for stubborn belly fat to simply disappear with next to no effort than you can opt for a refund. But let's be honest here, we all know that weight loss doesn't come without some effort. About the Author Behind Flat Belly Fix This unique system was created by Todd Lamb, who has a long list of certifications. He's a veteran police officer of 17 years, a retired SWAT team leader, a SWAT and Canine dog handler, has military experience and the list goes on. Now, you may be wondering what this has to do with fitness. Well, everything Todd has done in the past has a lot to do with keeping in shape and being strong. Police officers, SWAT members, dog handlers, and military members all have an intense fitness regime they must follow. So, what he has learned from his previous careers ultimately shaped his current endeavor, all of which can be found in this program. Brief Summary of the Flat Belly Fix Program Now it's time to dive into the good stuff – the details. Here you'll find a breakdown of the different sections of this program. The 21 Day System The 21 Day System is "the main" portion of the program. This is where you'll find absolutely everything there is to know about this unique approach to eliminating belly fat, from nutrition to human anatomy, eating schedules, proportions, insulin, triglycerides and much more. There's even a chapter that breaks down the different benefits for men and women, which I thought was really great because let's be honest, we aren't the same and we certainly don't lose weight the same either. Knowledge is power, and this section of the system definitely provides you with just that. The 7-Minute Flat Belly Protocol The 7-Minute Flat Belly Protocol is where you'll find all of the exercises needed to put your newfound information into action. Each movement is broken down into pictures and detailed instructions on how to execute the movement, for how many reps, how long to rest in between sets and much more. Smoothie Recipe Guide Just as the name reads, this is where you'll find all of the recipes needed to drink the knowledge you learned in the first section of the program. And don't be fooled – these smoothies aren't gross either. You just can't go wrong with chocolate and avocado, banana nut, chocolate almond smoothies or any of the other delicious recipes provided. Conclusion The Flat Belly Fix program is really easy to follow. It gets straight to the point, eliminates all of the nonsense no one actually wants to learn about and gets you working towards better eating and more effective exercise. The only downside is that the meal timings and composition was a little different to follow, and I would have loved to see all of the quality information laid out in an easy-to-read table. The good news is that you do have it; it's just not laid out as pretty as I had hoped. From your fitness to your nutrition and everything in between, The Flat Belly Fix sets you up on a path towards finally getting rid of that stubborn belly fat. The workouts are intense and will push your muscles to the limits, and the smoothie recipes will make you want to eat smoothies for the rest of your life, and when combined, you're in for one hell of a fat burning regime. Purchase the program today and receive access to it right now. Official Website: CLICK HERE

In 2013, Ukraine's geopolitical choice was in the centre of attention of the whole world, began to take a significant part of the information space. For the authorities of the neighbouring states, it is important to know what is happening in Ukraine and, if possible, influence on situation. After the Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of the Crimea by the Russian Federation and the initiation armed conflict in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, Ukrainian society must understand the political stance of Russia towards Ukraine. Also no less important is the position of the Republic of Poland regarding Ukraine, since it was this state until recently was considered the main advocate of Ukraine in the European Union.Information component of the foreign policy of the states in the XXI century has a decisive influence on the formation of public opinion, the position of international institutions, international relations, the image of society and the state in the world. The purpose of this article is to find out the goals of the information policy of the presidents of Russia and Poland concerning Ukraine in the period 2014–2017. The article shows: the essence of the concept of «information policy»; the existing characteristics of the information policy of Russia and Poland concerning Ukraine; the positions of the presidents of Russia and Poland concerning Ukraine, which were published on their official sites; similarities and differences in the positions of the Russian and Polish presidents toward to Ukraine.Having analyzed the public statements of the presidents of Russia and Poland concerning Ukraine in 2014–2017, the author finds some similarities and differences. For example, the Russian president, as a rule, tell about Ukraine and Russia's role in issues related to Ukraine, while Polish presidents usually speak about Poland and Ukraine, focusing on Polish-Ukrainian relations. The Russian authorities, in the person of its president, divide Ukraine into power and people (the power is bad, the people need help). For the Polish authorities, at least until recently, in the