Suchergebnisse

Every year over 200 million peasants flock to China's urban centers, providing a profusion of cheap labor that helps fuel the country's staggering economic growth. Award-winning journalist Michelle Dammon Loyalka follows the trials and triumphs of eight such migrants-including a vegetable vendor, an itinerant knife sharpener, a free-spirited recycler, and a cash-strapped mother-offering an inside look at the pain, self-sacrifice, and uncertainty underlying China's dramatic national transformation. At the heart of the book lies each person's ability to "eat bitterness"--A term that roughly means to endure hardships, overcome difficulties, and forge ahead. These stories illustrate why China continues to advance, even as the rest of the world remains embroiled in financial turmoil. At the same time, "Eating Bitterness" demonstrates how dealing with the issues facing this class of people constitutes China's most pressing domestic challenge

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :미술대학 디자인학부 디자인전공,2019. 8. 김경선. ; Endangered animal-related conservation campaigns have a long history since the later 19th century when natural resources were severely over-exploited. Through ages, endangered animal-related campaigns have gone through the era of legislation, resource management, environmentalism, and modern landscape-scale conservation. Since the situation of endangered species is getting worse, which the extinction rate is 1000 times higher than the background rate, the issue of wildlife conservation is becoming more and more significant. As a result, the popularity of this issue increased in present societies, accompanied by the investment increase of nature documentaries and related campaigns. However, the visual communication strategy of these campaigns remains unchanged for a long time, which is based on violence and conflict. Through this research, it can be known that more than 80% of the endangered animal-related campaigns preferred to display conflicting human-nature relationships, by showing violent, cruel, or bloody scenes to the audience. Even more, scientifically confusing or incorrect information, even thoughts of radical environmentalism were concealed in some of the campaign designs. By reviewing the history of western societies, the philosophy of binary opposition has a significant contribution to the current design preference, profoundly influencing on the public. Recent research of psychology also gives evidence that using horror and terror is a beneficial strategy to arouse the public's attention. To avoid its increasingly apparent disadvantages, and to adapt to the changing situation of conservation education, a differentiated approach must be made. Through the discussion of the features, the motivation, and the influence of the current violence-conflict-based strategy, combining traditional oriental philosophy and art is an ideal option of offering a different design proposal for the endangered animal-related campaign. By utilizing the thoughts of Confucianism, a more harmonious relationship between human and nature will be created in the final project, using symbolic visual elements to build a bridge linking human and endangered species. Also, positive visual elements and nudges will be utilized in the final project to encourage the audience to act more positively and actively. ; 19 세기부터 동물 자원을 과도하게 이용하게 되어 이러한 상황을 개선하기 위하여 멸종 위기 동물과 관련된 캠페인이 시작되었다. 시대 발전을 따라 캠페인 주제는 입법에서 자원 관리, 환경 보호 주의를 지나 지금 현대 보존생학 중의 자연 경관 규모의 보존 사상까지 변하였다. 하지만 현재 멸종 위기 동물의 생존 상황이 점차 악화되어 있다. 연구에 의하면 현재 동물의 멸종 속도가 자연 멸종 속도보다 1000 배 높다고 한다. 이어서 멸종 위기 동물을 보호하는 문제도 점차 중요해지고 대중에서도 더 많은 인기를 끌고 있다. 이러한 추세를 반영하여 자연 다큐멘터리와 환경 보호와 관련된 캠페인에 대한 투자도 증가하고 있다. 그러나 멸종 위기 동물의 생존 상황과 실제 보호 사업이 지속적으로 발전하고 있는 반면에 캠페인의 시각 커뮤니케이션 전략이 오랫동안 변하지 않았다. 이 연구를 통하여 약 80% 의 캠페인이 폭력과 충돌을 기반으로 대항적인 인간 - 자연 관계를 전시하는 것을 알 수 있다. 이러한 작품들은 주요 잔인하고 고통스러운 장면을 관객에게 제시한다. 그리고 일부러 충돌을 만들기 위하여 혼란스러운 정보와 잘못된 정보, 심지어 과격한 환경 보호 주의가 가끔 디자인 작품에담게 되었다. 