The tenure of Japanese prime ministers is famously short. Between 2006 and 2012 Japan changed prime minister once a year. What factors can explain Japan's revolving-door premiership? To explore this puzzle, this article applies the Leadership Capital Index (LCI) developed by Bennister, 't Hart and Worthy (2015) to case studies of the nine Japanese prime ministers holding office between 2000 and 2015. Leadership capital is the aggregate of leaders' political resources: skills, relations and reputation. The LCI thus allows analysis of the interplay between individual capacities and contextual conditions in determining leaders' ability to gain, maintain and deploy power. The LCI is applied to answer two questions. Firstly, what accounts for the short tenure of many Japanese premiers? In which of the LCI's three leadership dimensions do Japanese leaders lack capital? Secondly, what forms of capital allow some prime ministers to retain office for longer than average (>2 years)? In particular, the article analyses the leadership of Junichiro Koizumi (2001–2006) Japan's longest serving prime minister since the 1970s, and incumbent Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who has held office for three years since December 2012. As well as utilising the LCI to comparatively analyse the tenure of Japan's prime ministers, this article tests the applicability of the Index beyond Western parliamentary democracies.
A series of crises and traumatic events, such as the 9/11 attacks and the 2008 global financial crisis, seem to have influenced the environment within which modern political leaders act. We explore the scholarly literature on political leadership and crisis since 2008 to evaluate what sorts of questions are being engaged, and identify some new lines of inquiry. We find several scholars are contributing much insight from the perspective of leadership and crisis management. Several analysts are investigating the politics of crisis from a decentralist perspective, focusing on local leadership in response to challenging events. As well, studying how citizens interpret, respond to, or resist leaders' signals is a developing area of inquiry. While our study reveals some debate about the nature of crisis, and whether the context has changed significantly, most of the scholarship reviewed here holds modern politicians face large challenges in exercising leadership within precarious contexts. (author's abstract)
International audience ; Purpose: To develop a comprehensive account for careers within the Greek academic system. Historical, cultural and geographical features of the country have created a unique context that has shaped the way academic careers evolve. Design/methodology/approach: The primary methods of data collection were retrospective participant observation and discussions in interview form with individuals who have had various types of experience with the Greek Higher Education system. Findings: The major factor that shapes careers in Greek academia is social capital or Know-whom that operates within a broader cultural environment where institutional collectivism is extremely low, the in-group - out-group distinction is a major element, and political party affiliation plays a key role in everyday affairs. As a result academic careers in Greece are almost exclusively determined by membership, a priory or earned, to an "in-group" that is linked via blood, family friendship, business and political party ties. This "in-group" uses its social capital to control academic careers across all stages for the benefit of its members. Research limitations/implications: There are method limitations, but relevant concerns were largely alleviated by precautionary measures and the way data were utilized. Ethnography may be the most appropriate method to disentangle the way networks and social capital impact careers. Practical implications: Achieving substantive change, such as increasing meritocracy, within a sector may be impossible without considering the broader cultural context that encapsulates it. Originality/value: The study is amongst the very first to unveil the "dark side" of social capital, and show how social capital may benefit the interests of in-groups at the expense of the collective. ; Objectif : développer un compte-rendu complet des carrières au sein du système scolaire grec. Les caractéristiques historiques, culturelles et géographiques du pays ont créé un contexte unique qui a façonné la manière dont les carrières universitaires évoluent. Conception / méthodologie / approche : les principales méthodes de collecte de données sont l'observation participante rétrospective, ainsi que des discussions sous forme d'interview avec des personnes qui ont eu différents types d'expérience au sein du système d'enseignement supérieur grec. Conclusions : le principal facteur qui façonne la carrière dans le milieu universitaire grec est le capital social ou le "connaître-qui", à l'oeuvre dans un environnement culturel plus large où le collectivisme institutionnel est extrêmement faible, la distinction "en-groupe" - "hors-groupe" est un élément important, et l'appartenance à un parti politique joue un rôle-clé dans la vie quotidienne. En conséquence, les carrières universitaires en Grèce sont presque exclusivement déterminées par l'affiliation, a priori ou acquise, à un "en groupe", lié par le sang, les relations familiales et amicales, les affaires et l'appartenance à un parti politique. Cet "en groupe" utilise son capital social pour contrôler les carrières universitaires, à toutes les étapes et au bénéfice de ses membres. Limites de la recherche / implications : des limites méthodologiques existent, mais elles ont été largement atténués par des mesures de précaution et par l'usage effectif des données. L'ethnographie est peut-être la méthode la plus appropriée pour démêler la façon dont les réseaux et le capital social influent sur les carrières. Implications pratiques : parvenir à un changement substantiel dans un secteur particulier, par une méritocratie accrue, semble impossible sans tenir compte du contexte culturel plus large de ce secteur. Originalité / valeur : cette étude est parmi les premières à dévoiler le "côté sombre" du capital social, et montre comment le capital social peut servir les intérêts des "en-groupes", au détriment du collectif.
