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Extensive and profound political, economic, social and technological changes have taken place over the last forty years, mediated by neoconservative movements and the apparently unstoppable development of digital technology. At the same time, however, fundamental issues such as asymmetric power relations, inequality, poverty and exclusion have not only remained unchanged but are becoming more pronounced, producing, in some respects, movements and trends of reactionary change. From this perspective, in this article we begin by discussing the meaning of changes in the university field, based on contributions from different authors interested in the subject. We continue to analyze the problem considering the effects of the transformations produced by digital technologies on the lives and professional experience of university teachers and researchers. The evidence provided by this research project allows us to situate the impact of the unprecedented proliferation of information and the use of digital resources on the notion of knowledge and on teaching and learning methods, as well as to envisage the challenges to face by university. The text concludes considering some of the current university challenges and perspectives, based on various international studies and proposals. Our conclusions invite the reader to necessarily question the sense and the role of digital technology, not only in the seemingly inevitable transformation of university, but also in that of society. ; En los últimos cuarenta años se han producido extensos y profundos cambios políticos, económicos, sociales y tecnológicos, mediados por los movimientos neoconservadores y el aparentemente imparable desarrollo de la tecnología digital. Aunque, al mismo tiempo, temas fundamentales como las relaciones asimétricas de poder, la desigualdad, la pobreza y la exclusión no sólo han permanecido inalterables, sino que se están acentuando, produciendo, en ciertos aspectos, movimientos y tendencias de cambio involutivo. Desde esta perspectiva, en este artículo, comenzamos dialogando sobre el sentido de los cambios en la universidad, a partir de las aportaciones de distintos autores interesados en el tema. Seguimos situando la problemática considerando los efectos de las transformaciones producidas por las tecnologías digitales en la vida y la experiencia profesional de los docentes e investigadores universitarios. La investigación llevada a cabo nos permite situar el impacto de la proliferación sin precedentes de la información y el uso de aplicaciones digitales en la noción de conocimiento y en los métodos de enseñanza y aprendizaje, así como vislumbrar los desafíos que se le presentan a la universidad. El texto finaliza con la consideración de algunos de los retos y perspectivas universitarias actuales, a partir de distintos estudios y propuestas internacionales. Nuestras conclusiones invitan al lector a reconsiderar necesariamente el sentido y el papel de la tecnología digital, no solo en la transformación aparentemente inevitable de la universidad, sino también en el de la sociedad.

Historisch gesehen war Österreich im 20. Jahrhundert von mehreren großen Migrationswanderungen geprägt. Dies hat zur Folge, dass Österreich, gemessen an seiner Bevölkerungszahl, einen im EU-Vergleich überproportional hohen Anteil an AusländerInnen sowie BürgerInnen mit Migrationshintergrund aufweist. Unter den ÖsterreicherInnen mit Migrationshintergrund sind die zwei größten Gruppen jene mit Herkunft aus der Türkei und dem ehemaligen Jugoslawien. Diese nehmen seit Generationen am Alltagsleben in Österreich teil und bestimmen durch die Teilnahme bei demokratischen Wahlen die zukünftige politische Ausrichtung des Landes mit. Doch wie genau wählen diese zwei Gruppen mit ausländischer Herkunft? Sind innerhalb dieser beiden Gruppen eindeutige Parteipräferenzen feststellbar?Unter Bezugnahme auf die Daten des Sozialen Survey Österreichs (SSÖ) von 2016 werde ich die Parteipräferenz von ÖsterreicherInnen mit Migrationshintergrund mit ÖsterreicherInnen ohne Migrationshintergrund vergleichen. Dazu verwende ich quantitative bi- und multivariate Verfahren und konzentriere mich im Besonderen auf Indikatoren der sozialen Ungleichheit, wie bspw. Bildung und Beruf. Für den theoretischen Rahmen greife ich auf die mikro- und makro-soziologischen Modelle von Lazarsfeld, Berelson und Gaudet sowie Lipset und Rokkan zurück.Zusätzlich zur Analyse von traditionellen Trennlinien ("cleavages") des österreichischen Wahlverhaltens, wie Konfession, Beruf und Geschlecht, werde ich einen eindeutigen Effekt entlang ethnischer Linien im Sample feststellen können: die befragten ÖsterreicherInnen mit Migrationshintergrund präferieren weitestgehend linke Parteien. Dies führt zu dem Schluss, dass der gängige "Migrationscleavage" in Österreich nunmehr in zwei Dimensionen zu interpretieren ist: während ÖsterreicherInnen mit positiver Haltung gegenüber Migration vor allem die Partei der Grünen präferieren, neigen ÖsterreicherInnen mit tatsächlichem Migrationshintergrund stark zur SPÖ. ; Historically, Austria experienced various waves of migration in the 20th Century, with immigration exceeding emigration. Consequently, Austria has one of the highest shares of foreigners and citizens with a migration background in the EU in terms of its own population size. Using the UNECE definition of what classifies a migration background, the two biggest groups of Austrians with non-EU migration backgrounds are those of Turkish and ex-Yugoslavian origin. These two big ethnic groups living in this country participate in daily life, and, by voting in democratic elections, take an active part in deciding the future policies