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India's endemic gender-based violence has received increased international scrutiny and provoked waves of domestic protest and activism. In recent years, related studies on India and South Asia have proliferated but their analyses often fail to identify why violence flourishes. Unwilling to simply accept patriarchy as the answer, Tamsin Bradley presents new research examining how different groups in India conceptualise violence against women, revealing beliefs around religion, caste and gender that render aggression socially acceptable. She also analyses the role that neoliberalism, and its corollary consumerism, play in reducing women to commodity objects for barter or exchange. Unpacking varied conservative, liberal and neoliberal ideologies active in India today, Bradley argues that they can converge unexpectedly to normalise violence against women. Due to these complex and overlapping factors, rates of violence against women in India have actually increased despite decades of feminist campaigning. This book will be crucial to those studying Indian gender politics and violence, but also presents new data and methodologies which have practical implications for researchers and policymakers worldwide.

Looking back at the US foreign policy discourse since the end of the Cold War, it is striking how entrenched and dominant one basic assumption has been: the idea that the United States must remain the leading power in the international system. According to this conception, the United States is and should remain the guarantor of international stability. Despite all the debates that have taken place between liberal and conservative internationalists, US foreign policy ideology is still defined by an understanding of the US as "benign hegemon", even though the term itself is hardly used. America's leadership is believed to be benevolent in the sense that it is in the best interests not only of the US but also of most states worldwide. Yet in the current presidential race, for the first time since America's rise to global leadership, a candidate is running under the slogan of "America First"- an attitude that marks a significant break with the dominant hegemonic role conception. (SWP Comments)

The political philosopher Michael Sandel (2012) has recently argued compellingly for more attention to the moral limits of markets, arguing that market values can crowd out other values we should care about. Meanwhile, conservative advocates for welfare reform, such as the Australian Aboriginal leader Noel Pearson, have raised concerns about the impact of long-term welfare receipt on community values. Pearson's argument about welfare can be articulated in similar terms to Sandel's argument about markets. Pearson maintains that in heavily disadvantaged communities – such as the Aboriginal communities of Cape York Peninsula – the state's provision of non-contributory welfare can crowd out important values such as trust, respect, care for the weak and mutual help as well as self-reliance and hard work. Though Sandel's and Pearson's arguments find receptive audiences on different ends of the political spectrum, the parallels between their arguments are striking. The article seeks to promote greater scholarly engagementwith Pearson'smoral critique ofwelfarewhile expressing scepticism about one of the key correctives he proposes.

Voter turnout has declined in many industrialized countries, raising the question of whether electoral institutions increase voter turnout. We exploit an electoral reform in the Austrian state of Burgenland as a natural experiment to identify the causal effect of opening hours of polling stations on voter turnout. The results show that a 10 percent increase in opening hours increased voter turnout by some 0.5 to 0.9 percentage points. The effect is substantial because voter turnout was already around 80 percent before the reform in question. The results also show that the vote share of the conservative party decreased in the course of the reform, while the vote shares of the social democratic party and of the populist rightwing party (both parties attract blue-collar workers) increased. Enhancing participation in elections by extending the opening hours of polling stations remains a question to what extent politicians and voters believe that the benefits of higher voter turnout overcompensate for additional costs of longer opening hours.

En este artículo tratamos, por medio de Suenan timbres de Luis Vidales, el idiotismo de la sociedad tradicionalista tecnificada de principios de siglo XX en Colombia. Estudio que realizamos desde el concepto de idiotismo de Vidales, en estrecha relación con el de cultura de viñeta de Rafael Gutiérrez Girardot, para plantear la burla del poeta a la sociedad capitalista, que cuestiona la presencia de la Iglesia católica y la política conservadora en todos los estadios de la vida nacional. ; This paper is addressed to study idiotism in the traditional technified Colombian society in the early 20th century. In this research we make use of the concept of idiotism coined by Vidales, which is here considered in close relation to the concept of "cartoon culture" created by Rafael Gutiérrez Girardot. Both concepts are used in this paper to suggest the poet's mockery of the capitalist society and his questioning of the presence of the catholic church and the conservative politics in all fields of the nation's life.