International audience ; Purpose: To develop a comprehensive account for careers within the Greek academic system. Historical, cultural and geographical features of the country have created a unique context that has shaped the way academic careers evolve. Design/methodology/approach: The primary methods of data collection were retrospective participant observation and discussions in interview form with individuals who have had various types of experience with the Greek Higher Education system. Findings: The major factor that shapes careers in Greek academia is social capital or Know-whom that operates within a broader cultural environment where institutional collectivism is extremely low, the in-group - out-group distinction is a major element, and political party affiliation plays a key role in everyday affairs. As a result academic careers in Greece are almost exclusively determined by membership, a priory or earned, to an "in-group" that is linked via blood, family friendship, business and political party ties. This "in-group" uses its social capital to control academic careers across all stages for the benefit of its members. Research limitations/implications: There are method limitations, but relevant concerns were largely alleviated by precautionary measures and the way data were utilized. Ethnography may be the most appropriate method to disentangle the way networks and social capital impact careers. Practical implications: Achieving substantive change, such as increasing meritocracy, within a sector may be impossible without considering the broader cultural context that encapsulates it. Originality/value: The study is amongst the very first to unveil the "dark side" of social capital, and show how social capital may benefit the interests of in-groups at the expense of the collective. ; Objectif : développer un compte-rendu complet des carrières au sein du système scolaire grec. Les caractéristiques historiques, culturelles et géographiques du pays ont créé un contexte unique qui a façonné la manière dont ...
Die Proteste um den Stuttgarter Hauptbahnhof haben die Diskussion über das Verhältnis zwischen Bürgern und Politik neu entfacht. In diesem Beitrag argumentieren wir nach einer kritischen Diskussion bisheriger Lösungsansätze für die Implementation eines auf Dauer angelegten, systematischen Konzeptes kooperativer Demokratie. Zum Aufbau von gegenseitigem Vertrauen bedarf es der Verstetigung kooperativer Bürgerbeteiligungsprozesse. Dabei müssen Verbindlichkeiten geregelt sein im Hinblick auf die Beteiligungsprozesse, den Umgang mit jeweiligen Ergebnissen und auf Verantwortlichkeiten. Zentrales Merkmal muss außerdem die prozessuale Verzahnung der beteiligten Akteure sein - vornehmlich der Bürgerschaft, der Politik und der Verwaltung. Auf Basis erster Umsetzungserfahrungen formulieren wir hierzu sechs Gestaltungselemente eines entsprechenden Beteiligungskonzeptes. Sie werden ergänzt um Rahmenbedingungen, die für die Implementation eines solchen Ansatzes notwendig sind.