서양 사회의 역사와 발전을 회고하고 이항대립 사상이 대중의 의식과 긴밀하게 결합되었고 현재의 캠페인 디자인 전략에도 결정적인 영향을 주는 사실을 알게 되었다. 그리고 최근의 심리학 연구에 의하면 공포의 감정을 이용하여 정보 전파 속도도 빠르며 전파 효과도 크다고 한다. 그래서 폭력과 충돌을 중심으로 세운 캠페인 디자인 전략이 자연스럽게 선호되었다. 이 전략의 단점과 역효과도 피하고 현재 보존생물학의 발전도 잘 반영하기 위하여 또 다른 차별화된 시도가 필요하다. 이 연구에서는 폭력과 충돌을 중심으로 세운 전략의 특징과 동기, 영향 등을 분석한 후에 동양적인 철학 사상과 전통 미술을 결합하여 멸종 위기 동물을 홍보하고 보호하기 위한 차별화된 시각 커뮤니케이션 방안을 제안할 예정이다. 최종 프로젝트에서 전통 유가 사상을 참고할 예정인데 상징적인 시각 요소를 사용하여 멸종 위기 동물과 인간의 이미지를 연결할 것이다. 이러한 방식을 통하여 조화로운 인간 - 자연 관계를 맺을 수 있다. 그리고 최종 작품에서 긍정적인시각 요소와 넛지도 이용하고 관객들이 더 적극적으로 행동할 수 있게 유도할 예정이다. ; 1. Introduction 1 2. The Necessity of Diversified Endangered Animal-Related Campaigns 3 2.1 The Current Situation of Endangered Animals 3 2.2 A Brief History of Wildlife Conservation 4 3. Analysis of the Current Design Preference of Endangered Animal-Related Campaigns 8 3.1. General Analysis of Visual Element Usage 8 3.2. The Utilization of Violence 14 3.3. The Utilization of Negative Human Images 27 3.4. Questionable Information Due to Rote Scene Generating 30 3.5. Conclusion 36 4. The Motivation and the Influence of the Current Design Preference 37 4.1. The Motivation on Strategic Planning Level 37 4.2. The Motivation on Problem Resolving Level 39 4.3. The Influence of Violence-Conflict-Based Strategy 41 5. Differentiated Approach in Communication of Endangered Animal-Related Campaigns 44 5.1. Using Positive Visual Elements 44 5.2. Applying Oriental Philosophy 48 5.3. The Confluent Design Methodology 50 5.4. Experimental Approaches 52 5.5. The Final Project 56 6. Discussions and Future Works 69 6.1. The Results and Discussions 69 6.2. Future Works 72 6.3. Conclusion 72 Bibliography 73 Appendix I. Samples of Current Design Preference 79 Appendix II. Final Design of the Posters 98 Appendix III. Localization of the Posters 103 Visual Sources Citations 108 Abstract in Korean 115 Acknowledgment 117 ; Master

International audience ; This thesis focuses on China's hybrid lobbying strategies (economic and cultural, hard and soft power) in the sectors of media and telecommunication in Africa, particularly in Kenya and South Africa. It intends to analyse changing Chinese soft power influence strategies in the digital and social media age. I rely on different perspectives and theoretical approaches: public policies cognitive analysis, media framing effects on political debates, critical analysis of the uses of information and communication tools in different socio- historical backgrounds, prospective analysis of PR techniques evolution (Davidson, 2016; Olsson & Eriksson, 2016; Yeomans, 2016; Kantola, 2016; Bernays, 2013; Berg, 2009). We mean to examine the innovative way in which the Chinese "party-state" spreads a certain vision of its culture and ideology on the African continent in order to promote its economic interest. This grass-roots lobbying (Barnes & Balnave, 2015; Schneider, 2015; Jalali, 2013; Reddick & Norris, 2013) can be described accurately with the metaphor of the Trojan horse.As the essential destination of the "21st Century Maritime Silk Road", the official ways to name Chinese international relations' strategy, Kenya has become a hub for China. China's cultural institutions opened their first African Confucius Institute there. Being one of the members of BRICS, South Africa also grew into the business centre of China in Africa. Many important branches of Chinese Telecom companies are based in the country. It seems that these institutions, no matter public or private, were eventually being an essential channel for China's local PR actions.As the core channels of "soft power", culture and knowledge encapsulate values, ideologies and beliefs (Desmoulins & Huang, 2017; Gupta, 2013; Martel, 2013; DeLisle, 2010; Courmont, 2009; Bläser, 2005; Keohane, Jr, & Keohane, 1998; Nye, 2006, 2004, 1991). China's cultural associations, training institutes, humanitarian foundations, companies as well