Suchergebnisse

The first President of the Middle East Studies Association and one of its principal founders, Gustave E. von Grunebaum, died of cancer in Los Angeles, California, on 27 February 1972, at the age of sixty-two. Born in Vienna on I September 1909, he belonged to a family well established in the economic and intellectual life of the old Austrian Empire, which was soon to pass into history but not without leaving to some among the younger generation the legacy of an open-minded cosmopolitanism, a wide participation in Europe's multilingual structure, and a keen enjoyment of style and elegance in the material and spiritual pleasures of life. Von Grunebaum was not given to speaking much about himself, and I do not recall that he ever mentioned to me why he chose Oriental studies as his subject at the University of Vienna, nor did I meet him when he, a Ph.D. recipient not yet 22 years old, came for a year of postgraduate study (1932-3) to Berlin where I had just begun my studies. Soon the second collapse of the world that had nurtured him came with the infamous Anschluss of 1938. Because of his clear perception of the new barbarism as completely antithetical to all the values he cherished, he left for the United States to join the Asia Institute in New York, where Arthur Upham Pope (1881-1969) was making an heroic, and greatly successful, effort to give displaced European Orientalists a new start. While his first five years in the United States were not easy, they brought such compensations as sharing in the intellectual atmosphere of a New York so different, yet in certain respects similar, to that of Europe,uninterrupted work in the quiet of the Oriental Reading Room of the New York Public Library, small and cramped but friendly in addition to containing what was then the best collection of Arabic books in America and, above all, getting married to his Austrian sweetheart Giselle Steuerman as soon as she was able to reach this country.

Comparativists interested in the political dynamics of policy development, and students of public policy desirous of studying national programs in crossnational contexts, face similar dilemmas at present. There is a literature focusing on decision-making processes which often pays little regard to policy substance. There are statistical analyses of expenditure levels, but these are difficult to relate to the ample literature bearing on how particular substantive problems have been handled in specific national and local situations. As a result, political scientists interested in the cross-national study of broad policy areas - such as those studying social policy development in Western Europe and America - are now engaged in the creation of historically based frameworks which will permit more fruitful analyses of differences in the patterns of development.

There exists a substantial body of revolutionary analysis focused on those elusive objective conditions that permit rebels to rise with some hope of success. There is, of course, no more a general consensus on how to begin an insurrection than on how to prevent one. At one extreme there exist the more simpleminded adherents of Règis Debray who have suggested that a small band of the brave, a foco, may alone spark an insurrection against an oppressive regime. At the other are those reluctant rebels who insist on so extensive a roster of assets that the moment to rise continues to recede into the distant future. Still within the middle ground conditions have sufficiently encouraged some so that, possessed of a just cause and hopeful of ultimate victory, the armed struggle has been launched. As a result in southern Africa and Latin America, on Mindanao and in the Basque country of Spain, there are insurrections under different banners. Some appear close to victory and others on the verge of disaster, a few are little more than the disorderly residue of past hopes and others scarcely begun. For all a crucial question remains how to escalate the initial thrust. An insurrection may begin as the act of an urban conspiracy, spring from the operations of a rural foca, evolve out of the spontaneous rising of the masses; but unless the moment is ripe any insurrection can flicker out in the recriminations of exiles or be interned with the dead. And, perhaps, no set of potential rebels have had as much experience and as little luck in identifying the moment to strike as the Irish. Yet, the news from Northern Ireland indicates that this time they must be doing something right—or the British something wrong.

Comparative empirical evidence is presented to show the basic instrumentality of low‐income urban dwellers to the existential circumstances they face. In Latin America, urban dwellers have seemingly internalised the urban/industrial values of capitalist society and, depending on the availability of jobs and other urban resources and facilities, choose the most rewarding strategy for obtaining benefits. Given the general lack of a well‐established structure of secondary industry and the particularistic procedures presently most appropriate for getting jobs and other resources, the motives and basis for communal and collective action are lacking. This is seen most clearly in the example of squatting, where short‐term collective action does not develop further, once the objectives of the squatters are achieved. Various forms of instrumental action are expressed in a typology based on subjective orientations and objective opportunities. In the light of the evidence cited, discussions of "marginality,""urban social movements" and "restructuring of community" are misplaced.

Gustavo Gutierrez is a native of Peru and professor of theology at the Catholic University of Peru. He is also chaplain to the National Union of Catholic University Students and advisor to the Latin American Bishops Conference. Gutierrez is widely credited with having coined the term "liberation theology," and with the recent publication of his A Theology of Liberation (Orbis; 323 pp.; $7.95/4.95) North American readers are challenged by a major systematic effort to articulate the meaning of the Christian gospel in terms attuned to the revolutionary ferment in Latin America.

Social scientists have for some time been interested in the socialization of young people. An increasing number of studies are available which deal with Western Europe, Japan, South America, and the United States. However, little empirical research has been done on the socialization of Canadian children. The purpose of this paper is to consider the development of English- and French-Canadian children's attitudes toward government in Quebec and to determine, in particular, the impact of their cultural membership on their perception of government. The ultimate goal of this research – though not of this paper – is to investigate empirically the development of national identity in Canada, a concept that has been singled out by several scholars as crucial in political development and nation building.

Unquestionably, Woodrow Wilson's scholarly essay, "The Study of Administration," (1887) stands as an historic landmark in American administrative thought. As Leonard D. White once wrote, "Wilson's essay introduced this country to the idea of administration." Based upon the recent publication of the Woodrow Wilson papers by Princeton University Press, the present paper attempts to examine the origin and enduring contribution of Wilson's administrative thought. The central thesis of the paper is that Wilson's administrative theories grew out of the salient ideas of late nineteenth century America, particularly, Social Darwinism and the pressing demands for political reform. In many respects, however, Wilson's essay created more issues than it resolved since it failed to delineate clearly the substance and boundaries of the field of administration.