Southern Sayaboury province has long been at the forefront of rural economic development in the Lao PDR. Over the past twenty years, livelihoods have undergone drastic changes and agriculture has become increasingly linked to the demand of the Thai market. At the same time, similar to the 1970s agrarian transition in northern Thailand, agricultural systems have shifted from traditional shifting cultivation systems based on fallowing, slash-and-burn and crop rotations, to more intensive systems based on heavy mechanized tillage, pesticides and hybrid seeds. Responding to substantial demand from local traders, smallholders have engaged massively in maize monocropping and have rapidly generated large profits. As a result, the area planted to maize in southern Sayaboury province has expanded rapidly to cover more than 42,000 ha, i.e., more than 88% of the total rainfed area cultivated in 2008. Although livelihoods have certainly been improved in the short term, in the longer term, this dual process of agricultural intensification and expansion can have very negative social and ecological impacts, including increased soil erosion (leading to the destruction of roads and siltation of paddy fields), gradual soil exhaustion, chemical pollution of soils and hydrological systems, and increased risk of human intoxication by pesticides. In the light of these various threats, and since 2003, the National Agro-Ecology Programme (PRONAE) of Laos has been developing and adapting direct seeding mulch-based cropping (DMC) systems through a participatory approach involving village communities and farmer groups. Since 2006, and based on PRONAE's research results, the PASS-PCADR project - a rural development project active in the 4 southern districts of Sayaboury province - has been disseminating DMC systems on a larger scale. Between 2005 and 2008, extensive surveys were carried out in order to: (1) assess the socio economic outcomes of DMC systems on a household level, (2) estimate the level of dissemination of DMC systems on a community level, and (3) determine the factors conditioning smallholder adoption or rejection of DMC systems. Surveys were carried out by the PRONAE programme in 4 villages (462 smallholders) and the PASS-PCADR project in 21 villages (2,160 smallholders). The results of these surveys show that there are currently more than 1,200 smallholders using DMC systems on a total of about 1,500 ha of cultivated land. Overall, the rates and levels of DMC system adoption by smallholders appear to be greater in areas where the environment is most degraded and/or particularly fragile. With significant levels of crop diversification and engagement in off-farm or non-farm activities, livelihoods in general appear more diversified in these areas. These trends can be considered as 'risk avoidance' strategies. By adopting DMC systems, smallholders attempt to avoid the environmental and economic risks associated with less sustainable systems based on heavy mechanization and maize monocropping. In turn, by diversifying their livelihoods, smallholders attempt to limit their vulnerability to the potential failure of a single economic activity. In contrast, in less environmentally-degraded and less fragile areas, the level of DMC system adoption is still rather limited. With more productive soils, mechanized monocropping can still provide high profits and, as such, retains the interest of a majority of farmers. Although on-farm experimentation has shown positive technical and economic results, DMC system dissemination faces many technical and socio-economic constraints. For instance, whilst no-till agriculture can certainly reduce productions costs (hence, contribute to improving the livelihoods of poor households), the credit and collection systems that have developed in southern Sayaboury province continue to favour conventional, mechanized agriculture and prevent farmers from adopting technical alternatives (i.e. crop rotation and diversifica
In order to explore the biographical consequences of activism during the political events of May 1968 in France, a sample of matched individuals - who themselves were involved in these events - and their children – educated in alternative schools in Paris and Nantes – was investigated both quantitatively and qualitatively. The focus of our study shifts constantly back and forth between objectivisation (through statistical analysis) and comprehension (based on life accounts' analysis). This thesis is generally concerned with the consequences of individual life trajectories intersecting with political events and the subsequent, potential impacts on the 'second generation' (that of the children). In the first part, we propose a sociogenesis of the dissenting dispositions, having analysed the biographical roots of activism and the various forms of participation in the May 68 events. The second part investigates the biographical consequences of this participation from a longitudinal and process-based point of view, examining post-68 life paths while relying on biographical inflection markers (political, professional and private). In these first two parts, our approach – similar to Doug McAdam's in Freedom Summer – highlights the heterogeneity of generation micro-units, too often confused as a 'May 68 generation', as it discriminates between aspects associated with anterior personal histories and those specifically linked to the various exposures to the events themselves. The third part extends this investigation to the children of May 68 activists in order to identify the impact of the events of May-June 1968 on the 'second generation', looking in particular at counter-cultural forms of socialization at home and at school and the transmission of May 68 heritages across generations. ; Pour explorer les conséquences biographiques de la participation aux événements de Mai-Juin 68, dans un va-et-vient permanent entre effort d'objectivation (par l'analyse statistique) et effort de compréhension (fondé sur l'analyse de ...