as government's propaganda are mutually reinforced and seem to be aimed to enhance China's cultural, political and economic influence spheres indifferently.This could not be possible without a high level of centralisation and of governmental control, pervasive media propaganda and well-funded and staffed information censorship institutions. As a matter of fact, China remains a one-party state, its constitution determines the Communist Party of China (CCP) as China's sole ruling party, although Chinese economic development after the reform and opening up of 1978 shows the characteristics of capitalism. Most Chinese companies are owned by the state. Furthermore, even through Chinese Constitution protects the freedom of speech and of the press (see Chapter 2, Article 35), the status of Chinese press is extraordinary and difficult to tackle from a western viewpoint. In China, media plays as the spokesman filtering all negative news and led by the CPC, which means it defends politically governmental issues and positions, even participates in all political propaganda.One hypothesis is that since China is the birthplace of the Confucian culture and since Chinese people see themselves as the continuator of Confucianism, interests' groups PR strategies rely on different action lever than in Western Europe. Common interests are more valued than individual interests, political authority is more important than individual freedoms, also social responsibility wins over individual rights (Chu, 2016, p. 198; Huntington, 1997, p. 10). Functioning as the vanguard of Chinese image's promotion, all people are considered as the spokesman of the CPC, no matter whether they are working for a media company, a cultural public agency or the diplomatic corps. They carry out a gatekeeping process (Brown, 1979, p. 595; Lewin, 1997) to promote CPC ideas and to promote the development in Africa of a kind of socialism that presents Chinese genuine characteristics.The thesis examines the current logic of China's and China's companies' soft power strategies, and the related PR actions. The main research question is: what is so special with the Chinese soft power strategies (one-party system, censorship, propaganda, state monopolies, centralisation of the decision-making process, economic boost, ecological crisis, millennium Confucian philosophy and appealing non-individualistic culture in a context of capitalist crisis)? How are China's governmental diplomacy and corporate PR strategies conceived, deployed and intertwined? How do second-track diplomacy and PR strategies differ and interact? I chose to adopt a comparative approach (two countries and two sectors of activity). How do these strategies interact with other resources of power in the digital and social media age?A multidimensional theoretical framework was mobilized, I aim to associate different approaches of public relations, lobbying, communication, international relations and foreign policy (political science, political theory). Secondly, fieldworks in Kenya and South Africa will take place in Spring 2018 to interview local residents, such as African branches of Chinese enterprises and media (China Telecom, Huawei, StarTimes, CGTN, CCTV, Xinhua), as well as representatives of Confucius Institutes and China's local embassies. I will also analyse the rhetoric and semiotic of Chinese soft power strategies as it reveals itself on sites, forums, blogs and social media platforms, where PR strategies of China's companies and governmental agencies are revealed.In short, I intend to analyse the institutional, rhetorical and technical innovative strategies deployed by China, its second-rack diplomacy, its soft power strategy (local PR actions and digital grass-roots lobbying). My study encompasses the PR actions of Chinese companies and governmental agencies in Africa by focusing on two sectors (telecoms, media), and two main countries: Kenya and South Africa.