During the second half of the nineteenth century important technological changes in shipping and shipbuilding resulted in the practical disappearance of an important shipbuilding industry in North America and the concentration of most of the world's shipbuilding in Britain. This shift of shipbuilding activity was quite clearly the result of the adoption of metal in place of wood as the structural material in shipbuilding. The adoption of metal was a slow process and the old and new techniques coexisted for decades. By the mid-1850's, British shipbuilders had developed the building of iron ships to a routine process and further improved their techniques in the following decades, but wooden shipbuilding in North America remained an important industry until the mid-1880's.

In this paper I propose to apply the situational perspective in examiningthe interdependence between cultural values and actual conditions offamily behavior in Latin America, first by singling out significant inconsistenciesand contradictions between the cultural definition of the femalerole and social actuality and second, by identifying some of the situationalcircumstances that are responsible for this divergency.

Race relations in Britain present a special challenge for two principal reasons. First, although actual contact between the races within the British Isles is very recent and the official policy at home has been nondiscriminatory for two centuries, the race attitudes of the British people were molded long ago—by English involvement in the slave trade and slavery in America and, more immediately, by the long experience of Empire in India, the West Indies, and Africa. Second, the present colored population of Britain—about two million—consists almost entirely of new immigrants from former colonies who have been arriving in relatively large numbers in a short span. Many have unrealistic expectations, and they stand out as jarring strangers in a uniquely settled and homogeneous society. The result has been massive discrimination in the private sector, which a conservative legal tradition was reluctant to tackle by law—except by way of controlling further immigration. Nevertheless, Britain enacted anti-discrimination legislation rather quickly, dealing with places of public resort in 1965 and the rest, very comprehensively, in 1968. The problem is that the law has no teeth; in the main, enforcement is attempted by persuasion, rather than coercion. This does not work, even in Britain.

In our March issue, we gave details of relief consignments sent by the ICRC to those countries where ICRC delegates are working. Over 15 million Swiss francs worth of foodstuffs, pharmaceutical supplies and medical equipment were forwarded in 1972 to various countries in Africa, Latin America, Asia and the Middle East.

The official attitude of the Spanish Bourbons towards scientific improvements was not as obscurantist and immutable as was generally supposed in northern Europe. If the enlightened ideas infiltrating Spain and America were normally regarded with fear and suspicion, information concerning the latest discoveries in the field of the 'useful sciences' was eagerly received and pondered, and, where it did not lead to undesirable economic emancipation, it was sometimes even applied.

Absolute monarchy, military dictatorship, domination by the privileged orders, union with the United States, communism, the preponderance of the Aztecs: all these aberrations have their apostles, their writers and their conspirators. Meanwhile the government, without a policy, power or political support, survives by the general inertia and is reduced to preserving the status quo.-Mariano Otero to Dr. MoraAlthough one recent influential textbook on Latin America has characterized the decades immediately following the achievement of independence as "the long wait," in Mexico at least, these years were marked by an intense political and ideological conflict which defined the direction of its future (Halperín Donghi, 1969: 134-206). The most perceptive student of the epoch, Edmundo O'Gorman (1960) traces within the confused welter of pronunciamientos and manifestos two great forces: the search for a providential leader and the desire for some form of democratic populism. An analysis of ideology cannot be separated from a consideration of society. The presidential power created by Benito Juárez and perpetuated by Porfirio Díaz operated outside the strict legal confines of the Constitution. At the same time, the failure of classic liberalism to express popular aspirations retarded social reform for over half a century. Without the sanction of theory, few such demands could be translated into law.

The movement toward regional integration is one of the more important features of international economic relations between developing nations during the past decade, and none has been more ambitious in the developing world than the attempt of the five countries of Central America to band together in the Central American Common Market (CACM). The CACM was a dominant force in Central American economic development throughout the decade of the 1960s, and sufficient data are now available to make preliminary judgments about the effects of economic integration upon the intra- and extraregional trade patterns of the isthmus.The model used in the ensuing analysis is similar to the one postulated by Savage and Deutsch (1960) and Goodman (1963: 197), and is a useful step in preliminary analysis of flow data such as trade flows among countries. The model does not seek to explain such flows, but rather to adjust them or remove the effect of the trade-size factor.

This article seeks to trace a certain pattern which exists, or appears to exist, within the history of black lawyers in America. Their story is relatively short, for American black lawyers have been part of our times for only 129 years. However, black lawyers in America, insofar as they constitute a "black bar," should not be considered exclusively as a group, generating certain patterns. Whatever the term "black bar" may mean, it can be defined adequately only in terms of every individual black lawyer. There have been periods in American history when there were too few black lawyers for any sort of group to be assembled at all. Because so distinct and limited a minority can have no significant power or influence, it is encouraging that the sheer numerical characteristic of black lawyers has increased. In 1844 there was one; in 1973 there are more than four thousand. But however many more are needed, and however influential the "black bar" may become, it is perhaps to our benefit that we are forced to consider certain individuals, isolated though they often were, as the total representation of the black legal profession. Those men and women served to maintain a tradition throughout some very bad times. Today, they serve to remind us that black lawyers, however constituted, defined, or studied, are nothing if not individuals, men and women of distinctive color, creed, and characteristic, and ultimately their own men and women, not those of any of their associations.