official speeches of the presidents it was about Ukraine as a single whole (the people and the power that this people elected). In addition to the geopolitical interest of Russia and Poland to Ukraine, Russian authorities often tell about their economic interests in Ukraine; Poland authorities – about security issues (the dependence of the security of Poland and Europe as a whole on the situation in Ukraine). Russian authorities call the Ukrainian nationalists guilty of worsening Russian-Ukrainian relations. The Polish authorities also lately actualized the discussion of the activities of Ukrainian nationalists in the first half of the twentieth century. This issue has recently been the basis of modern PolishUkrainian relations.The comparison of the theoretical definitions of the concept of «information policy», which was presented at the beginning of the report and the practical aspects elucidated in the process of analyzing the public statements of the presidents of the two states in 2014–2017, gives possibility to formulate another conclusion. The information policy of the Polish president is more in line with the definition – the promulgation of the official position of the president of the state, informing the society of the goals and plans of activity, and attempts to obtain public support. Instead, the information policy of the Russian president, or rather the information geopolitics, is more oriented towards the use of technologies of information and psychological influence on the individual and mass consciousness in order to form the necessary public opinion, behaviours that will meet the goals defined by the authorities. ; In 2013, Ukraine's geopolitical choice was in the centre of attention of the whole world, began to take a significant part of the information space. For the authorities of the neighbouring states, it is important to know what is happening in Ukraine and, if possible, influence on situation. After the Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of the Crimea by the Russian Federation and the initiation armed conflict in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, Ukrainian society must understand the political stance of Russia towards Ukraine. Also no less important is the position of the Republic of Poland regarding Ukraine, since it was this state until recently was considered the main advocate of Ukraine in the European Union.Information component of the foreign policy of the states in the XXI century has a decisive influence on the formation of public opinion, the position of international institutions, international relations, the image of society and the state in the world. The purpose of this article is to find out the goals of the information policy of the presidents of Russia and Poland concerning Ukraine in the period 2014–2017. The article shows: the essence of the concept of «information policy»; the existing characteristics of the information policy of Russia and Poland concerning Ukraine; the positions of the presidents of Russia and Poland concerning Ukraine, which were published on their official sites; similarities and differences in the positions of the Russian and Polish presidents toward to Ukraine.Having analyzed the public statements of the presidents of Russia and Poland concerning Ukraine in 2014–2017, the author finds some similarities and differences. For example, the Russian president, as a rule, tell about Ukraine and Russia's role in issues related to Ukraine, while Polish presidents usually speak about Poland and Ukraine, focusing on Polish-Ukrainian relations. The Russian authorities, in the person of its president, divide Ukraine into power and people (the power is bad, the people need help). For the Polish authorities, at least until recently, in the official speeches of the presidents it was about Ukraine as a single whole (the people and the power that this people elected). In addition to the geopolitical interest of Russia and Poland to Ukraine, Russian authorities often tell about their economic interests in Ukraine; Poland authorities – about security issues (the dependence of the security of Poland and Europe as a whole on the situation in Ukraine). Russian authorities call the Ukrainian nationalists guilty of worsening Russian-Ukrainian relations. The Polish authorities also lately actualized the discussion of the activities of Ukrainian nationalists in the first half of the twentieth century. This issue has recently been the basis of modern PolishUkrainian relations.The comparison of the theoretical definitions of the concept of «information policy», which was presented at the beginning of the report and the practical aspects elucidated in the process of analyzing the public statements of the presidents of the two states in 2014–2017, gives possibility to formulate another conclusion. The information policy of the Polish president is more in line with the definition – the promulgation of the official position of the president of the state, informing the society of the goals and plans of activity, and attempts to obtain public support. Instead, the information policy of the Russian president, or rather the information geopolitics, is more oriented towards the use of technologies of information and psychological influence on the individual and mass consciousness in order to form the necessary public opinion, behaviours that will meet the goals defined by the authorities.