International audience ; This thesis focuses on China's hybrid lobbying strategies (economic and cultural, hard and soft power) in the sectors of media and telecommunication in Africa, particularly in Kenya and South Africa. It intends to analyse changing Chinese soft power influence strategies in the digital and social media age. I rely on different perspectives and theoretical approaches: public policies cognitive analysis, media framing effects on political debates, critical analysis of the uses of information and communication tools in different socio- historical backgrounds, prospective analysis of PR techniques evolution (Davidson, 2016; Olsson & Eriksson, 2016; Yeomans, 2016; Kantola, 2016; Bernays, 2013; Berg, 2009). We mean to examine the innovative way in which the Chinese "party-state" spreads a certain vision of its culture and ideology on the African continent in order to promote its economic interest. This grass-roots lobbying (Barnes & Balnave, 2015; Schneider, 2015; Jalali, 2013; Reddick & Norris, 2013) can be described accurately with the metaphor of the Trojan horse.As the essential destination of the "21st Century Maritime Silk Road", the official ways to name Chinese international relations' strategy, Kenya has become a hub for China. China's cultural institutions opened their first African Confucius Institute there. Being one of the members of BRICS, South Africa also grew into the business centre of China in Africa. Many important branches of Chinese Telecom companies are based in the country. It seems that these institutions, no matter public or private, were eventually being an essential channel for China's local PR actions.As the core channels of "soft power", culture and knowledge encapsulate values, ideologies and beliefs (Desmoulins & Huang, 2017; Gupta, 2013; Martel, 2013; DeLisle, 2010; Courmont, 2009; Bläser, 2005; Keohane, Jr, & Keohane, 1998; Nye, 2006, 2004, 1991). China's cultural associations, training institutes, humanitarian foundations, companies as well as government's propaganda are mutually reinforced and seem to be aimed to enhance China's cultural, political and economic influence spheres indifferently.This could not be possible without a high level of centralisation and of governmental control, pervasive media propaganda and well-funded and staffed information censorship institutions. As a matter of fact, China remains a one-party state, its constitution determines the Communist Party of China (CCP) as China's sole ruling party, although Chinese economic development after the reform and opening up of 1978 shows the characteristics of capitalism. Most Chinese companies are owned by the state. Furthermore, even through Chinese Constitution protects the freedom of speech and of the press (see Chapter 2, Article 35), the status of Chinese press is extraordinary and difficult to tackle from a western viewpoint. In China, media plays as the spokesman filtering all negative news and led by the CPC, which means it defends politically governmental issues and positions, even participates in all political propaganda.One hypothesis is that since China is the birthplace of the Confucian culture and since Chinese people see themselves as the continuator of Confucianism, interests' groups PR strategies rely on different action lever than in Western Europe. Common interests are more valued than individual interests, political authority is more important than individual freedoms, also social responsibility wins over individual rights (Chu, 2016, p. 198; Huntington, 1997, p. 10). Functioning as the vanguard of Chinese image's promotion, all people are considered as the spokesman of the CPC, no matter whether they are working for a media company, a cultural public agency or the diplomatic corps. They carry out a gatekeeping process (Brown, 1979, p. 595; Lewin, 1997) to promote CPC ideas and to promote the development in Africa of a kind of socialism that presents Chinese genuine characteristics.The thesis examines the current logic of China's and China's companies' soft power strategies, and the related PR actions. The main research question is: what is so special with the Chinese soft power strategies (one-party system, censorship, propaganda, state monopolies, centralisation of the decision-making process, economic boost, ecological crisis, millennium Confucian philosophy and appealing non-individualistic culture in a context of capitalist crisis)? How are China's governmental diplomacy and corporate PR strategies conceived, deployed and intertwined? How do second-track diplomacy and PR strategies differ and interact? I chose to adopt a comparative approach (two countries and two sectors of activity). How do these strategies interact with other resources of power in the digital and social media age?A multidimensional theoretical framework was mobilized, I aim to associate different approaches of public relations, lobbying, communication, international relations and foreign policy (political science, political theory). Secondly, fieldworks in Kenya and South Africa will take place in Spring 2018 to interview local residents, such as African branches of Chinese enterprises and media (China Telecom, Huawei, StarTimes, CGTN, CCTV, Xinhua), as well as representatives of Confucius Institutes and China's local embassies. I will also analyse the rhetoric and semiotic of Chinese soft power strategies as it reveals itself on sites, forums, blogs and social media platforms, where PR strategies of China's companies and governmental agencies are revealed.In short, I intend to analyse the institutional, rhetorical and technical innovative strategies deployed by China, its second-rack diplomacy, its soft power strategy (local PR actions and digital grass-roots lobbying). My study encompasses the PR actions of Chinese companies and governmental agencies in Africa by focusing on two sectors (telecoms, media), and two main countries: Kenya and South Africa.