El objetivo de este artículo es el de mostrar como el desigual empoderamiento político de las mujeres durante la Primera Guerra Mundial, se mostró de una manera particular en Sofía Casanova debido a sus condicionantes biográficos y su contexto familiar. Su ideología conservadora y lo que Gisela Bock denominó como maternalismo social relacionada con la práctica católica, delimitaron en gran medida sus discursos en torno a la potencialidad política de sus actos, tanto en su labor como periodista como en su vida cotidiana en la época revolucionaria. ; The aim of this article is to show how was the unequal political empowerment of women during the First World War. Thus, it was expressed in a particular way in Sofía Casanova because her biographical and familiar context. The Casanova's conservative ideology and Gisela Bock's concept of social-materhood related to Catholic practice, largely delineated her discourses about the limited political potential of her historical activity, both in her work as a journalist and in her daily life in the revolutionary era.

Advances in financial engineering are radically reshaping the biomedical marketplace. For instance, new methods of pooling diversified drug development programs by placing them in a special purpose vehicle (SPV) have been proposed to create a securitized cancer megafund allowing for debt and equity participation. In this study, we perform theoretical and numerical simulations that highlight the role of empirical validation of the projects comprising a cancer megafund. We quantify the degree to which the deliberately designed structure of derivatives and investments is key to its liquidity. Research megafunds with comprehensive in silico and laboratory validation protocols and ability to issue both debt, and equity as well as hybrid financial products may enable conservative investors including pension funds and sovereign government funds to profit from unique securitization opportunities. Thus, while hedging investor's longevity risk, such well-validated megafunds will contribute to health, well being and longevity of the global population. ; B.M. is supported by an NCI PSOC grant# U54 CA193313.

The article presents the evolution of the Ukrainian political thought through the analysis of the main elements of the two political doctrines – integral-nationalist and conservative-monarchical from the 20s and 30s. The author tries to prove that the political thought of Ukraine can be understood as the evolution of certain doctrines and political theories ie collective views on the political life of the Ukrainian society and the principles of coexistence among its members, and in the end will look at the power in the country, its political system, organization and function. ; W artykule przedstawiono ewolucję ukraińskiej myśli politycznej przez analizę głównych elementów dwóch doktryn politycznych – integralno-nacjonalistycznej i konserwatywno-monarchicznej z lat dwudziestych i trzydziestych XX w. Autor starał się udowodnić, że myśl polityczną Ukrainy można rozumieć jako ewolucję pewnych doktryn czy teorii politycznych, czyli zbiorowych poglądów na życie polityczne ukraińskiego społeczeństwa, a także zasady współżycia pomiędzy jego członkami, co w końcu pozwoli spojrzeć na władzę w państwie, jego ustrój, organizację i funkcję.

В статье исследуются биография и интеллектуальное наследие представителя раннего русского либерализма В.П. Боткина. Автор уделяет внимание выявлению особенностей первоначальной российской либеральной концепции через изучение нюансов восприятия либералами роли социокультурных воззрений в социальном конструировании. Феномен раннего русского либерализма включает в себя не только апологию классических либеральных ценностей, таких как свобода, индивидуализм, право собственности, но и элементы консервативной аксиологии монархизм, элитизм, этатизм, что связано с процессом адаптации известных европейских идей в неблагоприятных политических условиях самодержавной России. ; The paper explores the intellectual heritage and biography of Vasiliy Botkin as a representative of early Russian liberalism. The author identifies the features of initial Russian liberal concept through studying how the liberals perceived the role of sociocultural views in social construction. The phenomenon of early Russian liberalism includes not only an apology of the classical liberal values, such as freedom, individualism, property, but also the elements of the conservative axiology monarchism, elitism, etatism, which is connected with the process of adaptation of the well-known European ideas in adverse political conditions of autocratic Russia.

As the Victorian Era drew to a close, the New Woman period emerged in the 1890s. The corresponding literary works, products of the new realism movement and heated debate on female issues like the sexual double standard, critiqued women's social realities. For example, New Woman heroines violate the Victorian social code in several ways, producing competing factions that reconstruct femininity, sex, and marriage. More traditional New Woman works approach the "woman question" in a conservative Victorian fashion, boasting female protagonists that resist marriage and, consequently, their social duty to reproduce. Conversely, this period also produced over-sexed characters that subvert norms through the opposite sexual extreme. In a period of transition and contradictory expectations for women, these works constituted a revolutionary surge in the feminist movement. The political arguments contained within the novels of the New Woman period show how female protagonists individually challenge the "social contract" yet collectively fail due to gender constraints brought about by the institutionalized, patriarchal model.