of Austria. But how exactly do these two groups of Austrians with migration backgrounds vote? Are there group voting patterns ascertainable, as those ethnic groups prefer one political party?Using the 2016 data of the Social Survey Austria (SSÖ), I will analyze the similarities and differences regarding party preference of Austrian citizens with a migration background from Turkey and former Yugoslavia in comparison to Austrian citizens without a migration background. I will use quantitative bi- and multivariate methods with a special focus on indicators of social inequality like education and occupation. For the theoretical foundation, the micro- and macro-sociological models of Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet as well as Lipset and Rokkan are used.In addition to analysing traditional political cleavages like religious affiliation, occupation and gender, I will show that there is indeed an effect of ethnic voting ascertainable in the sample, as Austrians of Turkish and ex-Yugoslavian origin both largely vote left-wing. However, further results point to the fact that the accustomed migration cleavage must be interpreted in two dimensions: Austrians with positive attitude towards migration prefer the Greens, but Austrians with actual migration background largely prefer the SPÖ, regardless of their own socio-economic parameters. ; Christian Mayer ; Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Masterarbeit, 2018 ; (VLID)2836426

Durante más de tres décadas, Santiago de Cali ha sido sometida a un conflicto violento entre mafias asociadas al negocio de las drogas, afectando la salud urbana. Para comprender como ha sido la producción del poder mafioso en Santiago de Cali -¬ Colombia, desde 1985 a 2015 y su relación con la salud urbana, se realizó un estudio cualitativo, el cual da cuenta del desarrollo histórico de redes ilegales de tipo económico, político y militar, articuladas con las redes legales en un contexto de inequidad, impunidad y crecimiento demográfico acelerado, durante un período de reformas neoliberales El estudio argumenta que la salud urbana en Cali es un proceso complejo, resultante de la determinación entre el dominio general antes descrito y la territorialidad mafiosa construida mediante el ejercicio histórico de la fuerza y el consentimiento. Así, se han producido modos de vida nocivos para el bienestar tales como el sistema de crédito gota a gota, la vigilancia comunitaria, la extorsión, el sicariato, el uso generalizado de armas de fuego entre la población civil, el trabajo con limites borrosos entre la informalidad y la ilegalidad, la cooptación de líderes barriales y la participación de menores y jóvenes en la operación del conflicto mafioso y/o el negocio de las drogas. Estos modos de vida afectan diversas dimensiones de la salud urbana: ambiental, laboral, infantil, mental y la salud sexual y reproductiva, reflejándose en los indicadores de morbilidad y mortalidad. ; For more than three decades, Santiago de Cali has been subjected to a violent conflict between mafias, associated with the drug business, affecting urban health. In order to understand as has been the production of mafia power in Santiago de Cali-Colombia, from 1985 to 2015 and its relation with urban health, a qualitative study was carried out, which gives account of the historical development of illegal networks of economic, political and Military, articulated with legal networks in a context of inequality, impunity and accelerated demographic growth during a period of neoliberal reforms The study argues that urban health in Cali is a complex process, resulting from the determination between the general domain described above and the Mafia territoriality constructed through the historical exercise of force and consent. Thus, there have been livelihoods harmful to welfare, such as the dribbling credit system, community surveillance, extortion, hired labor, widespread use of firearms among the civilian population, labor with blurred boundaries between Informality and illegality, co-opting neighborhood leaders and the participation of minors and youth in the operation of the mafia conflict and / or the drug business. These mode of life affect different dimensions of urban health: environmental, labor, child, mental and sexual and reproductive health, reflected in indicators of morbidity and mortality. ; Doctorado

Die Vorstellung des amerikanischen Traums verleitet nach wie vor unbegrenzt viele Individuen in die USA zu emigrieren. Obwohl die USA als das Land der unbegrenzten Möglichkeiten gefeiert wird, werden ethnische Minderheiten wie zum Beispiel die Chicanos immer noch von den Ressourcen zur Erreichung ihrer Träume ausgeschlossen. Die jüngste politische Entwicklung in den USA mit der Wahl Donald Trumps zum 45. US Präsidenten zeigt mit seinem Vorhaben eine Mauer an der Grenze zu Mexiko zu errichten, dass Ungleichheit und rassistische Vorurteile fortbestehen. Diese Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit eben diesen Problemen, auf die die Chicanos beim Versuch ihre Träume zu erfüllen immer wieder stoßen. Dazu wurden drei zeitgenössische Chicano Jugendromane von Victor Martinez Parrot in the Oven: Mi vida (1996), Benjamin Alire Sáenz Sammy and Juliana in Hollywood (2004) und Reyna Grande The Distance Between Us. Young Readers Edition (2016) analysiert. Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es zu illustrieren mit welchen Themen, Motiven und Symbolen der amerikanische Traum repräsentiert wird und welchen Einfluss die Themen Assimilation und Identität auf die Erreichbarkeit des Traumes haben. Die Analyse der ausgewählten Romane zeigt, dass das Streben nach wirtschaftlichem Erfolg für die Chicanos erst möglich ist, nachdem der immaterielle Aspekt von Freiheit, Gleichheit und Akzeptanz erlangt wurde. Das Erreichen dieser ideellen Komponenten verlangt allerdings eine Anpassung an die breite Masse der Vereinigten Staaten und Ablehnung der mexikanischen Kultur, das mit dem Thema des Verlustes veranschaulicht wird. Des Weiteren werden in den ausgewählten Werken typische Probleme von jungen Erwachsenen, wie zum Beispiel Liebe, Freundschaft und Identitätsbildung behandelt. Die Analyse der Romane legt aber dar, dass es die heranwachsenden Chicanos auf Grund ihrer ethnischen Herkunft betont schwer haben, hervorgehoben mit durch das Thema von sozialen, kulturellen und ethnischen Konflikten. ; The notion of the American Dream has attracted and still attracts numerous immigrants to the United States. Although the US promise that one can reap the fruit of ones labor, ethnic minority groups such as Chicanos are still excluded from the possibilities to pursue their dreams. The latest political developments with Donald Trumps election to presidency and his plan to build a wall at the border between Mexico and the US demonstrate that inequality and racial prejudice continue to exist. This diploma thesis focuses on the persistent obstacles Chicanos encounter in their attempts to aspire to their dreams by analyzing three contemporary young adult Chicano novels: Victor Martinez Parrot in the Oven: Mi Vida (1996), Benjamin Alire Sáenz Sammy and Juliana in Hollywood (2004) and Reyna Grandes The Distance Between Us. Young Readers Edition (2016). The aim of this thesis is to illustrate with which themes, motifs and symbols the American Dream is represented and what influence the subjects of assimilation and identity have on the attainability of the Dream. The analysis of the selected novels show that only after the ideational values of acceptance, equality and freedom are accomplished, can the economic aspect of success be pursued. However, the accomplishments of freedom, equality and acceptance require adapting to the US mainstream, which entails rejecting the immigrants Mexican cultural heritage, illustrated by the motif of loss. Further, typical universal problems of young adults, such as love, friendship and identity are addressed in the selected books. Nonetheless, adolescent Chicanos encounter special difficulties due to their ethnic background, highlighted by the motif of social, cultural and racial conflicts. ; vorgelegt von Marlene Roider ; Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2017 ; (VLID)1952437

In Colombia, entrepreneurship has gained importance due to the growing demand for independence and economic stability of people; in the rural economy women have been agents of progress and change, and the conditions of inequality have aroused research interests; the main objective of this paper is to analyze the levels of entrepreneurship, characterization and factors that influence women in the rural sector of two municipalities in the department of Boyacá, thus describing the current situation of women entrepreneurs; the evidence indicates that it is necessary to formulate strategies and policies towards training for the entrepreneurship of women and their families; this way it wil be possible to diminish the discrimination that they perceive of the society and the State. ; En Colombia el emprendimiento ha cobrado importancia por la creciente demanda de independencia y estabilidad económica de las personas; en la economía rural la mujer ha sido agente de progreso y de cambio, y las condiciones de desigualdad vienen despertando intereses investigativos; el objetivo principal del presente documento es efectuar un análisis de los niveles de emprendimiento, caracterización y factores que influyen en las mujeres del sector rural de dos municipios del departamento de Boyacá, permitiendo describir así la situación actual de la mujer emprendedora; las evidencias indican que se requiere formular estrategias y políticas hacia la formaciónpara el emprendimiento de la mujer y su familia; por esta vía es posible disminuir la discriminación que ellas perciben de la sociedad y del Estado. ; En Colombie l'entrepreneuriat a pris de l'importance en raison de la demande croissante d'indépendance et stabilité économique des personnes; dans l'économie rurale la femme a été une agent de progrès et de changement, et les conditions d'inégalité réveillent des intérêts d'investigation. L'objectif principal du présent document est d'effectuer une analyse des niveaux d'entrepreneuriat, caractérisation et facteurs qui influent sur les femmes du secteur rural de deux municipalités du département de Boyacá, en permettant de décrire ainsi l'actuelle situation de la femme entreprenante; les évidences indiquent que l'on requiert formuler des stratégies et politiques vers la formation pour l'entrepreneuriat de la femme et sa famille; par cette route il sera possible de diminuer la discrimination qu'elles perçoivent de la société et de l'État. ; Em Colômbia o empreendimento cobrou importância pela demanda crescente de independência e estabilidade econômica das pessoas; na economia rural a mulher foi agente de progresso e de mudança, e as condições de desigualdade vêm incitando interesses investigativos; o objetivo principal do documento presente é fazer uma análise dos níveis de empreendimento, caracterização e fatores que influenciam nas mulheres do setor rural de duas municipalidades do departamento de Boyacá, permitindo deste modo descrever a situação atual da mulher empreendedora; as evidências indicam que é exigido formular estratégias e políticas para a formação para o empreendimento da mulher e sua família; por esse camino será possível diminuir a discriminação que eles percebem da sociedade e do Estado.