International audience ; This thesis focuses on China's hybrid lobbying strategies (economic and cultural, hard and soft power) in the sectors of media and telecommunication in Africa, particularly in Kenya and South Africa. It intends to analyse changing Chinese soft power influence strategies in the digital and social media age. I rely on different perspectives and theoretical approaches: public policies cognitive analysis, media framing effects on political debates, critical analysis of the uses of information and communication tools in different socio- historical backgrounds, prospective analysis of PR techniques evolution (Davidson, 2016; Olsson & Eriksson, 2016; Yeomans, 2016; Kantola, 2016; Bernays, 2013; Berg, 2009). We mean to examine the innovative way in which the Chinese "party-state" spreads a certain vision of its culture and ideology on the African continent in order to promote its economic interest. This grass-roots lobbying (Barnes & Balnave, 2015; Schneider, 2015; Jalali, 2013; Reddick & Norris, 2013) can be described accurately with the metaphor of the Trojan horse.As the essential destination of the "21st Century Maritime Silk Road", the official ways to name Chinese international relations' strategy, Kenya has become a hub for China. China's cultural institutions opened their first African Confucius Institute there. Being one of the members of BRICS, South Africa also grew into the business centre of China in Africa. Many important branches of Chinese Telecom companies are based in the country. It seems that these institutions, no matter public or private, were eventually being an essential channel for China's local PR actions.As the core channels of "soft power", culture and knowledge encapsulate values, ideologies and beliefs (Desmoulins & Huang, 2017; Gupta, 2013; Martel, 2013; DeLisle, 2010; Courmont, 2009; Bläser, 2005; Keohane, Jr, & Keohane, 1998; Nye, 2006, 2004, 1991). China's cultural associations, training institutes, humanitarian foundations, companies as well as government's propaganda are mutually reinforced and seem to be aimed to enhance China's cultural, political and economic influence spheres indifferently.This could not be possible without a high level of centralisation and of governmental control, pervasive media propaganda and well-funded and staffed information censorship institutions. As a matter of fact, China remains a one-party state, its constitution determines the Communist Party of China (CCP) as China's sole ruling party, although Chinese economic development after the reform and opening up of 1978 shows the characteristics of capitalism. Most Chinese companies are owned by the state. Furthermore, even through Chinese Constitution protects the freedom of speech and of the press (see Chapter 2, Article 35), the status of Chinese press is extraordinary and difficult to tackle from a western viewpoint. In China, media plays as the spokesman filtering all negative news and led by the CPC, which means it defends politically governmental issues and positions, even participates in all political propaganda.One hypothesis is that since China is the birthplace of the Confucian culture and since Chinese people see themselves as the continuator of Confucianism, interests' groups PR strategies rely on different action lever than in Western Europe. Common interests are more valued than individual interests, political authority is more important than individual freedoms, also social responsibility wins over individual rights (Chu, 2016, p. 198; Huntington, 1997, p. 10). Functioning as the vanguard of Chinese image's promotion, all people are considered as the spokesman of the CPC, no matter whether they are working for a media company, a cultural public agency or the diplomatic corps. They carry out a gatekeeping process (Brown, 1979, p. 595; Lewin, 1997) to promote CPC ideas and to promote the development in Africa of a kind of socialism that presents Chinese genuine characteristics.The thesis examines the current logic of China's and China's companies' soft power strategies, and the related PR actions. The main research question is: what is so special with the Chinese soft power strategies (one-party system, censorship, propaganda, state monopolies, centralisation of the decision-making process, economic boost, ecological crisis, millennium Confucian philosophy and appealing non-individualistic culture in a context of capitalist crisis)? How are China's governmental diplomacy and corporate PR strategies conceived, deployed and intertwined? How do second-track diplomacy and PR strategies differ and interact? I chose to adopt a comparative approach (two countries and two sectors of activity). How do these strategies interact with other resources of power in the digital and social media age?A multidimensional theoretical framework was mobilized, I aim to associate different approaches of public relations, lobbying, communication, international relations and foreign policy (political science, political theory). Secondly, fieldworks in Kenya and South Africa will take place in Spring 2018 to interview local residents, such as African branches of Chinese enterprises and media (China Telecom, Huawei, StarTimes, CGTN, CCTV, Xinhua), as well as representatives of Confucius Institutes and China's local embassies. I will also analyse the rhetoric and semiotic of Chinese soft power strategies as it reveals itself on sites, forums, blogs and social media platforms, where PR strategies of China's companies and governmental agencies are revealed.In short, I intend to analyse the institutional, rhetorical and technical innovative strategies deployed by China, its second-rack diplomacy, its soft power strategy (local PR actions and digital grass-roots lobbying). My study encompasses the PR actions of Chinese companies and governmental agencies in Africa by focusing on two sectors (telecoms, media), and two main countries: Kenya and South Africa.