Electoral bias results in an asymmetrical seat distribution between parties with similar vote shares. Over recent British general elections Labour held an advantage because it efficiently converted votes into seats. Following the 2015 election result this advantage has reduced considerably, principally because Labour's vote distribution saw it accumulate more ineffective votes, particularly where electoral support was not converted into seats. By contrast, the vote distribution of the Conservative party is now superior to that of Labour because it acquired fewer wasted votes although Labour retains a modest advantage overall because it benefits from inequalities in electorate size and differences in voter turnout. Features of the 2015 election, however, raise general methodological challenges for decomposing electoral bias. The analysis, therefore, considers the effect of substituting the Liberal Democrats as the third party with the United Kingdom Independence Party. It also examines the outcome in Scotland separately from that in England and Wales. Following this analysis it becomes clear that the method for decomposing electoral bias requires clearer guidelines for its application in specific settings.

The Israeli state and wider Israel lobby have diligently sought to divert attention away from Israel's crimes. This report examines a number of groups in the lobby in Europe, seeking to cast light on their activities, personnel and networks as well as how they are funded and whom precisely they represent.Western politicians' acquiescence to the Israeli narrative is made possible partly because there is a significant international network of groups dedicated to preserving the notion that 'a democratic Israel is merely acting in self-defence against Palestinian rocket fire'. These groups often work together or are aligned and many have close connections with the Israeli government and its diplomats. Collectively, they make up what is often known as the Israel lobby. In this report we use the term Israel lobby to refer to a range of think tanks, lobby groups, media related organisations and those that stand behind them in the Israeli government or in conservative foundations or other sources of funding.

This article deals with political developments in Indonesia since 1988, especially since 1997. Priority is given to the description and analysis of four different phases of this transition period (1988-2000). The first phase lasted from the late 1980s until the fall of Suharto. The regime lost its legitimacy, the regime coalition gradually fell apart and the diversified opposition forces gained an ever growing impact upon public debates. These processes accelerated at the beginning of 1998, forcing Suharto fmally to step down. The second phase began with the assumption of office by Habibie and ended with fairly free national elections in June 1999. Although most decisions were made by the conservative government, i.e. by old Suharto followers, the pressure exerted by moderate and radical reformers was strong enough to enforce a significant democratisation. The third phase began in June 1999 and lasted until Abdurrahman Wahid was elected President and formed his coalition government. Ideally, at the end of the last phase the still highly fragile parliamentarian democracy will be sufficiently consolidated.

В статье раскрывается ряд аспектов социализации труда и безопасности в отечественных условиях, концептуальные основы которых базируются на научном, нормативном и эмпирическом уровнях. Рассматриваются при этом социальные принципы-императивы и их роль в повышении социализации труда и безопасности, а также неолиберальная, консервативная и социально-демократическая социальные модели государства. Обосновывается двойственный характер социализация труда как условие и источник финансирования государственных социальных расходов и как инструмент регулирования социально-экономических безопасных отношений. ; A number of aspects of socialization of labor and safety in domestic conditions are revealed in the article, which conceptual bases are based on scientific, standard and empirical levels. The social principles-imperatives and their role in increase of socialization of labor and safety and also neoliberal, conservative and social and democratic social models of the state are considered. The dual character of labor socialization is established as a condition and a source of financing of the public social expenditures and as the instrument of regulation of the social and economic safe relations.

В статье раскрывается ряд аспектов социализации труда и безопасности в отечественных условиях, концептуальные основы которых базируются на научном, нормативном и эмпирическом уровнях. Рассматриваются при этом социальные принципы-императивы и их роль в повышении социализации труда и безопасности, а также неолиберальная, консервативная и социально-демократическая социальные модели государства. Обосновывается двойственный характер социализация труда как условие и источник финансирования государственных социальных расходов и как инструмент регулирования социально-экономических безопасных отношений. ; A number of aspects of socialization of labor and safety in domestic conditions are revealed in the article, which conceptual bases are based on scientific, standard and empirical levels. The social principles-imperatives and their role in increase of socialization of labor and safety and also neoliberal, conservative and social and democratic social models of the state are considered. The dual character of labor socialization is established as a condition and a source of financing of the public social expenditures and as the instrument of regulation of the social and economic safe relations.