We can utterly assert that the aim of our analysis has lead, throughout the balancing/ a balancement of a philosophical hermeneutic and a literature analysis, to the delineation of an informal subjectivity in Georges Bataille's thought. Afore the achievement of our theoretical demonstration, we will be glad to onset a brief parenthesis over the first commenters who had set a debate over the Formless, to enhance, thanks to them, our assumption. Commencing from the work Documents (1929/30), reprinted by the will of Dennis Hollier in 1995. we will understand why its main analysis have secluded the debate into the esthetical- figurative corner, effectively closing the debate to other possible postulations. In this perspective, the formless has lost its subversive tendencies to gain/obtain the pityfull status of «museal knick knack» implied into the artistical domain. Afterward having drafted the meaning of formeless by new, and given to it a contemporary perspective, we could start to settle a confrontantion with his philosophical roots: Nietzsche and Hegel. It is only due to the parallel with them both and to the overhaul of their theories, which we could assert that Bataille has in a way reached the true meaning of formeless. The same formeless that is deeply rooted in his erotical novels. It is also through these passages that we could understand the real meaning of parody in the bataillean sense, that is is an inversion of the moral values that the author has applied as a souverain and deforming lecture of his works. The manicheism that the autor recour to use to divise the whole reality into two exact parts of positive and negative,will be a peculiar aspect that leads to the comprehension of his entire work. This disorder wil be procured, by the inversion of the moral values which are divided into an "high" and a "low", and as consequent, the higher polarity will be related to the a positive value, and the low, to its tcontrary. Their upheaval will produse an ethical swap of their positions, in a second stance this will lead to a real deformation of every kind of preassumption in his novels and of course in the characters, a rupture taken against every kind of normalization or reduction to the norms. In the last part of our research, before going through the application the formless theory, we will briefly argumentate about the major inversion that had prevailed upon our author, obliging him to take the distance from the Bildungsroman and to oppose to it a Verbildungsroman. Only after conceived the global valorial inversion, we will arrive to this "Game of polarities"m which will lead to the constitution of a informal character. Starting from there, effectively, we eill see that the character will become a formless that manifest itself thanks to the narration, the same invisible and terrifing subjectivity that we have already met in the first part of our work. Consacrating ourselves to the Bataille's works, will signify, not only trying to understand the character born under a formless will, but even also- how this formless could be gained far distant from the mores applayed into the university. Our demonstration, will be constructed to have a new eye: the formless will be conceived to be à "becoming" that can't be, that is aphone and unpronounceable, but so forth, it is a right alternative to the "Deleuzian's becoming", to the Z.O.O and of the subjects that are trying to force a reconfiguration of an autonomous space, of the fluid sexualities: and is for these reasons that we evinct that the formless needs a new recalibration, far from the aesthetical intuitions, in need to re-orienting itself to a new dialogical horizon, and to put itself to the extreme sens of a destructive immanence. ; Notre projet de recherche vise à récupérer, à travers l'utilisation du double instrument de l'herméneutique philo-sophique et de l'analyse littéraire des romans, une subjectivité informelle à l'intérieur de la pensée de Bataille. Tout d'abord, avant d'accomplir notre démonstration des aspects de l'informalité dans les romans obscènes de Bataille, nous souhaitons ouvrir une brève parenthèse autour des principaux interprètes de l'Informe, pour arti-culer notre lecture à partir de leurs théories. Afin d'aborder ce discours, nous débuterons par l'œuvre Documents (1929/30), publiée en 1995, par la volonté de D. Hollier, et nous essaierons de comprendre comment les deux révisions du concept d'Informe - bien qu'en contraste entre elles - ont limité les débats qui gravitent autour de ce mot, incluant avec la pensée esthético-figurative toutes les pistes parcourables. Dans cette perspective, l'Informe