Resumen Las víctimas del conflicto armado colombiano han generado nuevas formas de relacionarse con el territorio, esto se debe a que parten de procesos de destierro y desarraigo que se construyen a partir de la memoria y de las emociones que el territorio produce. Sin embargo, estas relaciones son particulares pues se desprenden de procesos de negociación y confrontación en donde, para el caso de Ciudad Bolívar, tiene una gran importancia la ubicación (periferia), el arrendamiento y el asistencialismo, pues son parte esencial del contexto de esas reconstrucciones territoriales. Es así como estas relaciones de las víctimas del conflicto pueden rastrearse de forma multiescalar, permitiendo comprender que los limites corporales, de hogar, barrio, localidad y ciudad tienen diferentes concepciones que nacen de las experiencias acumuladas, lo que conlleva a comprender que hay rupturas que generan procesos de reconstrucción territorial a partir de emociones, sentires y afectos. Esta es la variedad de contextos que relata cómo las víctimas generan confrontaciones territoriales que las lleva a generar dinámicas de apropiación de tierras, redes, procesos sociales y económicos de subsistencia, así como la generación de una educación política en la defensa de sus derechos. Estos se dan en procesos de relación territorial basados en el afecto, los roles y los procesos de reconciliación en diferentes escalas, donde a la par suceden amenazas a líderes comunitarios, dinámicas de territorialización en situaciones de desigualdad e inequidad, así como modos diferenciales de apropiación según la vivencia de la persona. ; Abstract. The victims of the Colombian armed conflict have generated new ways of relating to the territory, this is because they start from processes of exile and uprooting, which are built from the memory and the emotions that the territory produces. However, these are particular because they are derived from processes of negotiation and confrontation where, for the case of Ciudad Bolivar, location (periphery), leasing and welfare are an important part of the context of these territorial reconstructions. Thus, the territorial relations of the victims of the conflict can be traced in a multiscale way, allowing us to understand that the corporal, household, neighborhood, locality and city boundaries have different conceptions that arise from accumulated experiences, which leads us to understand that there are ruptures, thus generating processes of territorial reconstruction based on emotions, feelings and affections. In these contexts, it is show how the victims generate processes of territorial confrontations, which leads to generate processes of land grabbing, networks, social and economic subsistence processes and generation of political education in the defense of their rights. These are given in processes of territorial relationship based on affection, roles and reconciliation procedures in different scales, where at the same time happen threats to community leaders, dynamics of territorialialization within contexts of inequality and inequity, as well as differential appropriation processes according to experience of each person. ; Maestría

This dissertation investigates the emergence, development, and transformation of centralized political authority within Algonquian societies of the Late Woodland and early Colonial period (A.D. 900 – 1680) southern Middle Atlantic. Sixteenth and 17th century European accounts describe coastal Algonquian-speaking societies of modern day Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina as organized into multi-community polities structured by hierarchical political authority, centralized decision-making and pervasive inequality. However, the hallmarks typically associated with chiefly political organization—monumental architecture, settlement hierarchies, and widespread differentiation in mortuary symbolism—are almost non-existent in the region's archaeological record. Colonial chroniclers, however, were adamant that the objects most highly valued by the indigenous population, shell and copper adornment, flowed through chiefly lineages—a relationship largely neglected within the regional archaeological scholarship. Ultimately, this dissertation explores sovereignty and the material processes that mitigated relationships of authority and subjection. Drawing on archaeological, ethnohistorical, and ethnographic evidence, three key avenues of inquiry are pursued. First, the organization of the pre- and post-colonial economy and the ways that the consumption, movement, and enactment of social practices associated with ornamentation influenced the construction of a region-wide political system. Second, the materiality of wealth objects, and the extent to which they could act as social agents in defining and reorienting sociopolitical roles. and finally, the regional organization of production and the potential of new technology (Inductive Coupled Plasma-Mass Spectrometry) to identify shell ornament production locales. The results of these analyses suggest that although individuals and communities consumed and deployed shell and copper ornamentation in a variety of ways, these materials and their association with the human body directed the flow of power across the coastal Algonquian political geography. Through various engagements with shell and copper ornaments, social actors created historical infrastructures that channeled Manitou, or animacies that could inhabit humans and objects, in an effort to bring prosperity and balance to the lived world. This study concludes that pre-colonial notions of sovereignty within the region hinged on the differential ability of individuals to socialize unpredictable, and often dangerous foreign objects. Shell and copper were central to the emergence of the regional political system as burial offerings that differentiated and defined the chiefly lineages from which powerful political actors would emerge. However, this form of sovereignty proved to be unstable and easily subverted. The emergence of new exchange networks and the development of a localized craft industry, both of which occurred within the region during the 17th century, fundamentally redefined relationships of authority and subjection, as sovereignty became distributed across increasingly localized political entities. This is not to say that the violence and large-scale dispossession of Native people were not significant factors in the reordering of sovereign relationships in the wake of colonialism, but that new economic circumstances provided new venues upon which political relationships were negotiated and contested.

