Suchergebnisse

Статья посвящена распространению ислама в Афро-Азиатском регионе, началу и развитию этого процесса, формированию отдельных центров, возникновению мусульманских династий. Рассматривается также этническая ситуация в складывающемся мусульманском мире, политически раздробленном, но по-прежнему объединенном не только религией, но и культурными традициями, бытовым укладом, философией. Отдельно рассматривается культурный и этнический синтез, начавшийся в мусульманском мире фактически вместе с распространением религии. ; The article deals with the spread of Islam in the African-Asian region, the beginning and development of this process, different religious centres formation and the uprise of Muslim dynasties. It also deals with the ethnic situation in the emerging Muslim world, which was politically fragmented, but still unified not just through religion, but also through cultural traditions, ways of life and philosophy. The paper analyses the cultural and ethnic synthesis, which appeared in the Muslim world practically at the same time with the spread of religion.

Hajj is one of the compulsory worship in Islam for every Muslim whohas an ability to carry it out. Pilgrimage has given a new color to the newhistory of the struggle against colonialism in Indonesia, one of which isindicated by the emergence of Islamic political organizations in the period 1900-1945 AD. Hajj activities affect the attitudes and political organization with the emergence of Islamic political organizations were represented by Syarikat Islam then turned into PSII and Permi (Indonesian Muslim Unity Party). This study examines by looking at changes in thinking that occur after the pilgrimage to the effects of the birth of political organization. Changes may include an understanding of the religion and the political ideology thought to unify the spirit of unity of Muslims in this country, to fight for freedom and the struggle against the colonialist.Keywords: Hajj, political organizations, struggle

AbstractWhile debates continue about the relationship between state-provided social welfare and religious charities, and whether organized religions are more capable of providing social welfare than is the public sector, less attention has focused on the question of what motivates religious adherents to contribute to the charitable work of their religions. In this article, we examine how adherents of Catholicism and Islam understand their generosity and its relationship to their faith. Through 218 semi-structured interviews with Catholics and Muslims in four cities in France, Ireland, Italy, and Turkey, we find systematic differences between the two religions. Catholics emphasize love of others and Muslims emphasize duty to God. We also find, contrary to expectations of the literature that emphasizes monitoring and sanctioning within groups to obtain cooperation, that Catholics and Muslims see their generosity as also motivated by the positive affect they feel towards their respective communities.

The normality of covert forms of discrimination, and the manner in which intimate, familial and everyday forms of oppression determine political practices and institutional spaces, present a great challenge to women negotiating spaces and rights in public life. Specifically, the paper looks at women's education in one of the historic centres of education and 'reforms' for Muslims of north India, which continues to be representative of educated Muslim opinion and remains centre stage of Muslim politics. The paper also looks at the attempts by women on the campus to negotiate spaces and challenge the constraints put on them. It seeks to bring out innovative ways and use also of the cultural resources to counter the discriminatory discourses and practices. The paper notes the moments of breaking silence and overt resistances as well as non-confrontational strategy of shifting issues that girls employ in order to avoid disciplinary actions.

This study examines how the hope for peace in the Middle East is articulated in Swedish Christian Zionist movements, both publicly and in private interviews with leaders and speakers. The article shows that Swedish Christian Zionist movements' public lectures and sermons rarely address political issues as peace. However, they do reiterate favourable images of Jews and occasionally negative images of Muslims and Arabs. It is apparent in interviews that these leaders and speakers are pessimistic regarding peace in the Middle East. For them, it is not attainable, and, in some cases, it is described as transcendent. In some interviews, Islam, Muslims, and Arabs – in some cases specific Muslim actors – are depicted as inferior, violent, and obstacles to peace. The favourable images of Jews reoccur, and they are instrumentalized, albeit infrequently. Lastly, Christians are repeatedly discouraged to support peace, since it might be false, or to demand Israeli territorial concessions.