a perdu sa vocation intimement subversive pour obtenir le status de « joujou muséal » impliqué dans le milieu artistique. Après avoir esquissé l'informalité, et donné une perspective contemporaine, nous pourrons aboutir à une confrontation philosophique avec ses maîtres à penser : Nietzsche et Hegel. Ce n'est que grâce à un parallé-lisme et à la démonstration du dépassement des théories de ces deux auteurs par Bataille que nous pourrons comprendre comment l'auteur parvient à l'informalité qui se reflète jusque dans ses romans obscènes. Toujours au cours de ce passage on comprendra la véritable signification de la parodie chez Bataille, ainsi que le renver-sement des valeurs que l'auteur a appliqué comme lecture souveraine et déformatrice, en contraste avec les vé-rités despotiques, dans tous les domaines, à partir de la philosophie jusqu'à la littérature. Ainsi les polarités qui parviennent au manichéisme, à la division du monde entre positif et négatif, seront un aspect basilaire visant à la compréhension de l'œuvre entière, et surtout de leur bouleversement. Ce désordre sera procuré par l'inversion des valeurs morales divisées encore une fois par le haut et par le bas, auxquelles correspondra une valeur posi-tive à la polarité du haut et une valeur négative à celle du bas; leur bouleversement produira un mouvement de déformation dans la structure des romans mêmes, tout comme dans les personnages. Au cours de la dernière partie de notre étude, avant d'appliquer la théorie informelle, nous nous interrogerons brièvement sur les inver-sions majeures qui ont conduit notre auteur à prendre les distances du roman formatif (Bildungsroman) et à lui opposer un roman déformant (Verbildungsroman). Ce n'est qu'après avoir conçu l'inversion globale des valeurs que nous parviendrons au « jeu des polarités », qui nous mènera à la constitution d'un personnage informel. À partir de là, en effet, nous verrons que le personnage sera devenu une informité qui se manifeste à travers la nar-ration, la même subjectivité invisible et épouvantable qu'on aura rencontrée au cours du premier chapitre. Se consacrer à l'œuvre de Bataille, signifie pour nous, non seulement comprendre comment le personnage naît à partir de l'Informe, mais également comment cette informité pourrait être acquise au-delà des mores appliqués à l'intérieur de l'académie. Notre démonstration s'effectuera à travers un nouveau regard; l'Informe sera con-templé comme ce « devenir » qui ne devient pas, qui est aphone et imprononçable, mais qui a été malgré tout l'avant-garde des « devenirs deleuziens », des zones d'indistinctions, des sujets qui tentent une reconfiguration spatiale autonome, des subjectivités fluides des gender studies. C'est pour cela, à notre avis, que l'Informe mé-rite une plus grande réflexion au-delà de l'esthétique, afin d'orienter le terme vers un nouvel horizon dialogique, qui puisse ouvrir le concept au sens extrême de son immanence destructrice.

Problem setting. In most states, the territorial issues were accompanied by the establishment of a sovereign power, the inviolability of borders, the preservation of the independence of the state, the search for a new model of national identity. As a result, territorial integrity has gained the appropriate level of institutionalization and legitimization at the international and national levels, thus becoming one of the most pressing problems for modern humanities.The basis for understanding the territorial integrity of the state is the study of Hajd, Ch. (2005). The territorial integrity of the state scientist understood as its unity and indivisibility, while inviolability – as the preservation of the integrity of the territory, protection from encroachments by other states or other political forces. In this respect, the territorial integrity and inviolability of the territory are considered by the author as a whole and partial, on the basis of which the inviolability acts as a structural component and a necessary condition for the territorial integrity of the state.The purpose of the paper is to conduct a conceptual analysis of the concept of state territory and territorial integrity in the context of modern political science. The objectives of the paper are to find out the essence of the state territory, to specify the main theories of its research, to systematize the main research approaches to the identification of the content of territorial integrity and the tools for its protection within the framework of domestic and Western political science.The paper main body. The concept of Cassese, A. (2007) is of significant methodological value within