魏晉是中國古代史上最為複雜的時代之一,它的複雜不僅表現在政治上,也表現在學術層面。而魏晉時代在各種因素交織下所呈現出來的複雜程度,很難憑一條線索就梳理清楚。本文著眼於魏晉時代儒者處逸、隱士通經的特殊現象,在前人研究的基礎上,通過對魏晉隱逸的關注與分析,從而引發有關魏晉學術和政治文化的討論,希望藉此能對包括玄學發展衍化在內的一些問題產生新的理解。 ; 要詮釋上述這種儒者處逸、隱士通經的歷史現象,首先要對隱逸的起源和種類加以回顧和梳理,之後再對《晉書》傳中人物的具體情況作出分析。本文認為,「人物」、「學術」、「政治」之間可以構建一種兩兩相互作用的三角關係,通過分析這種關係,可以解釋一些歷史現象。因此本文的討論,主要集中在三個層面:第一,特定時代政治環境與學術背景的人物,「儒隱」現象是發生人物身上的現象,而這種現象可以從政治與學術兩方面尋求解釋。第二,政治人物的學術,這也包括了官方對不同學術的態度。第三,學術人物的政治,根據人物學術背景的不同──在本文的討論範圍中即以儒學與玄學二者為主──其在政治上的進退出處也不一樣。而在本文看來,當中又以魏晉玄學的作用最為顯著因此本文的許多論述都與玄學有關;同時也希望通過對作為隱逸背景的玄學的討論,為我們認識玄學提供一個新的視角。本文希望強調,從許多方面來看,玄學都是儒學的一支,儘管玄學的文本並不全是當時的傳統儒家經典。玄學在學術上的重要性,主要存在於其形成初期和南朝以後;而曹魏正始以後至東晉末年的這一歷史時段內,玄學更多地在政治上發揮著作用。但是,即使在玄學最具風采的時期,朝野各類人物依然以儒學為其學術底蘊。 ; Reclusion normally refers to people living in self-imposed isolation from the world, often for religious purposes. But it seemed to be a much more complicated matter in early medieval China, especially when there was a fusion between those scholar-officials and traditional reclusions, which used to commit disengagement under a more "simple" sort of motivation. From historical documents of that period, we started to see Ruists who were not interested in becoming politicians, and recluses who would knew awfully a lot about Ruism and even governing. Both kinds of people were valued and well respected in their time not only by common people but also lords and kings. ; After being recognized as the official guide of governing in Han Dynasty (206 BCE - 220 CE), the ideology of "Ruism" (Ruxue), or otherwise known as Confucianism, has been associated with the heavenly granted authority of emperorship, under which circumstance traditional "Ruists" (or Confucian scholars)have been following a path whereas scholarships would lead to bureaucratic positions. But this ideal path changed, for a while, for at least some Ruists, when the dynasty started to crumble around the beginning of the third century. Many scholars of Ruism started to choose to become practitioners of reclusion, instead of competing to become court-commissioned scholar-officials, ...