AbstractThe aim of this paper is to explore how the consumption of foreign brands may operate in a local culture (specifically, the consumption of Western luxury fashion brands among Muslim women in Kuwait). Field observations were conducted in Kuwait, and a qualitative questionnaire was administered to 50 Muslim female consumers. Although not a common method for qualitative research, the benefits of using a qualitative questionnaire are highlighted. The findings show that the socio‐cultural dynamics in Kuwait (mainly religion and tradition) may restrict the expression of certain behaviour (such as female sexuality and dating). However, Muslim women make use of Western luxury fashion brands as postmodern brandscapes (fragmented and constantly negotiated use of a symbolic brand to actively construct lifestyle orientations and personal meanings among one's neo‐tribe) to manifest their expressions of sexuality in alternative ways. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Kemiskinan dan kesenjangan sosial di Indonesia merupakanpersoalan krusial yang kronis dan sulit untuk dipecahkan.Kemiskinan dan kesenjangan sosial cukup mengemuka disebuah negara yang kaya dengan sumber daya alam yangmelimpah. Lebih buruk lagi, negara yang diklaim miskin danberpenduduk terbesar kelima dunia, ternyata dihuni mayoritasumat Muslim. Salah satu solusi alternatif dalam mengatasipersoalan kemiskinan dan kesenjangan sosial adalah denganmengembangkan wakaf. Wakaf merupakan salah satu lembagahukum yang berasal dari hukum Islam. Wakaf dilakukan olehumat Muslim dalam rangka melaksanakan ibadah untukAllah. Pelaksanaan wakaf harus memenuhi rukun dansyaratnya wakaf. Rukun wakaf ada empat yaitu adanya wakîf,harta yang akan diwakafkan, tempat di mana benda akandiwakafkan dan akad. Benda wakaf berdasarkan hukum Islammeliputi semua harta yang dimiliki oleh wakîf. Salah satu darimacam wakaf yang beberapa tahun belakangan ini dikenaloleh umat Muslim adalah wakaf uang. Wakaf uang akan dapatmenjadi instrument ekonomi penting untuk menyelesaikanpersoalan kemiskinan dan kesenjangan, sehingga masyarakatakan sejahtera.

Abstract
This paper tests three main theses by the French political scientist Olivier Roy concerning the social integration of Islamic neofundamentalists in Europe. Firstly, Roy assumes that Islamic neofundamentalists have a strong global identity, but only a weak national identity and are therefore uprooted. Secondly, Roy expects Islamic neofundamentalists to live segregated from the majority society and avoid respective contact. Thirdly, Roy presumes that Islamic neofundamentalists feel discriminated against. We test these assumptions with data based on a survey on different patterns of Muslim religiosity. The study was conducted in 2009 among Muslims in selected cities in North-Rhino Westphalia containing an oversample of highly religious Muslims (N=228). As a first step, we measure Islamic neofundamentalism by means of agreement with the main religious tenets. As a second step, we analyze the association of Islamic neofundamentalism with uprootedness, segregation and perceived discrimination.

Centuries of Indonesian Muslims turned into Arabic to obtain fatwas they need on various religious issues that arise in the homeland. Among the books that contain these fatwas are Muhimmat al-bayan fi nafa'is as'ilat al-Hadith. This is a fatwa issued by the mufti-mufti of Mecca, especially at the end of the nineteenth century at the request of the Muslims in the archipelago.In the book contained a fatwa related to the attitude to be taken over the archipelago Muslims who reject the Dutch colonial government. In the fatwa colonial government itself was not challenged, and the colonial government implicitly recognized that infidels should. This fatwa is quite different from the views circulating in Aceh, where local clerics called for jihad against the infidel invaders. Saudi Fatwa of Mufti is expected to come to relieve the situation in Aceh.DOI:10.15408/sdi.v2i4.824

This paper aims to discover the truth of the authenticity of the Sunnah as the basis of Islamic law legislation. The problem lies on the "doubt" polemic of the existence of Sunnah considering the length of time from the time of codification. Namely, on how the Sunnah "made" and defended as genuine (authentic) sources derived from the Prophet. How did the position of the Sunnah in Islamic law legislation that he deserves obeyed. To find out the answer to these problems, this study analyzes literatures related with, both the "pro-Sunnah" and the "counter-Sunnah", both from the insider and outsider. The conclusion is that the question of the authenticity of the Sunnah always raises debate over writing, history, until the issue of trustworthiness to it. This problem not only sparked debate in relation Muslims and non-Muslims, even among fellow Muslims themselves.