the research. The territorial integrity of the state he understood as "an element of state unity characterizing the immutability of state borders, territorial integrity and inviolability of the territory of the state historically formed and people living in a certain territory". On this basis, territorial integrity is the basis of strengthening the constitutional system, which in no case may contradict the principle of the right of people to self-determination. Within this research logic, an important role in implementing the mechanism of ensuring the territorial integrity of the state is given to judicial instruments for resolving territorial disputes within a single constitutional space.The scientific approach by Fukujama, F. (2004) is analyzed. The scientist makes a methodological attempt to carry out a detailed analysis of the notions of "state unity" and "territorial integrity".Within the bounds of political analysis, the concept of Eide, A. (2015) is of great conceptual value. He defines the notions of "territorial integrity", "state integrity" and "territorial inviolability". The concept of Jacobson, J. (2014) in this context is also of great importance. The author reveals the essence of territorial integrity in the context of the implementation of the principle of inviolability of borders, which is an important condition for the solution of issues of protection of state borders, which are essential for the provision of international security throughout the world.Conclusions of the research. Thus, our analysis made it possible to find out the essence of the notions of "state border", "territorial integrity", "territorial integrity" by systematizing the main research approaches that were formed in the context of world and national scientific thought. On this basis, the structural and functional content of the state territory is clarified, including the determination of its composition, history of formation, morphology, location and characteristics of the boundaries. The economic and political peculiarities of the development of the state territory are presented. The relationship between the structure of the state territory and the territorial structure of the economy, the content of territorial disputes and claims between the states, as well as the nature of the corresponding territorial-ethnic conflicts, which leads to a violation of its integrity, are disclosed.The notions of territorial integrity, which refers to unity and indivisibility, and territorial inviolability, which characterizes the preservation of the integrity of the territory, protection from encroachments by other states or other political forces, are delimited.Territorial integrity and territorial inviolability are considered as integral and partial, on the basis of which the inviolability acts as a structural component and a necessary condition for the territorial integrity of the state. It is this aspect that is least developed within the framework of modern political science, which thus forms the methodological prospects for further study of this problem. ; Раскрыта сущность государственной территории, конкретизированы основные теории ее исследования, в частности концепции А. Кейсеса, Ф. Фукуямы, А. Эйде, Ж. Якобсона, А. Эртеля. Систематизированы основные исследовательские подходы к идентификации содержания территориальной целостности и инструментов ее защиты; которые были сформированы в пределах мировой научной мысли. Уточняется структурное и функциональное содержание территории государства, определяется ее структурный состав, освещаются исторические аспекты ее образования, морфология, место нахождения и характеристика границ. Освещены экономические и политические особенности развития государственной территории. Установлена взаимосвязь между структурой государственной территории и территориальной структурой экономики, содержанием территориальных споров и претензий между государствами, а также характером соответствующих территориально-этнических конфликтов, что приводит к их целостности. Установлена сущность понятий «государственная граница», «территориальная целостность», раскрыто их структурно-функциональное содержание, состав. История формирования, морфология, место размещения и характеристика границ; представлены экономические и политические особенности их развития.Разграничены понятия территориальной целостности, под которой понимается единство и неделимость, и территориальной неприкосновенности, что характеризует сохранение целостности территории, защиту от посягательств со стороны других государств или политических сил. Территориальная целостность и неприкосновенность территории рассматриваются как целое и частное, на основании чего неприкосновенность выступает структурной составляющей и необходимым условием территориальной целостности государства.