The article investigates linguistic creativity of one of the brightest representatives of Ukrainian journalism and aphoristic - Alexander Perlyuk who masterfully manipulated by various linguistic means, it demonstrates not only their creativity, but also its own individual style. Attention is drawn to the fact that the problem linguistic creativity is directly related to the language game, which is the basis of a large number of aphoristic phrasing. Aphorisms are treated as such, in the form of games are relevant to modern society realities, especially the problem of corruption in the government and officials, the poverty of the general population and social inequality, economic instability and unemployment, personal choice, allocation of labor resources, the totalitarian legacy of democracy, formation civil society, interpersonal relationships, and so on. The precedent statements are identified that illustrate the wide variety of authors' experiment with language material. We investigate one of the most popular methods of creating comic effect - pun. It turns out that most of the proposed aphorism-perlyukizms are based on paradox, which is provided by various means. Special attention focuses on repetition, antithesis, enantiosemy, oxymoron, paraphrasing, parceling. ; В статье исследуется лингвокреативность одного из ярких представителей украинской публицистики и афористики – Александра Перлюка, который, мастерски манипулируя теми или иными языковыми средствами, демонстрирует не только свои творческие способности, но и собственный индивидуальный стиль. Акцентируется внимание на том, что проблема лингвокреативности имеет непосредственное отношение к языковой игре, которая лежит в основе большого количества афористических высказываний. Афоризмы рассматриваются как таковые, что в игровой форме представляют актуальные для современного социума реалии, прежде всего проблемы коррумпированности власти и чиновников, бедности основной массы населения и социального неравенства, экономической нестабильности и безработицы, личного выбора, распределения трудовых ресурсов, тоталитарного наследия, демократии, формирования гражданского общества, межличностных отношений и т. п. Выявляются прецедентные высказывания, которые иллюстрируют самые разнообразные авторские эксперименты с языковым материалом. Исследуется один из самых колоритных приемов создания комичного эффекта – каламбур. Выясняется, что большинство из предложенных афоризмов-перлюкизмов основанные на парадоксе, который обеспечивается разными средствами. Отдельное внимание сосредотачивается на повторе, антитезе, энантиосемии, оксюмороне, перефразировании, парцелляции. ; У статті досліджено лінгвокреативність одного з яскравих представників української публіцистики й афористики – Олександра Перлюка, який, майстерно маніпулюючи тими чи тими мовними засобами, демонструє не лише свої творчі здібності, а й власний індивідуальний стиль. Акцентовано на тому, що проблема лінгвокреативності має безпосередній стосунок до мовної гри, яка лежить в основі великої кількості афористичних висловлень. Афоризми розглянуто як такі, що в ігровій формі репрезентують актуальні для сучасного соціуму реалії, передовсім проблеми корумпованості влади і чиновників, бідності основної маси населення й соціальної нерівності, економічної нестабільності й безробіття, особистого вибору, розподілу трудових ресурсів, тоталітарної спадщини, демократії, формування громадянського суспільства, міжособистісних стосунків тощо. Виявлено прецедентні висловлення, що засвідчують найрізноманітніші авторські експериментування з мовним матеріалом. Досліджено один із найколоритніших прийомів створення комічного ефекту – каламбур. З'ясовано, що більшість із запропонованих афоризмів-перлюкізмів ґрунтовані на парадоксі, що забезпечується різними засобами. Окрему увагу зосереджено на повторі, антитезі, енантіосемії, оксимороні,перефразуванні, парцеляції.

Охарактеризовано особливості проторекламних комунікацій періоду КиївськоїРусі на матеріалі аналізу товарних пломб, написів, знаків ідентифікації, датованихIX–XIII ст. та знайдених на території Давньоруської держави. Розглянуто семіотичнікоди і способи естетизації об'єктів, що рекламувалися. Зроблено висновок, що протореклама періоду Київської Русі була експлікована як знаки та знаково-символічні комплекси з певною прагматичною настановою, що формувалися не стільки у глибинних пластах культури, як це прийнято вважати, скільки в контексті соціально-політичних, конфесійних і торговельно-економічних комунікацій зазначеного періоду. ; Research methodology. In order to determine the peculiarities of advertising protoforms in Kievan Rus period the systematic analysis of the identification marks, inscriptions, commodity seals are under consideration.Results. During the process of analysis, it is found that heterogeneity of the development doesn't permit to consider early forms of advertising in the Kievan Rus period as system. We can speak about the functioning of signs and sign-symbolic complexes with some pragmatic guideline within existing areas of communication. They have different settings and pragmatic ways of demonstration of objects which were advertised. Thus, the development of commercial communication was promoted by the development of market relations that influenced its functionality, channels of distribution and definite content. The poetics of folklore and carnival culture has been used with the aim to attract the consumers' attention. The main pragmatic guideline of the commercial messages was economic benefit explicated by the codes that represent the satisfaction of material needs.In political communication simple, laconic signs are combined with fragments of high art works. The most popular image tool is the approach to the sacred object. Political confessional elements cover communication mechanisms of actions resulting in social inequality support and strengthening the power. The codes of such messages were satisfying the safety need. In the confessional communication the synthetic codes were primarily used. They have more varied image tools, such as verbalization, visualization, accent, mythology and format working not only with the advertised object, but also with the target audience. In the confessional communication of that period semantic-symbolic complexes appeared: hidden appeal to the target audience and elements of suggestion.Novelty. It is for the first time that the systematic analysis of the advertising of Kievan Rus historical period is done.The practical significance. The results of the investigation can be used for further study of the national history of advertising. ; В статье охарактеризованы особенности проторекламных коммуникаций периода Киевской Руси на материале анализа таких археологических находок, как знаки идентификации, товарные пломбы и надписи IX - первой половины XIII в.в. Рассмотрены семиотические коды и способы эстетизации рекламируемых объектов. Сделан вывод о том, что протореклама периода Киевской Руси была эксплицирована как знаки и знаково-символические комплексы с определенной прагматической установкой, которые формировались не столько в глубинных пластах культуры, как это принято считать, сколько в контексте социально-политических, конфессиональных и торгово-экономических коммуникаций указанного периода.