秦漢時代的國家制度和意識形態對後世影響深遠,而祭祀制度是國家制度的重要組成部份,也代表了國家所倡導的思想規範。地方祭祀包括地方政府主導的官方祭祀和民衆自發的信仰活動,是國家禮儀制度和社會風俗信仰的交叉地帶。秦漢的國家祭祀體系隨著統一的深入發生了從覆蓋全國的神祠到集中於南北郊的改革,儒家思想確立為主流意識形態;地方祠祀在此過程中的地位升降和面貌變化成為國家禮制和意識形態變動、確立的一個標誌。 ; 以天地日月、社稷五穀、自然現象、物怪神怪等為對象的地方祠祀與山川祭祀、人神祭祀共同構成了地方祭祀的圖景。山川神具有求雨、保護神、個人禱祀等不同面向的作用;地方官員對山川祭祀的參與、利用與反對,則是政治需求與社會實際的影響。人神祭祀的信仰對象包括先王仁人、地方名人、神仙和厲鬼等,人神祭祀的性質多存在轉換,官方祭祀與民間信仰互相吸收和借鑑;地方官員鼓勵地方賢人祭祀,反對妖巫祭祀,作為實施教化的手段。 ; 地方政府的祭祀是國家制度的一部分,中央機關也對地方政府的祠祀有監管作用。隨著國家祭祀的成立與變革,地方祭祀在國家祭祀中的地位先升後降,官方祭祀和民間信仰在地方祠祀處交會,東漢時期的地方祭祀有許多呈現官方和民間相結合的特徵。儒家式國家禮制的成立使得祀典與淫祀有了明確的邊界,但是這一界線受到經濟、社會等多種因素的影響,存在著相當的彈性。「禮俗合一」是儒家式的社會理想,士人試圖通過對地方祭祀的管理實施教化,移風易俗;但是祭祀活動的實踐與諸多現實因素有關,還有個人與偶然因素的作用,社會信仰始終包含多重屬性,以「禮俗合一」為理想,卻始終多種社會意識並存,成為中國古代社會的重要特徵。 ; As the beginning of a united empire, Qin and Han Dynasties had established the elementary state institution for dynasties hereafter. Qin and Han Dynasties absorbed and reconciled various religious traditions, including religions of all social classes and different regions in their efforts to set up a sacrificial system; and then turned to a Confucian-oriented sacrificial system with the reverence for Confucianism. Local cults, containing popular beliefs and sacrificial practice of local governments, stood in the overlapped place of state sacrificial system and popular beliefs, therefore the shifts of status and sacrificial practice of local cults can be a representative of the settlement of official ritual system. ; Miscellaneous Gods were worshiped throughout the empire. The groundwork of this research is to investigate the existence of different kinds of local cults and the sacrificial practices. Worship to mountains and rivers were indispensable in both official religion and popular belief, and all levels of sacrifices had multiple functions in local society. The approval or opposition of sacrificial ceremonies by local officials mostly depended on social reality. Human gods accounted for a large part in local cults, who were worshiped in different motivation and social surroundings. The proportion of respectable officials and ...

Предпринята попытка исследования фундаментальных ценностей японской культуры в контексте теории ценностных ориентаций Ф. Клакхон и Ф. Стродтбека. Первая ценностная ориентация обращена к внутренней природе человека: является ли человек добрым, злым или амбивалентным? Японцы считают, что человек по своей сути добрый, и эта врожденная предрасположенность остается неизменной. Вторая ценностная ориентация - отношение человека к природе - предусматривает несколько вариантов: «человек подчинен природе», «человек живет в гармонии с природой» и «человек властвует над природой». Третья ценностная ориентация связана с отношением людей ко времени. Общества отличаются тем, какому из измерений времени они отдают предпочтение: прошлому, настоящему или будущему. Японцы отдают предпочтение прошлому, основанному на традиции и опыте, и склонны рассматривать его в качестве ориентира при принятии решений. Четвертая ценностная ориентация описывает самоопределение человека в мире, модальность его активности. Это ориентация на деятельность, бытие или бытие-в-становлении. Пятая ценностная ориентация – это модальность межчеловеческих отношений: индивидуалистическая, коллатеральная или линеарная. Линеарная модель характерна для японского общества, которое строится на основе жесткой иерархической системы «старший – младший».В ее рамках понятие семьи охватывает всех дальних родственников: племя, клан, а также покойных предков. Система ценностных ориентаций не остается неизменной во времени. Современная Япония пытается сочетать традиционные установки с политическими и социальными требованиями развитой экономической системы ; Globalization processes and increasing economic integrationactualize the problem of dialogue between East and West.Culture of Japan nowadays is becoming more common andpopular. Japanese phenomenon has generated many questionson the culture of this country and on the basic value orientationsof Japanese community. This paper attempts to study thefundamental values of Japanese culture in the context of F.Kluckhohn and F. Strodtbeck's value orientations theory. Thefirst value orientation spoke to the inherent nature of man: is hebasically good, evil or ambivalent? Japanese believe that peopleare inherently