In order to explore the biographical consequences of activism during the political events of May 1968 in France, a sample of matched individuals - who themselves were involved in these events - and their children – educated in alternative schools in Paris and Nantes – was investigated both quantitatively and qualitatively. The focus of our study shifts constantly back and forth between objectivisation (through statistical analysis) and comprehension (based on life accounts' analysis). This thesis is generally concerned with the consequences of individual life trajectories intersecting with political events and the subsequent, potential impacts on the 'second generation' (that of the children). In the first part, we propose a sociogenesis of the dissenting dispositions, having analysed the biographical roots of activism and the various forms of participation in the May 68 events. The second part investigates the biographical consequences of this participation from a longitudinal and process-based point of view, examining post-68 life paths while relying on biographical inflection markers (political, professional and private). In these first two parts, our approach – similar to Doug McAdam's in Freedom Summer – highlights the heterogeneity of generation micro-units, too often confused as a 'May 68 generation', as it discriminates between aspects associated with anterior personal histories and those specifically linked to the various exposures to the events themselves. The third part extends this investigation to the children of May 68 activists in order to identify the impact of the events of May-June 1968 on the 'second generation', looking in particular at counter-cultural forms of socialization at home and at school and the transmission of May 68 heritages across generations. ; Pour explorer les conséquences biographiques de la participation aux événements de Mai-Juin 68, dans un va-et-vient permanent entre effort d'objectivation (par l'analyse statistique) et effort de compréhension (fondé sur l'analyse de récits de vie), une enquête quantitative et qualitative a été menée auprès d'un échantillon apparié de personnes ayant participé aux événements et de leurs enfants scolarisés dans deux écoles alternatives à Paris et à Nantes. De façon générale, il s'agissait d'étudier les incidences des rencontres entre trajectoires individuelles et événement politique et leurs effets potentiels sur la « deuxième génération » (celle des enfants). La première partie propose une sociogenèse des dispositions contestataires analysant les déterminants de l'engagement en Mai 68 et les registres de participation à l'événement. La deuxième partie étudie les incidences biographiques de la participation à Mai 68, à partir d'une analyse longitudinale et processuelle des trajectoires post soixante-huitardes, fondée sur des indicateurs d'inflexion des trajectoires (politiques, professionnelles et privées). Dans une démarche proche de celle de Doug McAdam dans Freedom Summer, ces deux premières parties mettent en évidence l'hétérogénéité des micro-unités de génération trop souvent confondues dans une « génération Mai 68 », en repérant ce qui tient aux histoires de vie antérieures et aux expositions différenciées à l'événement. La troisième partie poursuit l'enquête auprès des « enfants de soixante-huitards » pour identifier les effets des événements de Mai-Juin 68 sur la « deuxième génération », via notamment les socialisations familiale et scolaire contre-culturelles et la transmission intergénérationnelle d'héritages de Mai 68.
Die Figur des 'ganz normalen Mannes' als Verlierer unserer Gesellschaft erfreut sich seit Ende der 1990er Jahre großer Popularität. Aber was ist an der marktfähigen Rede von Männern in der Krise interessant? Die Studie zeigt, dass die Inszenierung des unrettbar realitätsuntüchtigen Mannes zum Sigle einer harschen Gesellschaftskritik wird. Hollywoodblockbuster wie »American Beauty« von Sam Mendes oder »Fight Club« von David Fincher ebenso wie die Romane von Michel Houellebecq koppeln die Erzählung von dysfunktionalen Mittelschichtsmännern an die Beschreibung der Konsumgesellschaft als weder menschliches noch zu humanisierendes System.
Westliche bzw. bürgerliche Modetrends wurden von Kulturfunktionären der SED gezielt mit sozialistischer Gegenkultur ersetzt und mit viel Propaganda in die Öffentlichkeit gebracht. Der "Lipsi" war eine Tanzform, die in den fünfziger Jahren Rock´n Roll und Twist ersetzen sollten. Der Artikel reflektiert die entsprechende Öffentlichkeitsarbeit und die Erfolglosigkeit dieser Bemühungen. ; Western or bourgeois fashion trends were deliberately replaced with socialist variants by cultural functionaries of the SED and brought to the public with a lot of propaganda. The "Lipsi" was a dance form that was to replace Rock'n Roll and Twist in the fifties. The article reflects the corresponding public relations work and the unsuccessfulness of these efforts.