Статья посвящена философским воззрениям Фихте на идею свободы и социальное назначение государства. Обращение к идеям Фихте представляется весьма актуальным, поскольку и в современном мире не утратили свою значимость вопросы, вязанные с сущностью человеческой свободы, предназначением государства как вида социального института, историческим выбором пути развития нации, а также способами совершенствования системы образования. Цель статьи состоит в философском осмыслении категорий «свобода», «государство» и «национальное сознание», представленных в трудах Фихте, одного из крупнейших представителей немецкой классической философии. Методы исследования. Исходя из того, что представленное в работе исследование имеет своей целью анализ конкретных авторских текстов, мы использовали ряд формальных и содержательных методов, а именно историко-философский, герменевтический, типологический, метод восхождения от абстрактного к конкретному, а также метод сравнительного анализа. Результаты. В ходе исследования нами установлено, что центральным элементом политической философии Фихте является категория свободы. Свобода в трактовке Фихте проявляет себя в пяти ипостасях: духовная свобода от иллюзий, предрассудков и слепой веры; культурная свобода от иностранной агрессии, вмешательства и манипулирования; экономическая свобода от нужды и неравенства; нравственная свобода от диктата корыстных интересов и, наконец, свобода как возможность для человека творить и заниматься трудовой деятельностью. Область применения результатов. Полученные в ходе исследования результаты могут найти применение в преподавании вузовских курсов и спецкурсов по теории государства и права, истории философии и политологии. ; This paper focuses on Fichte's views of the idea of freedom and the social functions of the state. Addressing Fichte's philosophical thoughts seems to be certainly relevant, because many questions raised by him remain quite topical even in today's world, including such issues as the essence of human freedom, the purpose of the state as a social institution, national destiny, as well as possible ways to improve the existing system of public education. Purpose. In this paper, we will discuss the categories of «freedom», «state» and «national consciousness» presented in the writings of Johann Gottlieb Fichte, one of the major representatives of German classical philosophy. Methodology. Taking into account that the study submitted in this paper aims to analyze concrete author's texts, we have used a number of formal and substantive methods, namely historical and philosophical, hermeneutical and typological methods, the method of shifting from abstract to concrete, as well as the comparative method. Results. The study revealed that the central element of Fichte's political philosophy is the category of freedom. Freedom in Fichte's interpretation displays itself in the five forms: spiritual freedom from illusions, prejudices or blind faith; cultural freedom from any foreign aggression, intervention and manipulation; economic freedom from want and inequality; moral freedom from the dictates of profitability and, lastly, freedom as the ability to create or be entitled to work. Practical implications. The results of the study can be used in the teaching of high school courses and special courses, in particular «The Theory of the State and Law», «The History of Philosophy» and «Political Science».

Оценка опасностей и рисков русловых и пойменных процессов в пойменно-русловых комплексах (ПРК) является важной составляющей геоэкологического мониторинга рек. Целью данной работы является оценка современного геоэкологического состояния ПРК реки Амур на пограничном участке (р. Амур от слияния Шилки и Аргуни до устья Уссури, среднее и нижнее течение р. Уссури, р. Сунгача). Анализ и оценка геоэкологических опасностей в бассейне реки Амур выполнялись на основе натурных исследований, проведенных в 2007-2014 гг. В работе для решения поставленной цели использовались картографический и комплексные балльные методы оценки. В результате исследуемый пограничный участок р. Амур характеризуется как территория с чередованием удовлетворительной, умеренно напряженной и напряженной экологической ситуацией. Степень экологической напряженности варьируется в зависимости от геолого-геоморфологических особенностей развития исследуемой территории. Таким образом, выделяются участки с высокой динамической устойчивостью русла и низкой экологической устойчивостью пойменных комплексов в пределах горных отрогов и равнинные участки с низким уровнем динамической устойчивости русла и с высоким уровнем экологической устойчивости пойменных комплексов. Также была выявлена неравномерность степени заселенности и освоенности правого и левого берегов рек на исследуемом пограничном участке, что связано с разной степенью и скоростью экономического развития пограничных государств России и Китая. Это не только обостряет политические, социальные и экологические опасности, но и усиливает природные опасности, вызванные русловыми и пойменными процессами, которые могут носить катастрофический характер своего проявления. ; The estimation of dangers and risks of processes in riverbed-floodplain complexes (RFC) is an important constituent of geoecological monitoring of rivers. The aim of this work is to estimate the modern geoecological state of RFC on a border area in the Amur river basin (Amur from the confluence of Shilka and Argun to the mouth of Ussuri, middle and lower course of Ussuri, Sungacha river). Analysis and estimation of geoecological dangers in the Amur river basin were made on the basis of natural researches conducted in 2007-2014. Сartographic and complex point methods of estimation were used. The result is that the investigated border area of Amur river basin is characterized as a territory with alternation of satisfactory, mildly-tense and tense ecological situations. The level of ecological tension is varied depending on the geological and geomorphological features of the investigated territory development. It is possible to distinguish mountain areas with high dynamic stability of riverbed and low ecological stability of RFC, and flat areas with low level of dynamic stability of riverbed and high level of ecological stability of RFC. Also the investigated border area is characterized by the inequality of distribution of population and developed lands on right and left banks of rivers. This fact is related to the different level and speed of economic development of the border states Russia and China. All this intensifies not only political, social and ecological dangers, but also strengthens the natural dangers due to processes in riverbed and RFC.