good, and this innate predisposition remainsunchanged. Such views are largely attributable to the stronginfluence of Shinto, Confucianism and Buddhism on Japaneseculture and values. The second value orientation - man'srelationship to nature - provides several options: subjugationto nature, harmony with nature and mastery over nature. InJapan people do not oppose themselves to the environment, butrather feel themselves as a part of an integrated, holistic system.Their role is to maintain the balance of the system and to stayin harmony with nature. The third value orientation deals withtime dimension. Each society has its own understanding ofthe past, present and future. Societies differ in which of thesedimensions they emphasize. Japanese culture as past-orientedculture values tradition and experience, and tends to view themas a guide when making decisions. The fourth value orientationdescribes the modality of human activity (valued personalitytype) – orientation on activity itself, being or being-in-becoming.In Japanese culture focused on being a sense of identity isbased on stable relationships and stable social structure. Peoplesucceed as a team or fail alone. The fifth value orientation ismodality of human relations: individualistic, collateral or linear.Japanese culture reflects the linear orientation to include allfamily members and even wider to encompass the tribe, theclan as well as ancestors. Japanese society is based on a rigidhierarchy «senior – junior». Value orientations system doesnot remain unchanged over time. Modern Japan is tryingto combine traditional attitudes with the political and socialdemands of developed economies. Vigorously borrowing fruitsof Western civilization, Japan does not give up its own system ofvalues and tries to find its own way of entering into a global age. ; Сьогодні проблема діалогу Сходу і Заходу актуалізованаглобалізаційними процесами і посиленням економічноїінтеграції. Культура Японії в наші дні набуває всебільшого поширення і популярності. Японський феноменпородив безліч питань щодо культури цієї країни і базовихціннісних орієнтацій її жителів. У даній статті зробленоспробу проаналізувати фундаментальні цінності японськоїкультури в контексті теорії ціннісних орієнтацій Ф. Клакхоні Ф. Стродтбека. Перша ціннісна орієнтація звертаєтьсядо внутрішньої природи людини: людина є доброю,злою чи амбівалентною. Японці вважають, що людиназа своєю природою є доброю, і ця вроджена схильністьзалишається незмінною. Подібні погляди в значній міріобумовлені сильним впливом синтоїзму, конфуціанства ібуддизму на японську культуру і цінності. Друга цінніснаорієнтація - ставлення людини до природи - передбачаєдекілька варіантів: «людина підпорядкована природі»,«людина живе в гармонії з природою» і «людина пануєнад природою». В Японії люди не протиставляють себенавколишньому середовищу, але відчувають себе частиноюінтегрованої, цілісної системи. Їх роль полягає в підтримцібалансу цієї системи. Третя ціннісна орієнтація пов'язана зіставленням людей до часу. Суспільства відрізняються тим,якому з вимірів часу вони надають перевагу: минулому,теперішньому або майбутньому. Японці надають перевагуминулому, що базується на традиції та досвіді, і схильнірозглядати його в якості орієнтира при прийнятті рішень.Четверта ціннісна орієнтація описує самовизначеннялюдини в світі, модальність її активності. Це орієнтаціяна діяльність, буття або буття-в-становленні. В японськійкультурі, орієнтованій на буття, почуття ідентичностібазується на стабільних відносинах і стійкій соціальнійструктурі. Люди досягають успіху в команді або зазнаютьпоразки поодинці. П'ята ціннісна орієнтація - цемодальність міжлюдських стосунків: індивідуалістична,колатеральна або лінеарна. Лінеарна модель характернадля японського суспільства, яке ґрунтується на жорсткійієрархічній системі «старший – молодший». В її рамкахпоняття сім'ї охоплює всіх далеких родичів: плем'я, клан,а також покійних предків. Система ціннісних орієнтацій незалишається незмінною в часі. Сучасна Японія намагаєтьсяпоєднувати традиційні установки з політичними ісоціальними вимогами розвиненої економічної системи.Енергійно запозичуючи плоди західної цивілізації, Японіяне відмовляється від своєї системи цінностей і шукає свійвласний шлях входження в глобалізацію