Проанализирована взаимосвязь между структурой государственной территории и территориальной структурой хозяйствования, определено содержание территориальных споров и претензий между государствами, а также проведена характеристика природы соответствующих территориально-этнических конфликтов, которые приводят к нарушению ее целостности. ; З'ясовується сутність державної території, конкретизовано основні теорії її дослідження, зокрема, концепції А. Кейсеса, Ф. Фукуями, А. Ейде, Ж. Якобсона, А. Ертеля. Систематизовано основні дослідницькі підходи до ідентифікації змісту територіальної цілісності та інструментів її захисту, які були сформовані в межах світової наукової думки. Уточнюється структурний і функціональний зміст території держави, визначається її структурний склад, висвітлюються історичні аспекти її утворення, морфологія, місце знаходження і характеристики кордонів. Висвітлено економічні і політичні особливості розвитку державної території. Встановлено взаємозв'язок між структурою державної території і територіальною структурою економіки, змістом територіальних суперечок і претензій між державами, а також характером відповідних територіально-етнічних конфліктів, що призводить до порушення її цілісності. З'ясовано сутність понять «державний кордон», «територіальна цілісність», розкрито їх структурно-функціональний зміст, склад, історію формування, морфологію, місце розташування та характеристики кордонів; наведено економічні й політичні особливості її розвитку.Розмежовано поняття територіальної цілісності, під якою розуміється єдність та неподільність, та територіальної недоторканості, що характеризує збереження цілісності території, захист від посягань з боку інших держав або інших політичних сил. Територіальна цілісність та недоторканість території розглядаються як ціле та часткове, на підставі чого недоторканість виступає структурною складовою та необхідною умовою територіальної цілісності держави. Проаналізовано взаємозв'язок між структурою державної території та територіальною структурою господарювання, визначено зміст територіальних суперечок і претензій між державами, а також охарактеризовано природу відповідних територіально-етнічних конфліктів, які призводять до порушення її цілісності.

La Ecologi?a Poli?tica crecio? en Latinoame?rica desde propuestas como los "derechos de la naturaleza", el "buen vivir" o el "ecosocialismo". Sin embargo, la mayori?a de la produccio?n en este campo muestra escasa vinculacio?n con el pensamiento latinoamericano del siglo XIX. Para aportar a completar esta vacancia, se propone recuperar las principales dimensiones del pensamiento de Jose? Marti? en dicha a?rea del conocimiento. En primer lugar, caracterizar el contexto en que se desarrolla el pensamiento martiano. Luego repasar las influencias con las que conformo? este aspecto de su pensamiento. Asi?, llegar a lo que se puede denominar el "pensamiento ambiental martiano", comenzando por su concepcio?n de la relacio?n sociedad-naturaleza y continuando por las implicancias poli?ticas y econo?micas de sus planteos. El trabajo fue realizado a trave?s de fuentes secundarias, tanto de la obra del autor como de otros trabajos que profundizan sobre su pensamiento. Los resultados constatan la presencia de una cri?tica temprana a una economi?a basada en estructuras monoproductivas y basadas en el consumismo. PALABRAS CLAVES: Marti?, pensamiento ambiental, naturaleza, ecologi?a poli?tica. Abstract Political Ecology grew in Latin America from proposals such as "rights of nature", "good living" or "ecosocialism". However, the majority of production in this field shows a limited connection with the Latin American thought of the 19th century. To contribute to complete this vacancy, it is proposed to recover the main dimensions of Jose? Marti?'s thinking in this area of knowledge. First, characterize the context in which Marti's thought develops. Then review the influences with which he confirmed this aspect of his thought. Thus, arriving at what you can call the "martian environmental though", beginning with its conception of the society-nature relationship and continuing with the political and economic implications of its proposals. The work was done through secondary sources, both the work of the author and other works that deepen their thinking. The results confirm the presence of an early criticism in an economy based on single-product structures and based on consumerism. KEYWORDS: Marti?, environmental thought, nature, political