Objective: This study offers a historical overview of the classical and modern models and approaches to citizenship in an effort to clarify its origin, development, deeper meaning and validity. Methodology: Based on a review of the different theoretical approaches to citizenship, its evolution, transformations and implications are traced in comparison to the overriding debates and questions surrounding citizenship in today's context. Findings: The study indicates contemporary citizenship is very different from classical citizenship, not only with respect to entitlements and rights, but also as a manifestation of inequality, social crisis and the emergence of other interests that govern modern societies, especially economic interests. A citizen is a political being, with a social and moral dimension. This suggests the formation of citizenship is not the rote learning of rules (judicial, legal and political), but the actual realization of a way of life and coexistence among human beings in society. ; Objetivo: este estudio realiza un repaso histórico sobre los modelos y enfoques clásicos y modernos acerca de la ciudadanía, con el fin de esclarecer su origen, desarrollo, sentido profundo y vigencia. Metodología: a partir de la revisión de los diversos enfoques teóricos sobre ciudadanía, se hizo un seguimiento a su evolución, transformaciones e implicaciones, en contraste con los principales debates y cuestionamientos que se le hacen en el contexto actual. Resultados: el trabajo plantea que la ciudadanía contemporánea difiere sustancialmente de la clásica, no solamente en lo relativo a titularidades y derechos, sino como una manifestación de desigualdad, crisis social y emergencia de otros intereses, sobre todo económicos, que gobiernan a las sociedades modernas. El ciudadano es un ser político, con una dimensión social y moral; lo cual indica que la construcción de la ciudadanía no es el aprendizaje mecánico de unas normas (jurídicas, legales y políticas), sino la realización efectiva de una forma de vida y de convivencia entre los seres humanos en sociedad. DOI:10.5294/edu.2015.18.1.5 ; Objetivo: este estudo realiza uma revisão histórica sobre os modelos e os enfoques clássicos e modernos acerca da cidadania, com o objetivo de esclarecer sua origem, desenvolvimento, sentido profundo e vigência. Metodologia: a partir da revisão dos diversos enfoques teóricos sobre cidadania, acompanhou-se a sua evolução, transformações e implicações, em contraste com os principais debates e questionamentos que se fazem no contexto atual. Resultados: o trabalho sugere que a cidadania contemporánea difere substancialmente da clássica, não somente em termos de titularidades e direitos, mas também como uma manifestação de desigualdade, crise social e emergência de outros interesses, sobretudo econômicos, que governam as sociedades modernas. O cidadão é um ser político, com uma dimensão social e moral, o que indica que a construção da cidadania não é a aprendizagem mecánica de umas normas (jurídicas, legais e políticas), mas a realização efetiva de uma forma de vida e de convivência entre os seres humanos em sociedade.

Since the second half of the 20th C. rural zones in European countries have undergone a revival insofar as concerns their function and designation. Despite the diversity of their territorial dynamics these rural areas have attracted new populations of a very mixed profile. These newcomers insert themselves into a socially mobile context, the motivation for which can be the pursuit of environmental amenities but can also follow an economic logic. They reconstruct these rural areas and introduce a new way of life into the countryside. Comparing two rural territories, the one in the Limousin region next to the Limousin Mountains, and the other in southern Aragon, in the Sierra de Albarracín, this work analyses the spatial relationships which develop in rural areas having experienced migratory influx. The accent is placed on the means of cohabitating and relating to the territory which creates a space shared by the different social groups which inhabit it, live it, and weave attachments to it in different ways, opening the way for breaches to appear. This heterogeneity comes to light through the analysis of spatial mobility which affects the territorial designation and becomes a source of new forms of inequality. In the context where mobility redefines the relationship with the territory, foundations become reversible with new forms of commitments appearing, permitting the reconstruction and legitimization of who can say "I belong here". These developments create new stakes for the rural territories and their politics concerning newcomers, faced with new forms of inequalities and social stratification. ; Depuis la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle, un renouveau des fonctions et des représentations s'impose dans les campagnes européennes. Malgré la pluralité des dynamiques territoriales, elles sont devenues des espaces attractifs et accueillent de nouvelles populations aux profils hétérogènes. Ces installations s'insèrent dans un contexte sociétal de mobilité et peuvent être motivées par la recherche d'aménités environnementales, mais aussi suivre des logiques économiques. Elles recomposent les espaces ruraux et introduisent de nouveaux modes de vivre les campagnes. Par la comparaison de deux territoires ruraux, l'un en Limousin, à proximité de la Montagne limousine, l'autre dans le sud de l'Aragon, dans la Sierra de Albarracín, ce travail analyse les rapports spatiaux qui se développent dans des espaces ruraux investis par des flux migratoires. L'accent est mis sur les modalités de cohabitation et les relations au territoire qui structurent un espace partagé par des groupes sociaux qui l'habitent, le pratiquent, y tissent des liens de manière différente, laissant apparaître des clivages. Cette hétérogénéité ressort par l'analyse des mobilités spatiales, qui influencent les représentations territoriales et est source de nouvelles formes d'inégalités. Dans un contexte où la mobilité redéfinit les relations aux territoires, les ancrages deviennent réversibles, mais de nouvelles formes d'investissement apparaissent et permettent de construire et légitimer l'« être d'ici ». Ces évolutions représentent un enjeu croissant pour les territoires ruraux et pour les politiques d'accueil, qui font face à de nouvelles formes d'inégalités et de stratification sociale.