The Southeast Asian materials show that the sharī'ah's providing various pathways (through time and place) for individual Muslims to follow when doing their duty to God, which is fidelity to Revealed Truth. There are many paths and it is pointless to insist upon an historical 'purist' mono-legacy, however attractive this might appear theoretically. The realities of life (economics, social structure, alternative philosophies, and so on) dictate otherwise. Local sharī'ahs adapt realities to Revelation irrespective of whether sources of legislation or forms of government are Muslim or non-Muslim this was never an issue in Southeast Asia. The localized sharī'ahs were achieved via an acceptance of legal pluralism and hybridization of laws. The result is that Revealed obligations are phrased in local terms, change over time is allowed for, and the end result is a truly original and unique set of 'Southeast Asian' sharī'ahs.DOI:10.15408/sdi.v20i2.387

Islam has a 1,000-year history in West Africa; in East Africa it is even longer. What started out as liberating efforts by Muslims in Africa degenerated into oppressive regimes over time. Over the centuries, conquest increasingly came to define Islam's approach in Africa. How Africa manages its necessity to accommodate Islamic elements in its midst is one of the continent's most daunting challenges. On the one hand, the region is home to a substantial number of Muslims. On the other hand, there is a connection between religious radicalism and poverty. Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete, a Muslim, suggested that if belief is the potential seed of radicalism, then poverty is the fertilizer. Overcoming the factional divide within Islam is important because the fissures are latent in countries with large Islamic populations. How Africa manages this challenge has profound long-term implications for peace, stability, and development on the continent.

This story can be read as a case study of a heartless killer sentenced to life imprisonment not for killing Muslims but for killing Gandhi because of his bias for the Muslims. Had Madanlal Pahwa not been part of the conspiracy, he would have gone scot-free. Yet that impunity was not conclusive. As he in his advanced years moved diffidently toward the vernacular tradition of religion he was reared on and toward its distinctive forms of openness and inclusivity, he was bound to become a bundle of contradictions and unwittingly tilt toward a worldview in which the Muslims and Islam had a place, as did Gandhi himself. The borderlines between faiths once again became porous for Pahwa. His unflinching loyalty to Hindutva, however, failed to defend him from the vernacular Hinduism and Islam of his ancestral village. He could disown neither his ideology nor Pakpattan.

The publication of cartoons insulting the prophet Mohammed created afar greater controversy in Europe than it did in the United States. In this article, I attempt to trace this difference to broader differences in the way Americans and Europeans think about offensive speech. While Americans have developed a language of "libertarian regret, " which allows them to criticize speech that they nevertheless concede the legal system must protect, Europeans are much more concerned about the threat posed by acts of intolerance. As a result, Europeans tended to view Muslim protests against the cartoons as a potential harbinger of totalitarianism. By contrast, most American commentators-while defending the right of the Danish paper to run the cartoons were more likely to trace the Muslim opposition to the cartoons to religious sensitivities. In a concluding section of the article, I link this to the European fears that Muslims will undermine secular norms.

These words of an elderly Jewish man in Istanbul relate his memory of neighborhood life with Greeks, Armenians, and Muslims in the neighborhood of Kuzguncuk. In this place, there were no arguments between people of different religious backgrounds; Muslims shared "his" language, and he, as a Jew, knew Greek. As I examine his narrative for what it emphasizes and for the silences in between, I read Kuzguncuk as exceptional: describing an absence of argument in the past suggests that tension exists today; sharing multiple ethnic languages is understood now to be an old-fashioned rarity. His statement "Because we are Kuzguncuklu Jews, our Muslims over there loved us very much" suggests that in Kuzguncuk, he and his Muslim neighbors shared a common tie to place, a unique identity as Kuzguncuklu (of Kuzguncuk) that superseded any difference based on religion or ethnicity. As he describes a culture that remained from Ottoman times, his story illuminates indirectly the current Turkish national context that conditions the telling of his narrative.