ecology. Resumo A Ecologia Poli?tica cresceu na Ame?rica Latina desde propostas como os "direitos da natureza", o "bom viver" ou o "ecosocialismo". Entretanto, a maioria da produc?a?o neste campo mostra escassa vinculac?a?o com o pensamento latino-americano do se?culo XIX. Para completar essa lacuna, nos propomos recuperar as principais dimenso?es do pensamento de Jose? Marti? nesta referida a?rea de conhecimento. Em primeiro lugar, caracterizamos o contexto em que se desenvolve o pensamento martiano. Logo, repassaremos as influe?ncias com as que se conformou esse aspecto de seu pensamento. Assim, chegaremos ao que podemos denominar o "pensamento ambiental martiano", comec?ando pela sua concepc?a?o da relac?a?o sociedade-natureza e continuando pelas implicac?o?es poli?ticas e econo?micas de suas propostas. O trabalho foi realizado atrave?s de fontes secunda?rias, tanto da obra do autor como de outros trabalhos que aprofundaram seu pensamento. Os resultados constatam a presencia de uma cri?tica a uma economia baseada nas estruturas mono-produtivas e baseadas no consumismo. PALAVRAS CHAVE: Marti?, pensamento ambiental, natureza, ecologia poli?tica. ; La Ecologi?a Poli?tica crecio? en Latinoame?rica desde propuestas como los "derechos de la naturaleza", el "buen vivir" o el "ecosocialismo". Sin embargo, la mayori?a de la produccio?n en este campo muestra escasa vinculacio?n con el pensamiento latinoamericano del siglo XIX. Para aportar a completar esta vacancia, se propone recuperar las principales dimensiones del pensamiento de Jose? Marti? en dicha a?rea del conocimiento. En primer lugar, caracterizar el contexto en que se desarrolla el pensamiento martiano. Luego repasar las influencias con las que conformo? este aspecto de su pensamiento. Asi?, llegar a lo que se puede denominar el "pensamiento ambiental martiano", comenzando por su concepcio?n de la relacio?n sociedad-naturaleza y continuando por las implicancias poli?ticas y econo?micas de sus planteos. El trabajo fue realizado a trave?s de fuentes secundarias, tanto de la obra del autor como de otros trabajos que profundizan sobre su pensamiento. Los resultados constatan la presencia de una cri?tica temprana a una economi?a basada en estructuras monoproductivas y basadas en el consumismo. PALABRAS CLAVES: Marti?, pensamiento ambiental, naturaleza, ecologi?a poli?tica. Abstract Political Ecology grew in Latin America from proposals such as "rights of nature", "good living" or "ecosocialism". However, the majority of production in this field shows a limited connection with the Latin American thought of the 19th century. To contribute to complete this vacancy, it is proposed to recover the main dimensions of Jose? Marti?'s thinking in this area of knowledge. First, characterize the context in which Marti's thought develops. Then review the influences with which he confirmed this aspect of his thought. Thus, arriving at what you can call the "martian environmental though", beginning with its conception of the society-nature relationship and continuing with the political and economic implications of its proposals. The work was done through secondary sources, both the work of the author and other works that deepen their thinking. The results confirm the presence of an early criticism in an economy based on single-product structures and based on consumerism. KEYWORDS: Marti?, environmental thought, nature, political ecology. Resumo A Ecologia Poli?tica cresceu na Ame?rica Latina desde propostas como os "direitos da natureza", o "bom viver" ou o "ecosocialismo". Entretanto, a maioria da produc?a?o neste campo mostra escassa vinculac?a?o com o pensamento latino-americano do se?culo XIX. Para completar essa lacuna, nos propomos recuperar as principais dimenso?es do pensamento de Jose? Marti? nesta referida a?rea de conhecimento. Em primeiro lugar, caracterizamos o contexto em que se desenvolve o pensamento martiano. Logo, repassaremos as influe?ncias com as que se conformou esse aspecto de seu pensamento. Assim, chegaremos ao que podemos denominar o "pensamento ambiental martiano", comec?ando pela sua concepc?a?o da relac?a?o sociedade-natureza e continuando pelas implicac?o?es poli?ticas e econo?micas de suas propostas. O trabalho foi realizado atrave?s de fontes secunda?rias, tanto da obra do autor como de outros trabalhos que aprofundaram seu pensamento. Os resultados constatam a presencia de uma cri?tica a uma economia baseada nas estruturas mono-produtivas e baseadas no consumismo. PALAVRAS CHAVE: Marti?, pensamento ambiental, natureza, ecologia poli?tica. Recibido: Octubre 3 de 2017 Aceptado: Febrero 20 de 2018