Since the second half of the 20th C. rural zones in European countries have undergone a revival insofar as concerns their function and designation. Despite the diversity of their territorial dynamics these rural areas have attracted new populations of a very mixed profile. These newcomers insert themselves into a socially mobile context, the motivation for which can be the pursuit of environmental amenities but can also follow an economic logic. They reconstruct these rural areas and introduce a new way of life into the countryside. Comparing two rural territories, the one in the Limousin region next to the Limousin Mountains, and the other in southern Aragon, in the Sierra de Albarracín, this work analyses the spatial relationships which develop in rural areas having experienced migratory influx. The accent is placed on the means of cohabitating and relating to the territory which creates a space shared by the different social groups which inhabit it, live it, and weave attachments to it in different ways, opening the way for breaches to appear. This heterogeneity comes to light through the analysis of spatial mobility which affects the territorial designation and becomes a source of new forms of inequality. In the context where mobility redefines the relationship with the territory, foundations become reversible with new forms of commitments appearing, permitting the reconstruction and legitimization of who can say "I belong here". These developments create new stakes for the rural territories and their politics concerning newcomers, faced with new forms of inequalities and social stratification. ; Depuis la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle, un renouveau des fonctions et des représentations s'impose dans les campagnes européennes. Malgré la pluralité des dynamiques territoriales, elles sont devenues des espaces attractifs et accueillent de nouvelles populations aux profils hétérogènes. Ces installations s'insèrent dans un contexte sociétal de mobilité et peuvent être motivées par la recherche d'aménités environnementales, mais aussi suivre des logiques économiques. Elles recomposent les espaces ruraux et introduisent de nouveaux modes de vivre les campagnes. Par la comparaison de deux territoires ruraux, l'un en Limousin, à proximité de la Montagne limousine, l'autre dans le sud de l'Aragon, dans la Sierra de Albarracín, ce travail analyse les rapports spatiaux qui se développent dans des espaces ruraux investis par des flux migratoires. L'accent est mis sur les modalités de cohabitation et les relations au territoire qui structurent un espace partagé par des groupes sociaux qui l'habitent, le pratiquent, y tissent des liens de manière différente, laissant apparaître des clivages. Cette hétérogénéité ressort par l'analyse des mobilités spatiales, qui influencent les représentations territoriales et est source de nouvelles formes d'inégalités. Dans un contexte où la mobilité redéfinit les relations aux territoires, les ancrages deviennent réversibles, mais de nouvelles formes d'investissement apparaissent et permettent de construire et légitimer l'« être d'ici ». Ces évolutions représentent un enjeu croissant pour les territoires ruraux et pour les politiques d'accueil, qui font face à de nouvelles formes d'inégalités et de stratification sociale.

Since the second half of the 20th C. rural zones in European countries have undergone a revival insofar as concerns their function and designation. Despite the diversity of their territorial dynamics these rural areas have attracted new populations of a very mixed profile. These newcomers insert themselves into a socially mobile context, the motivation for which can be the pursuit of environmental amenities but can also follow an economic logic. They reconstruct these rural areas and introduce a new way of life into the countryside. Comparing two rural territories, the one in the Limousin region next to the Limousin Mountains, and the other in southern Aragon, in the Sierra de Albarracín, this work analyses the spatial relationships which develop in rural areas having experienced migratory influx. The accent is placed on the means of cohabitating and relating to the territory which creates a space shared by the different social groups which inhabit it, live it, and weave attachments to it in different ways, opening the way for breaches to appear. This heterogeneity comes to light through the analysis of spatial mobility which affects the territorial designation and becomes a source of new forms of inequality. In the context where mobility redefines the relationship with the territory, foundations become reversible with new forms of commitments appearing, permitting the reconstruction and legitimization of who can say "I belong here". These developments create new stakes for the rural territories and their politics concerning newcomers, faced with new forms of inequalities and social stratification. ; Depuis la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle, un renouveau des fonctions et des représentations s'impose dans les campagnes européennes. Malgré la pluralité des dynamiques territoriales, elles sont devenues des espaces attractifs et accueillent de nouvelles populations aux profils hétérogènes. Ces installations s'insèrent dans un contexte sociétal de mobilité et peuvent être motivées par la recherche d'aménités environnementales, mais aussi suivre des logiques économiques. Elles recomposent les espaces ruraux et introduisent de nouveaux modes de vivre les campagnes. Par la comparaison de deux territoires ruraux, l'un en Limousin, à proximité de la Montagne limousine, l'autre dans le sud de l'Aragon, dans la Sierra de Albarracín, ce travail analyse les rapports spatiaux qui se développent dans des espaces ruraux investis par des flux migratoires. L'accent est mis sur les modalités de cohabitation et les relations au territoire qui structurent un espace partagé par des groupes sociaux qui l'habitent, le pratiquent, y tissent des liens de manière différente, laissant apparaître des clivages. Cette hétérogénéité ressort par l'analyse des mobilités spatiales, qui influencent les représentations territoriales et est source de nouvelles formes d'inégalités. Dans un contexte où la mobilité redéfinit les relations aux territoires, les ancrages deviennent réversibles, mais de nouvelles formes d'investissement apparaissent et permettent de construire et légitimer l'« être d'ici ». Ces évolutions représentent un enjeu croissant pour les territoires ruraux et pour les politiques d'accueil, qui font face à de nouvelles formes d'inégalités et de stratification sociale.